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ABSTRACT
A third-century Chinese author remarked that Buddhist scriptures and the Laozi were similar in some ways and different in others. The aim of this article is to address the question of what led the Chinese to perceive similarities between the literature of the two traditions. It identifies and contrasts passages from both literatures, examining how they resemble each other mainly on the following three points: the body as a source of suffering, handling desires, and the virtue of compassion. The article demonstrates that the two literatures may convey apparently similar messages on these three points while, at the same time, being different in scale and depth of their treatment, as well as their importance within their respective traditions.
Acknowledgment
An earlier version of this article was presented (online) at the 22nd International Conference of the International Society for Chinese Philosophy, East China Normal University, Shanghai, June 27–July 1, 2022. I thank Professor Timothy H. Barrett of SOAS, University of London, for kindly commenting on an earlier version of the article.
Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).
Notes
1. Su, ‘Shi tantao handai kaogu yiji zhong keneng de fojiao chengfen’, 119–159; Jiang, ‘Handai Laozi huahu ji diyu tukao’, 73–85; Ran et al., ‘Xianyang Chengren mudi chutu donghan jintong foxiang yanjiu’, 82–94. Cf. Tang, Hanwei, 47–49. Kim rejects the images considered by other scholars to be Buddhist archeological evidence of the Eastern Han dynasty, but his argumentation is not completely convincing. See Kim, ‘The Archaeology of Early Chinese Buddhism’, 43–54.
2. Futu 浮屠, sometimes also written as 浮圖, was used by premodern Chinese to refer to the Buddha and Buddhist-related things. Its earliest appearance can be traced to the second part of the first century: a bamboo strip recovered in Dunhuang contains the place name ‘Xiao futu li’ 小浮屠里, or ‘the little Buddha lane’. See Hao and Zhang, Xuanquan hanjian yanjiu, 185–194. Cf. Fotuo li 佛陀里 in Gaoseng zhuan, T no. 2059, 50: 325c5. Wei Shou 魏收 (507–572), in his Weishu 魏書, 114: 3026, writes, ‘The futu’s correct name is Buddha. Buddha and futu sound similar, both are the language of the West and translated into two Chinese pronunciations’ (浮屠正號曰佛陀, 佛陀與浮圖聲相近, 皆西方言, 其來轉為二音). Cf. Hongming ji, T no. 2102, 52: 50c3. The term has been well studied especially by Ji Xianlin; see Tan, Han Tang Foshi tanzhen, 249–263.
3. According to the Shiji 49.679, the trend toward practicing Huanglao began with emperor Jing 景 of the Western Han dynasty: ‘Queen mother Dou was fond of the words of Huangdi and Laozi, the emperor and the princes had to read the Huangdi and the Laozi, following their practices’ (竇太后好《黃帝》《老子》言, 帝及太子諸竇不得不讀《黃帝》《老子》, 尊其術). Regarding Huanglao Daoism, see Asano, Huanglaodao de xingcheng yu fazhan, 2021.
4. Houhan shu 42.1428 While young [Liu Ying] was fond of gallantry and of making friends. [He] preferred Huanglao and studied Buddhism and practiced its fasting ritual when he was old … The replying edict [of the emperor] reads, ‘Vassal Ying recited the words of Huanglao and practiced the benevolent ritual of Buddhism, fasting for three months and vowing to the deities. 少時好遊俠, 交通賓客, 晚節更喜黃老, 學為浮屠齋戒祭祀 … 詔報曰: ‘楚王誦黃老之微言, 尚浮屠之仁祠, 潔齋三月, 與神為誓’.
The Luoyang qielan ji states: After the death of Emperor Ming [of the Later Han], a Buddhist pagoda was built on [his] tomb. From then on, people built pagodas on their tombs (明帝崩, 起祗洹於陵上. 自此以後, 百姓塚上或作 浮圖焉). Zhou, colla. and annot., Luoyang qielan ji jiaoshi 4.150–151. Quoting the Xu Shuzheng ji 續述征記, the Shuijing zhu 水經注 also provides information about the practice of futu at a place in Hubei Province during the Xiping 熹平 period (172–178): ‘The Fan River again runs eastward passing the old city of Juyang county of the Liang country, and further east passing the south of Xiangyang Dock. The Xu shuzheng ji states:
Twenty li west to the Xiahou Dock and one li to the east was the futu of the Xiang town. The Fan River passes by its south, that was erected by someone during the Xiping [period] … 汳水又東逕梁國睢陽縣故城北, 而東曆襄鄉塢南. 《續述征記》曰: 西去夏侯塢二十裡, 東一裡, 即襄鄉浮圖也. 汳水逕其南, 漢熹平中某君所立 … ’Chen, annot., Shuijing zhu jiaozheng, 23.557.
This observation is supported by an archeological finding; see Luo, ‘Xianren hao louju: Xiangyang xin chu xianglun taolou yu zhongguo futuci leizheng’, 10–26.
5. Houhan shu 7.320
Emperor Huan loved music and [was] good at zithern and sheng. [He had] the fragrant wood decorated, and the dragon pool examined and erected a lavish canopy to make sacrifices to the Buddha and Laozi. This was what is called ‘listening to deities’. 桓帝好音樂, 善琴笙. 飾芳林而考濯龍之宮, 設華蓋以祠浮圖、老子, 斯將所謂 ‘聽於神’ 乎 !
This is testified to by Xiang Kai’s memorial to Emperor Huan in the year 166: ‘[I] also heard that shrines of Huanglao and the Buddha were erected in the palace’ (又聞宮中立黃老浮屠之祠). Houhan shu 30.1082. One year earlier, the emperor even entrusted a local official in Laozi’s hometown to erect a stele with a long inscription on it to commemorate Laozi. See Han, ‘Laozi ming kaoshi’, 37–40.
6. Houhan shu 88.2922: Later, Emperor Huan was fond of deities. He made sacrifices to the Buddha and Laozi for several times. The commoners gradually also followed suit, and this practice later became popular. (後桓帝好神, 數祀浮圖、老子, 百姓稍有奉者, 後遂轉盛). Cf. Houhan shu 76.2470: ‘[D]uring the Yanxi period, emperor Huan practiced Huanglao Daoism and destroyed all other indoor sacrifices’ (延熹中, 桓帝事黃老道, 悉毀諸房祀).
