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China’s Public Diplomacy on Twitter: Networks, Discourses, and Reactions

Twitter, Public Diplomacy and Social Power in Soft-balancing China–France Relations

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ABSTRACT

This article is part of the Special Section on China’s Twitter diplomacy. Arguing that the concepts of hard power and soft power may no longer reflect the ever-intricate state of global politics in the twenty-first century, it intersects two distinct concepts in international relations, Peter van Ham’s social power and Robert Pape’s and T.V. Paul’s soft balancing theory, to examine China’s public diplomacy and its outcomes in the COVID-19 era (2019–2023). It is a case study of the communication strategies of the Chinese embassy in Paris, whose ambassador, Lu Shaye, proudly presents himself as a wolf warrior diplomat. To untangle China’s social power and soft-balancing mechanisms in Sino-French relations, this article uses quantitative and qualitative mix-methods, applied to three distinct datasets: N = 9,162 tweets from three Chinese diplomatic accounts in France; interviews and reports in the French broadcast and printed media; and foreign policy documents and statements. It shows that China’s social power consists of mainly place branding, while some of its communication attempts to frame certain issues and set the agenda in China–France relations and global affairs, by undermining, frustrating and delegitimizing, that is soft-balancing, the French and the West at large.

Acknowledgments

The author is indebted to her research assistants who contributed to the data analysis: Kevin Cheung Man Kam, Kail Crystal Cagang Cheng, and Olivia Chan Oi Wa, for their inputs amidst subsequent waves of COVID-19 in Europe and Hong Kong. The author is also grateful to the reviewers, Cherian George, Daya Thussu, Lam Wai Man, as well as the participants of the two workshops held in May and December 2022 for their much constructive comments on the early draft versions of this paper.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.

Notes

1 Peter van Ham, ‘Social Power in International Politics,’ op. cit.

2 Robert A Pape, ‘Soft Balancing against the United States’, International Security 30(1), (2005), pp. 7–45. doi: https://doi.org/10.1162/0162288054894607.; T.V. Paul, ‘Soft Balancing in the Age of U.S. Primacy’, International Security 30(1), (2005), pp. 46–71. http://www.jstor.org/stable/4137458.

3 Suisheng Zhao, ‘A Revisionist Stakeholder: China and the Post-World War II World Order’, Journal of Contemporary China 27(113), (2018), pp. 643–658.; Suisheng Zhao, The Dragon Roars Back: Transformational Leaders and Dynamics of Chinese Foreign Policy (Stanford University Press, 2022).

4 Suisheng Zhao, ‘A Revisionist Stakeholder: China and the Post-World War II World Order’, op. cit.

5 Hamilton 2.0 Dashboard. Alliance for Securing Democracy. German Marshall Fund of the United States. https://securingdemocracy.gmfus.org/china/. Chris Alden and Kenddrick Chan, Twitter and Digital Diplomacy: China and COVID-19, LSE Ideas, June 2021, https://www.lse.ac.uk/ideas/Assets/Documents/updates/LSE-IDEAS-Twitter-and-Digital-Diplomacy-China-and-COVID-19.pdf.

6 Emilie Tran, ‘Role dynamics and trust in China-France coopetition,’ Mediterranean Politics, (2022), https://doi.org/10.1080/13629395.2022.2035138.

7 B.N. Jaworsky and R. Qiaoan, ‘The Politics of Blaming: the Narrative Battle between China and the US over COVID-19’, Journal of Chinese Political Science 26, (2021), pp. 295–315. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11366-020-09690-8.

8 Chris Alden and Kenddrick Chan, ‘Twitter and Digital Diplomacy’, op. cit.

9 Sarah Zeng, ‘China’s Wolf Warrior diplomats battle on Twitter for control of coronavirus narrative’, South China Morning Post, March 20, 2020. https://www.scmp.com/news/china/diplomacy/article/3076384/chinas-wolf-warriors-battle-twitter-control-coronavirus?module=hard_link&pgtype=article last accessed May 06, 2022.

10 Jessica Brandt and