7. Their association has been recognised in a couple of studies. See, for instance, Tang, Hanwei, 45; Lü, Zhongguo Foxue yuanliu lüejiang, 2; Ren, Zhongguo, 86. It is surprising that how the Huang and Futu practiced together was not treated in Tsukamoto, A History of Early Chinese Buddhism.
8. Rejecting the fact that the two traditions were practiced together, Gong Jun suggests that Buddhism was considered a form of the Huanglao Daoism by its practitioners during the first few centuries of Chinese Buddhism not because of theoretical similarities between them but because the Buddhists were using the techniques of Huanglao Daoism to spread their religion. See Gong, ‘Zaoqi Fo Dao yitong lun’, 35–38.
9. There have been a few studies of this designation; for recent studies, see Fang, ‘Futu jing kao’, 24–27. Liu, ‘Futu jing xiaoyi’, 24–28.
10. This character was changed into dao 道 (Way) in Su Zhe’s 蘇轍 (1039–1112) work. See Su Zhe, ‘Lidai lun’ 曆代論 (梁武帝) [On the Consecutive Dynasties: Emperor Wu of the Liang dynasty], Su Zhe ji, 995: ‘Buddhism started to enter China [during] the Eastern Han. Its way has some similarities [to] and differences [from] the Laozi, both are what the [Classic of] Changes calls para-physics’ (東漢以來佛法始入中國. 其道與《老子》相出入, 皆《易》所謂形而上者).
11. Xiang churu 相出入 was understood as ‘analogous to’ by Zürcher; see Zürcher, Buddhist Conquest, 291. It actually should mean ‘something similar and something different between each other’. See Lou, Hanyu da cidian, vol. 2, 474–475.
12. Sanguo zhi zhu, 859–860. Two other works also quoted this information from Yu Huan’s Weilüe. See Xu, colla. and annot., Shishuo xinyu jiaoqian, 116; Bianzheng lun, T no. 2110, 52: 522b17–20.
13. For instance, the Chang ahan shi baofa jing, T no. 13, 1: 240c28; the Foshuo renben yusheng jing, T no. 14, 1: 244a21–22; Daoxing banruo jing, T no. 224, 8: 463a1, 427c7, 435b12, 437a18, 439a23; Foshuo pusa neixi liu boluomi jing, T no. 778, 17: 715a07.
14. Foshuo taizi ruiying benqi jing, T no. 185, 3: 480c2–3.
15. For examples, see Gaoseng zhuan, T no. 2059, 50: 349c8–9, 355a13–14, 356b17, and 356b17–19, among others. For a study on Buddhists commenting on the Laozi, see Wagner, ‘Exploring the Common Ground’, 95–120.
16. For the former, see, for instance, ‘Zhang Rong Menlü’ 張融門律 [Family Rules of Zhang Rong], in Hongming ji, T no. 2102, 52: 38c9–41b27; for the latter, see Zhaolun shu, T no. 1859, vol. 45. This approach was bluntly rejected by the great translator Xuanzang 玄奘 (602–664) in the Tang Dynasty. See Ji gujin Fodao lunheng, T no. 2104, 52: 386b25–c26; Xu gaoseng zhuan, T no. 2060, 50: 455b12–c10.
17. Gaoseng zhuan, T no. 2059, 50: 357c25–a3, 365a9–a13; Sanlun xuanyi, T no. 1852, 45: 1c29–2a02, among others.
18. Li, ‘Mantan foxue yu Laozi sixiang’, 4–6; Lin, ‘Jiu Daode jing tan Laozi yu fojia’, 29–32. Thanks go to the Huiju editorial office for sending me an electronic copy of these articles. It is believed that the dao 道 of the Laozi is unspeakable, similar to the Buddhist nirvana. See King, ‘The Way of the Tao and the Path to Nirvana’, 121–135.
19. Meng Wentong regards the author of the Laozi zhigui, Yan Zun, as a person of the Later Han. See his Daoshu jijiao shizhong, 125–126. This view is not accepted by most Chinese scholars who have conducted studies on the text.
20. See note 13.
21. Roberts, Dao De Jing, 3.
22. Tan, ‘Laozi cheng jing kao’, 49.
23. Many studies have been carried out on the versions of the Laozi both in China and abroad. Here are only a few: Liu, ‘Daojia yu daoshu’, 15, 16; Rao, Laozi xiang’er jiaozhu zheng; Qiu, Changsha Mawangdui, 1–2; Ning, Laozi zaoqi chuanben xingtai jiqi liubian yanjiu, 123–142; Ding, ‘Zaoqi Laozi wenben de yanbian’, 103–115; Roth, ‘Text and Edition in Early Chinese Philosophical Literature’, 214–227; Wagner, ‘The Wang Bi Recension of the Laozi’, 27–54; Boltz, ‘The Lao Tzu Text that Wang Pi and Ho-shang kung Kung Never Saw’, 493–501; idem, ‘Textual Criticism and the Ma Wang tui Lao Tzu,’ 185–224.
24. The two versions carved on two stone steles are included in Zhu, annot., Laozi jiaoshi, 48–50.
25. Beijing daxue Chutu wenxian yanjiu suo, Beijing daxue, 173–205. These nine editions include the five traditionally circulated editions: Heshang Gong’s 河上公 (fl. 2 bce) edition, the editions of Yan Zun 嚴遵 (fl. 39 bce), Xiang’er 想爾 (fl. second century), Wang Bi 王弼 (226–249), and Fu Yi 傅奕 (555–639). They also include the unearthed hand-copied manuscripts, which include the fourth-century bce bamboo strip edition found in Guodian 郭店, Hubei Province (Jingmenshi bowuguan, ed., Guodian chumu zhujian, 118); the two third-century bce editions on silk clothes discovered in a Han tomb at Mawangdui 馬王堆 in Changsha, Hunan Province (Gao, colla. and annot., Boshu Laozi jiaozhu); and the newly available manuscript dating from the Western Han dynasty (ca. 2 bce), a bamboo strip edition kept at Peking University.
26. This date is consistent with a rough estimation made by Xi Zaochi 習鑿齒 (317–384). See his letter to Shi Dao’an 釋道安 (312–385) in Hongming ji, T no. 2102, 52: 76c23; and Gaoseng zhuan, T no. 2059, 50: 352b25.
27. For a recent study, see Liu and Liu, ‘Xuanquan hanjian yu yincun shoujing’, 63–72. The term ‘Milemi’ 彌勒彌 appears on a bamboo strip found in Xuanquan 懸泉 dating to 37 bce. See Zhang, ‘Hexi hanjian zhong de dayueshi’, 630–643.
28. For this date, see Tang, Hanwei, 74–77.
29. Only English translations of the scriptures published by the Pāli Text Society were consulted.
30. Sengzhao says: ‘[W]hether the text is complete or incomplete, it is translated’ (值殘出殘, 遇全出全). Chu sanzang jiji, T no. 2145, 55: 40a2.
31. On the date of the Pāli scripture, see Norman, Pāli Literature, 7–8.
32. There has been a study of the last part of the passage from the perspective of how it was used by the Buddhists to dismiss the holiness of Laozi’s body. See Bai, ‘“Wu zhi you dahuan zhe, wei wu youshen” xinquan’, 103–120.
33. For an overview of the body’s definition in Daoism, see Pregadio, Encyclopedia of Daoism, 75–80.
34. On this topic, see Schipper, The Taoist Body.
35. See segment 1, chapters 7, 14, 16, 29; and segment 2, chapters 6, 8, 12, 23.
36. In Confucianism and the Zhuanzi, the material and spiritual parts of the body seem to have been treated separately. On this point, see Raphals, ‘Body, Mind, and Spirit in Early Chinese Medicine’, 525–551; and idem, ‘Skilled Feelings in Chinese and Greek Heart–Mind–Body Metaphors’, 69–91. Closely related to shen are xing 形 and ti 體. For the nuances of these three terms, see Lo, ‘Finding the Self in the Analects’, 249–268.
37. That ‘I’ (wo 我)’ or ‘self’ (ziji 自己) was a definition of shen 身 can be seen in ‘Shigu’ 釋詁 of Erya 爾雅, which says, ‘身, 我也.’ See Luo, Hanyu da cidian 10: 698. In fact, this meaning is found the often quoted saying of ‘修身齊家治國平天下’ from Daxue 大學 [The Great Learning] of Liji 禮記 [Book of Rites]. See Fingarette, ‘The Problem of the Self in the Analects’, 129–140.
38. A few of the earliest Chinese translations seem to have used this definition of shen and translated no self, wuwo 無我, as feishen 非身. See, for instance, Foshuo renben yusheng jing 佛說人本欲生經, T no. 14, 1: 243c8–245a8; Yin chi ru jing 陰持入經, T no. 603, 15: 173b22–c16; and Foshuo yiqieliu sheshou yin jing 佛說一切流攝守因經, T no. 31, 1: 813b16–22.
39. Wang, trans. and annot., Laozi zhigui yizhu, 400; Wang, ed., Laozi Daode jing Heshang gong zhangju, 47–49; Rao, Laozi xiang’er jiaozhu zheng, 16; Lou, Laozi Daode jing zhu, 28–29; Yang, annot., Liezi jishi, 37; Gao, colla. and annot, Boshu Laozi jiaozhu, 276–282.
40. Chen, Laozi yu Zhuangzi, 39; Li, ‘Mantan foxue’, 5; Roberts, Dao De Jing, 55–58.
41. Luo, Hanyu da cidian, 2462.
42. Wang, Wang Li gu hanyu zidian, 835.
43. Ibid., 316. Chen, Guodian chujian Laozi lunzheng, 231.
44. For instance, see Ren, Laozi xinyi, 87.
45. Chen, Laozi jinzhu, 123.
46. Chen, Laozi jinzhu, 125; idem, Laozi yizhu ji pingjie, 112.
47. Gao, colla. and annot., Boshu Laozi jiaozhu, 282.
48. Others include wu saijiantuo 五塞犍陀, wuju 五聚, and wudao 五刀. See Nengduan jin’gang banruo boluomiduo jing lunshi, T no. 25, 1: 877a23; Zhengfa nianchu jing, T no. 41, 17: 242b18–19; Fayuan zhulin, T no. 2122, 53: 649b03. Cf. Hirakawa, A Buddhist Chinese–Sanskrit Dictionary, 89, 90.
49. Examples include Maha-hatthipadopama Sutta [Greater Discourse on Elephant Foot Prints], which focuses on the aggregate of form, Ñāṇamoli and Bodhi, trans., The Middle Length, 277. Cf. Xiangji yu jing of the Zhong ahan jing (30), T no. 464, vol. 1; and the Bahuvedaniya Sutta [Discourse on Many Feelings], which deals with feelings., Ñāṇamoli and Bodhi, trans., The Middle Length, 449; Bodhi, trans., The Connected, 1274–1277. Cf. Za ahan jing, T no. 101, 2: 123c21–124b17.
50. This Buddhist teaching was later absorbed into a seventh-century Daoist text called the Benji jing 本際經, which does not use it to explain the idea of ‘no-self’. See Assandri, ‘Impermanence and Immortality’.
51. Khandha Sutta, Bodhi, trans., The Connected, 886; Khajjaniya Sutta, Bodhi, trans., The Connected, 914. Cf. Za ahan jing (46), T no. 101, 2: 11b21–12a8.
52. Bodhi, trans., The Connected, 534; Za ahan jing (298), T no. 101, 2: 85a 11–20; Zengyi ahan jing (49.5), T no. 125, 2: 772c13–c19; Yuanqi jing, T no. 124; Wuyin piyu jing, T no. 105.
53. Foshuo Pingsha wang wuyuan jing, T no. 511, 14: 780a3–b10.
54. Fo kaijie fanzhi aba jing, T no. 20, 1: 261c28–29: ‘What are the five aggregates? One form, two pains, three thoughts, four action[s], five consciousness[es]’ (何謂五陰? 一色、二痛、三想、四行、五識).
55. Early Chinese translations also talk about five elements ‘五大.’ For instance, Ahan koujie shi’er yinyuanjing, T no. 1508, 25: 53c24–25, states, ‘[One should] know about earth, water, fire, wind, and emptiness[,] [all have] no self’ (知地、水、火、風、空非身).
56. The Vammika-sutta (the ant hill) i.e. the Yidie jing 蟻垤經, provides a straightforward description of human existence, including the body: ‘ … [T]he anthill is a symbol for this body, made of material form, consisting of the four great elements, procreated by a mother and father, built up out of boiled rice and porridge, and subject to impermanence, to being worn and rubbed away, to dissolution and disintegration’. See Ñāṇamoli and Bodhi, trans., The Middle Length, 237–39. Cf. Za ahan jing (1079) T no. 101, 2: 282a22–c17; Bieyi za ahan jing (18) T no. 100, 2: 379c3–380a15; Zengyi ahan (39.9) T no. 125, 2: 733b12–c27; and Yi yu jing, T no. 95, 1: 918b21–919a17.
57. Davids and Stede, eds., Pali–English Dictionary, 326.
58. Harvey, An Introduction to Buddhism, 50.
59. It is suggested that its actual meaning may be four truths ‘for the spiritually enabled’. See Harvey, An Introduction, 50–51.
60. These four truths are mutually dependent, meaning that intuitively understanding any one is to understand the remaining three. Bodhi, trans., The Connected, 1857.
61. Some may think otherwise; see Bronkhorst, The Two Traditions of Meditation in Ancient India, 107.
62. Another important scripture expounding the Four Noble Truths is the Saccavibhanga Sutta [An Analysis of the Truths,]. There is a study on of this text based on Chinese translations; see Anālayo, ‘A Right View and the Scheme of the Four Truths in Early Buddhism’.
63. Bodhi, trans., The Connected, 1843; Cf. Za ahan jing (379), T no. 101, 2: 103c13–104a28. There are at least seven Chinese translations with either the same title or the same theme.
64. However, scholars suggest that this may be a summary of teachings already imparted by the Buddha, given that some of its passages read like formulas referring to something already preached elsewhere. See Norman, ‘The Four Noble Truths’.
65. This translation may also be an early one; see Nattier, A Guide to the Earliest Chinese, 52.
66. Cf. the second half of Foshuo Analü banian jing, T no. 46, 1: 836a29–c18; Bannihuan jing, T no. 6, 1: 177b7–25.
67. Rahula, What the Buddha Taught, 16.
68. Cūḷamāluṅkya Sutta, Ñāṇamoli and Bodhi, trans., The Middle, 533–536; Bodhi, trans., The Middle, 234; Bodhi, trans., The Connected, 1383; Bodhi, trans., The Numerical Discourses of the Buddha, 177;; Ñāṇamoli and Bodhi, trans., The Middle, 164; see alsoWalshe, trans., The Long Discourses, 234, 124; Ñāṇamoli and Bodhi, trans., The Middle, 485, 656–657, 753; Bodhi, trans., The Numerical, 1134–1135, 1150; Anuradha Sutta, Bodhi, trans, The Connected, 938.
69. Foshuo sidi jing, T no. 32, 1: 814c06–c08.
70. Vajira Sutta[Discourse of Sister Vajira], Bodhi, trans., The Connected, 229–230. Cf. Za ahan jing (1202), T no. 99, 2: 327a19–b17; Bieyi za ahan jing (218), T no. 100, 2: 455a8–b1. See also Sifen lü, T no. 1428, 22: 789a12; Wufen lü, T no. 1421, 22: 105a15; Foshuo wuyun jie kong jing, T no. 102, vol. 2. Cf. Bodhi, trans., The Connected, 229. See also the Foshuo renben yusheng jing, T no. 14, 1: 242a3–5.
71. Acela Sutta, Bodhi, trans., The Connected, 545–556. Cf. Za ahan jing (302), T no. 99, 2: 86a4–b23. Harvey, An Introduction, 55–56. Richard Gombrich suggests that the ‘fire’ here insinuates the Brahminic sacred fires; see Gombrich, How Buddhism Began, 66–68; and idem, What the Buddha Thought, 111–128.
72. Fan moyu jing, T no. 76, 1: 885c20–21. Cf. Fo suoxing zan, T no. 192, 4: 39b18–19: ‘Because that this body is the basis … of all suffering, the wise ones extinguish the basis at “having no body”’ (以有此身故, 為眾苦之本, 是故諸智者, 息本於無身). The first half of this verse corresponds to the Sanskrit Buddhacarita (12.65). See Olivelle, Life of the Buddha by Asvaghoṣa, 349. Za Baozang jing, T no. 203, 4: 459c13–14, states, ‘[T]he body is the basis of all suffering’ (身者眾苦之本); cf. Faju piyu jing, T no. 211, 4: 595a21.
73. Foshuo taizi ruiying benqi jing, T no. 185, 3: 480c1.
74. Cf. Bannihuan jing, T no. 6, 1: 177a03–a04]: ‘[S]econd, [one should] contemplate that there is no human life without suffering’ (二惟人生, 無不有苦). Cf. Foshuo Shi Monan ben sizijing, T no. 54, 1: 848b17–20.
75. Cula–sihanada Sutta, Nanmoli and Bodhi, trans., The Middle, 155; Yamaka SuttaBodhi, trans., The Connected, 931; Za ahan jing (104), T no. 101, 2: 30c12–31c14. For the same idea, see Qichu sanguan jing, T no. 150A, 2: 876c21–c23.
76. The Gaddula Sutta [Rope Discourse], Bodhi, trans., The Connected, 956, claims that like a dog that has been attached by a rope to a pole and can only move around the pole, people attached to the idea of ‘I’/‘self’ out of the five aggregates cannot escape the rebirth cycle. Cf. Zhong ahan jing (103), T no. 26, 1: 590b–591b; Zengyi ahan jing, T no. 125, 2: 643c–644b. Another scripture, Bodhi, trans., The Connected, 922, states, ‘Bhikkhu, if even that much of permanent, everlasting, eternal individual selfhood [attabhāva], not subject to change could be found, then this living of a life of purity [brahmacariya] could not be described as for the complete exhaustion of suffering [dukkhakkhaya]’.
77. Anattalakkhana Sutta, Bodhi, trans., The Numerical, 629. Cf. Zhong ahan jing, T no. 26, 1: 493a24–494b7; Walshe, trans., The Long Discourses, 441–459; Cullavedalla Sutta, Ñāṇamoli and Bodhi, trans., The Middle, 396–398; Yin chi ru jing, T no. 603, 15: 173b21–22, and more. The same idea is seen in many other scriptures: Bodhi, trans., The Connected, 922, corresponding to Foshuo shuimo suo piao jing, T no. 106, vol. 2; Zhong ahan jing, T no. 26, 1: 497a5–a20; Zengyi ahan jing, T no. 125, 2: 617b7–618a26. These scriptures discuss the impermanence of the five aggregates. See Phena-sutta, Bodhi, trans., The Connected, 951; Bieyi za ahan jing (346), T no. 100, 2: 488b6–11; Wuyin piyu jing, T no.105, vol. 2; Za ahan jing (265), T no. 99, 2: 68b29–69b03.
78. ‘No-self’ and ‘not self’ are two understandings of the term anattā. Interestingly, unlike in the Pāli sources, which state ‘[T]hat is not you’, a Gandhari fragment found in central Asia makes this statement in the second person, in other words, ‘[T]hat is not yours’. See Hartmann and Wille, ‘The Manuscript of the Dīrghāgama and the Private Collection in Virginia’, 147.
79. Jacobi, trans., Jaina Sutras: Part II, 238.
80. Paticcasamuppadavibhanga Sutta [Analysis of Dependent Co-Arising], Bodhi, trans., The Connected, 534. Cf. Foshuo ahan zhengxing jing, T no. 151, 2: 883c08–c12.
81. Ñāṇamoli and Bodhi, trans., The Middle Length, 927. Cf. Ahan koujie shiér yinyuan jing, T no. 1508, vol. 25.
82. Chang ahan jing, T no. 1, 1: 60b25–29, 76a24–b3; Foshuo renben yusheng jing, T no. 14, 1: 242a15–17; Zhong ahan jing, T no. 26, 1: 578b7–c5; Mahanidana sutta, Walshe, trans., The Long Discourses of the Buddha, 224; Foshuo dasheng yi jing, T no. 52, vol. 1.
83. Yad anicca Sutta, Bodhi, trans., The Connected, 864. Cf. Pu fayi jing, T no. 98, 1: 923a15–16; Za ahan jing (9), T no. 101, 2: 2a12–14; Chang ahan jing, T no. 1, 1: 33b17–27. These three often appear in a set of four in early translations; see, for instance, Foshuo da anban shouyi jing, T no. 602, 15: 164c15–16; Foshuo Analü banian jing, T no. 46, 1: 836b20–21; Foshuo yizu jing, T no. 198, 4: 185c17–19.
84. Chang ahan jing, T no. 1, 1: 33b17–27.
85. Bodhi, trans., The Connected, 864; Bodhi, trans., The Numerical, 734.
86. Also called Anatta-lakkhana Sutta [Discourse on the No-self Characteric], Bodhi, trans., The Connected, 901. Cf. Za ahan jing (33, 34), T no. 99, 2: 7b22–8a4.
87. However, Buddhist scriptures offer more; one early Buddhist scripture shows that the body plays a crucial role in both the generation and the termination of human suffering. See the Rohitāssa Sutta (‘to Rohitāssa’), Bodhi, trans., The Numerical, 435.
88. Hongming ji, T no. 2102, 52: 3b10–18, 46c21–22, 566a13–29; Xu gaoseng zhuan, T no. 2060, 50: 628c12–c13; Tanjin wenji, T no. 2115, 52: 687c17–27, 725b23–26.
89. Foshuo Shi Monan ben sizi jing, T no. 54, 1: 848b20–26. This entire scripture corresponds to the Mahādukkhakkhandha Sutta [Long Discourse on the Mass of Suffering], Ñāṇamoli and Bodhi, trans., The Middle, 179–185. Cf. Zhong ahan jing (99), T no. 26; Kuyin jing, T no. 53; Zengyi ahan jing (21.9), T no. 125.
90. T no. 185, 3: 478b6–10. Cf. Bannihuan jing, T no. 6, 1: 187a7–8: ‘I have said that the world is not real and has nothing worthy of our fondness. Ordinary people desire for longevity, thinking of and are entrenched by the five kinds of desires [but resulted in] being confused without no gains, instead only increasing birth and death experiencing countless suffering’ (吾本已說, 世間非真, 無可樂者, 凡人貪壽, 思戀五欲, 惑而無利, 但增生死, 更苦無量).
91. Ñāṇamoli and Bodhi, trans., The Middle, 557. Cf. Zhong ahan jing (192), T no. 26, 1: 740c15–744a02.
92. Araṇavibhaṅga Sutta [The Exposition of Non-Conflict], Ñāṇamoli and Bodhi, trans., The Middle, 1080. Cf. Zhong ahan jing (169), T no. 26, 1: 701b22–703c14.
93. Alagaddūpama Sutta [The Simile of the Snake], Ñāṇamoli and Bodhi, trans., The Middle, 226–227. Cf. Yizu jing, T no. 198, 4: 174b11–175c24, 179b29.
94. Regarding this text’s translator, see Nattier, A Guide, 49.
95. Pu fayi jing, T no. 98, 1: 924b18–21. Sexual desire is said to be one of the major obstacles to liberation, as ‘beings with sexual desire cannot see the Way’ (人懷愛欲不見道), according to the alleged Eastern Han translation, the Sishi’er zhang jing 四十二章經 (chapter 10) which in fact contains many lines rejecting sexual desire. Cf. Bannihuan jing, T no. 6, 1: 177b25–26, 187c13; Foshuo Shi Monan ben size jing, T no. 54, 1: 848b13–16.
96. Foshuo taizi ruiying benqi jing, T no. 185, 3: 472c11–c13.
97. Bodhi, trans., The Suttanipāda, 291. Cf. Yizu jing, T no.198, 4: 179b29.
98. Chang ahan shi baofa jing, T no. 13, 1: 234a05, 234c25, 235a5–a12: ‘The fourth of dharma in three that should be abandoned includes sexual desire, desire of form and no form … the fourth of dharma in five that should be abandoned includes the five hindrances: the hindrance of sexual desire, the hindrance of hatred … ’ (第四三法可舍: 欲愛, 色愛, 不色愛 … 第四五法, 當舍五蓋, 一為愛欲蓋、二為瞋恚蓋 …). Cf. Fo kaijie fanzhi aba jing, T no. 20, 1: 260c6–7.
99. T no. 21, 1: 265c12, 266a18, 266a22, 266b25, 266c4: ‘eliminate sexual desire’ (去愛欲), ‘cut off sexual desire’ (斷愛欲), and ‘part from sexual desire’ (離愛欲).
100. Foshuo Pingsha wang wuyuan jing, T no. 511, 14: 779b11–12.
101. Foshuo Laizhaheluo jing, T no. 68, 1: 870c12–13. Cf. Foshuo ahan zhengxing jing, T no. 151, 2: 884a29–b2.
102. Horner, The Book of the Discipline, vol. 1: 32–40. Cf. Bi’naiye 鼻奈耶, T no. 1464, 24: 863a9–863b13; Sifen lü, T no. 1428, 22: 570b; Sapoduo pini piposha, T no. 1440, 23: 513c.
103. Daoxing banruo jing, T no. 224, 8: 455b19–b25, requests that its practitioners do as follows: ‘Householders upon meeting women should not feel happy and should feel fear. [If] they should have sex with a woman, they should think of the impurity of their filthy and rotten-smelled place, they are not [my] practice, they should stay away [to] live … ’ (在家者與婦人相見, 心不樂憙, 常懷恐怖, 與婦人交接, 念之惡露臭處不淨潔, 非我法也, 盡我壽命, 不復與相近 …).
104. Zhang, colla. and annot., Zhang Heng shiwen jiaozhu, 85. Knechtges, Wen Xuan, Volume One, 237. Here, sangmen 桑門 is a phonetic translation of the Indic word ‘Śramaṇa,’ which was later translated into Chinese as shamen 沙門. It claims that ‘xianmen’ 羨門 in the Shiji might have been its earliest Chinese translation. See Cen, ‘Qindai yi liuxing Fojiao zhi taolun’, 11-39.
105. The Chinese translation of this short illustrating story can be seen in two third century translations, the Moyinti nü jing 摩因提女經, Yizu jing 義足經 T no. 198, 4: 180a13–180c03, and the Foshuo taizi ruiying benqi jing, T no. 185, 3: 477a26–b11. But in terms of wording, it is closer to a version in the Sishi’er zhang jing, T no. 784 17: 723b07, a text some scholars don’t believe to be an authentic early Eastern Han translation.
106. Highly possible ‘用’; see Foshuo taizi ruiying benqi jing, T no. 185, 3: 477b11: ‘去! 吾不用 [14] 汝.’
107. Houhan shu 30.1082. Here, ‘浮屠不三宿 … 此革囊盛血’ is very likely to have been quoted from Sishi’er zhang jing.
108. Susan Blake, ‘Agency, Non-action, and Desire in the Laozi’, 284. Cf. Queen, ‘Han Feizi and the Old Master’.
109. For the punctuation of and differences in characters of this sentence, see Liu, Laozi gujin wuzhongduikan yu xiping yinlun, 94. Liu rejects Sima Guang, Wang Anshi, and others’ punctuation, which reads as follows: ‘故常無欲, 以觀其妙; 常有欲, 以觀其徼’. I agree and add another reason, which is that if we follow the old punctuation, the entire sentence becomes difficult to understand. The entire paragraph explains the Way, and this sentence explains how people know the Way. However, if it is punctuated as ‘常無, 欲以觀其妙; 常有, 欲以觀其徼’, the subject becomes the Way. Furthermore, the Daode jing itself uses ‘故恒無欲矣, 可名於小’.
110. Zhang, colla. and annot., Han Fei zi jiaoshu, 416.
111. Wang, Laozi, 186; Gao, colla. and annot., Boshu Laozi jiaozhu, 53–54.
112. Bannihuan jing, T no. 6, 1: 180a7–10, also uses the term ‘自損’: ‘the Buddha tells his disciples, they should know self-reduction, [they should] not happy when being praised and not be sad when being blamed … ’ (佛言: ‘比丘 ! 當知自損, 得善無喜, 得惡勿憂 …). It is said that Laozi warned Confucius that ‘being learned and knowing many things could endanger oneself, because it induces people’s evil potential’ (博辯廣大[逹]危其身者, 發人之惡者也). See Shiji 47.1909.
113. Later commentators also accept this view. See Blake, ‘Agency, Non-action’, 286–287; Zhang, colla. and annot., Han Fei zi jiaoshu, 385. This advice seems to have been put into practice by those who practiced the Huanglao. For instance, Fan Rui 樊瑞 of the Eastern Han is said to have ‘been fond of the words of Huanglao, and was calm and with few desires’ (好黃老言, 清靜少欲). Houhan shu 32.1125.
114. Shiji 63.2140: ‘老子曰:“去子之驕氣與多欲, 態色與淫志, 是皆無益於子之身 … ”’ The belief that Confucius consulted Laozi can be seen in a few pre-Han texts. For details, see Chen, ‘Laoxue xianyu Kongxue’.
115. Tang Yongtong also noticed this affinity between the two traditions, but he mainly used Mouzi and the Sishi’er zhang jing. See Tang, Hanwei, 52–54.
116. Bodhi, trans., The Connected, 1240. Similar instructions can be seen in many scriptures. See, for instance, Sāmaññaphala sutta Walshe, trans., The Long Discourses of the Buddha, 100. Cf. Chang ahan jing, T no. 1, 1: 84c12–19.
117. Faju piyu jing, T no. 211, 4: 584b10–c4. Cf. Za ahan jing (1167), T no. 99, 2: 160c7, 311c9; Chang ahan jing, T no. 1, 1: 47b17; Bieye za ahan jing, T no. 100, 2: 437c11.
118. For a study of the last two texts, see, respectively, Zacchetti, ‘The Nature of the Da Anban Shouyi Jing 大安般守意經 T 602 Reconsidered’; Greene, ‘Doctrinal Dispute in the Earliest Phase’.
119. Pu fayi jing, T no. 98, 1: 923c17.
120. Cited as Zhongxin jing 中心經 in Yin chi ru jing zhu 陰持入經註, T no. 1694, vol. 33, the text is an Eastern Han translation. See Nattier, A Guide, 165–166.
121. Foshuo ahan zhengxing jing, T no. 151, 2: 883c3–5, 883c23–26.
122. Foshuo bojing chao, T no. 790, 17: 730a08–a09. Cf. Foshuo laizha heluo jing, T no. 68, 1: 869a5–6, which directly states: ‘The Buddha [teaches one to] control [one’s] eyes, ears, nose, mouth, body and the mind’ (佛自製眼、自製耳、自製鼻、自製口、自製身、自製心). Cf. Foshuo ahan zhengxing jing, T no. 151, 2: 884a29–b2.
123. T no. 196, 4: 152c14–c17, 161b25–b27.
124. Both Xunzi and Huainan zi (Huainan zi ji shi 8.608) offer some similar advice. See Shen and Wang, punct. and colla. Xunzi jijie, 1.19; and Feng and Qiao, punct. and colla., Huainan Honglie jijie, 8.608. I owe both references to Greene, ‘Doctrinal Dispute in the Earliest Phase’, 87.
125. Peng, Guodian chujian Laozi jiaodu, 152, 168.
126. ‘僅,’ ‘勤,’ or ‘堇’ in other editions. The English rendering is borrowed from Roberts, Dao De Jing, 136.
127. These two sentences are elaborated in the chapter ‘Jingshen’ 精神 of Huainan zi 淮南子, which says: ‘If ears and eyes indulge in the pleasure of sounds and forms, then the five organs will waver. Hence, the five colors distract the eyes, making them unclear; the five kinds of sound disturb the ears, making them unsharp; the five flavors spoil the mouth, causing a loss of taste; and preferences and aversions lose control of the mind, making it discursive. These four aspects are what all people use to nurture their nature, but they also burden them’ (耳目淫於聲色之樂, 則五臟搖動而不定矣 … 是故五色亂目, 使目不明;五聲嘩耳, 使耳不聰;五味亂口, 使口爽傷;趣舍滑心, 使行飛揚. 此四者天下之所養性也, 然皆人累也). See Feng and Qiao, punct. and colla., Huainan honglie jijie, vol. 1, 222–223.
128. Harvey, ‘Buddhist Reflections on “Consumer” and “Consumerism”’, 334–356.
129. Horner, ‘The Book of the Discipline’, vol. 5, 152–154, 170, 189–190, vol. 4, 256–267, 396–397, 423–424.
130. Puttamansa Sutta; Bodhi, trans., The Connected, 597.
131. Bodhi, trans., The Connected, 662; Sabbasava Sutta, Ñāṇamoli and Bodhi, trans., The Middle, 94.
132. Maha–mangala Sutta, Bodhi, trans., The Suttanipāda, 735–742.
133. Kathavatthu Sutta (2), Bodhi, trans., The Connected, 1424.
134. Gotami Sutta; Bodhi, trans, The Connected, 1193.
135. Chang ahan shi baofa jing, T no. 13, 1: 236c24.
136. Foshuo Analü banian jing, T no. 46, 1: 835c17, 836a03, 836a14, 836a18. More can be found in Jiu za piyu jing, T no. 206, 4: 517c16–c20 [1].
137. Faju jing, T no. 210, 4: 561b24; Foshuo chuchu jing, T no. 730, 17: 526b06: ‘[B]eing content one obtains the Way, not being content one will not obtain the Way’ (知足得道, 不知足不得道). Fang Yixin 方一新 unsuccessfully argued that this text was translated into Chinese between the Western Jin and the Northern dynasties. See Fang, ‘Jiuti An Shigao yi Chuchu jing yijing niandai kao’.
138. Pu fayi jing, T no. 98, 1: 923c5–18; Cf. Fajing jing, T no. 322, 12: 19c15–20a06; Foshuo dunzhen tuoluo suowenrulai sanmei jing, T no. 624, 15: 357c24.
139. Foshuo taizi ruiying benqi jing, T no. 185, 3: 480c26; the same line is found in the Chuyao jing, T no. 212, 4: 732a13.
140. ‘Nihuan pin’ 泥洹品 [Chapter on Nirvana], in Faju jing, T no. 210, 4: 573a27, which is identical to Dharmpada v. 204. See Norman, The Word of the Doctrine, 30.
141. Zhi 智 and zhi 知 are interchangeable.
142. Zhang, colla and annot., Han Fei zi jiaozhu, 417.
143. This spirit of contentment was actually practiced by some followers of Huanglao Daoism: two Western Han scholarly officials refused the offering of a woman on the ground of contentment. See Hanshu 36.1927; 71.3039.
144. Yodhajiva Sutta [The Warrior], Bodhi, trans., The Numerical, 701–709. This is the same for female monastics; as noted above, most of the Buddha’s sermons were delivered to monks.
145. Faju jing, T no. 210, 4: 560c14, 564b23–b26. Cf. Zhishen jing, T no. 795, 17: 740a2–4. The Pāli Dhammapada, verse 103: ‘If a man were to conquer in battle a thousand times a thousand men, but conquer one, himself, he indeed is the best conqueror in battle’. Verse 104: ‘The self as a conquest is indeed better than these other people (as a conquest) for a man who has tame[d] himself, who constantly wanders self-controlled’. Translation from Norman, The Word, 16.
146. It is also used to mean desires. See Chandaraga sutta [Desire and Lust], Bodhi, trans., The Connected, 873. Cf. Za ahan jing (77), T no. 99, 2: 19c25–20a1.
147. Faju jing, T no. 210, 4: 572a22.
148. Harvey, An Introduction, 221.
149. Bodhi, trans., The Connected, 1732. Cf. Za ahan jing (561), T no. 99, 2: 147a13–b11.
150. This summarization occurs in two early scriptures: Pāsādika Sutta and Maha–parinibbana Sutta. See Walshe, trans., The Long Discourses, 231–277, 427–439.
151. This summary seems to have been crafted into a scripture and was twice translated into Chinese. See Chu sanzang jiji, T no. 2145, 55: 16c27, 30b18–19. The earliest translation was not included in the transmitted editions of the Chinese Buddhist canon, a hand-copied manuscript titled Foshuo saqi pin jing 佛說卅七品經 was found in the Dunhuang cave. For a study of this manuscript, see Fang, ed., ‘Foshuo sanshiqi pin jing’, 165, 166, 167, 168, 171. Foshuo taizi ruiying benqi jing, T no. 185, 3: 477a13–15, claims that the Buddha experienced them all while practicing achieving enlightenment. These 37 items of doctrine can be found in the Chinese translations of the Later Han and the Three Kingdom periods. See, for instance, Bazhengdao jing 八正道經, T no. 112; Yin chi ru jing, T no. 603, 15: 173c24–c26; Bannihuan jing, T no. 6, 1: 181b7–c5; Foshuo taizi ruiying benqi jing, T no. 185, 3: 477a14–15.
152. Bodhi, trans., The Connected, 1736; Pubba Sutta, Bodhi, trans., The Connected, 1726.
153. Bodhi, trans., The Connected, 1718. Cf. Za ahan jing (608), T no. 99, 2: 171a15–24.
154. Bodhi, trans., The Connected, 1729–1230. Cf. Yin chi ru jing, T no. 603, 15: 174a18–26; Bannihuan jing, T no. 6, 1: 181b17–20; Foshuo taizi ruiying benqi jing, T no. 185, 3: 478a12; Yin chi ru jing, T no. 1694, 33: 12a13–b6; Pu fayi jing, T no. 98, 1: 924c7.
155. Karaniya Metta Sutta [Discourse on Loving-Kindness], Bodhi, trans., The Suttanipada, 179; Sankha Sutta [Conch Trumpet], Bodhi, trans., The Connected, v. 2: 1340. Cf. scripture 916 of the Za ahan jing, and scripture 131 of the Bieyi za ahan jing.
156. Nissaraniya Sutta [Means of Escape], Bodhi, trans., The Numerical, 867–869.
157. Foshuo dunzhen tuoluo suowen sanmei jing, T no. 624, 15: 356a8, 356c12, 359b27, etc.; Zhong benqi jing, T no. 196, 4: 163a28; Da mingdu jing, T no. 225, 8: 500c16, 501c23–24; Taizi ruiying benqi jing, T no. 185, 3: 478c27; Bannihuan jing, T no. 6, 1: 182a26–b2: Liudu ji jing, T no. 152, 3: 24b3, 40b23, 48c6.
158. Chang ahan shi baofa jing, T no. 13, 1: 236a8–236a11; Foshuo fanwang liushi’er jian jing, T no. 21, 1: 264b24–25; Foshuo zhaijing, T no. 87, 1: 911a17–18; Foshuo bojing chao [46], T no. 790, 17: 729c1. In fact, there are a large number of ci 慈 occurrences in the Liudu jijing and Faju jing.
159. Fo kaijie fanzhi aba jing, T no. 20, 1: 260b10–11, 261a16–17, 261c19–21, 262a12–13, 263b20–21.
160. ‘[Being] [g]reedy [for] sex and fond of sexual affairs will harm one’s essence and [cause the loss of] one’s understanding … [being] fond of listening to the five tones[,] the harmony will leave one’s heart’ (貪淫好色, 則傷精失明也 … 好聽五音, 則和氣去心). ‘Those who have achieved the Way give up emotions and desires, their five inner organs are pure and calm even to the extreme void’ (得道之人, 捐情去欲, 五內清靜, 至於虛極). See Wang, Laozi, 182, 45, 62; cf. 186, 216, 250, 279.
161. It is still not clear who first came up with this claim, although it was used since at least the fourth century by the Daoist to belittle Buddhism. Zürcher suggested that this theory ‘originated [in the] Daoist circle in the latter half of the second century ad.’ See Zürcher, Buddhist Conquest, 290–308. However, some Chinese scholars believed that it might have been developed by the Buddhists so that their religion would be more easily accepted in China. See, for instance, Wang, ‘Laozi huahu shuo kaozheng’, 192; Tang, Tang Yongtong xueshu lunwen ji, 80. For two good treatments of this belief, see Mollier, Buddhism and Taoism Face to Face, 7–9. And also see Raz, ‘‘Conversion of the Barbarians’’’.
162. This claim can be traced to the Qingjing faxing jing 清淨法行經 and was used by many Buddhists in their arguments against Daoism. See Dao’an’s 道安 Erjiao lun 二教論 [On the Two Religions], Guang Hongming ji, T no. 2103, 52: 140a6–8; Weimo jing xuanshu, T no. 1777, 38: 523a15–16. This scripture is recorded as the work of an unknown translator by Chu sanzang jiji, T no. 2145, 55: 29a20; its manuscript was found in Japan. See Makita et al, eds., Nanatsudera koitsu kyōten kenkyū sōsho: Chūgoku senjutsu kyōten (sono 2).
163. Shiji 63.2141; cf. Lau, trans., Lao Tzu, Tao Te Ching, viii–ix.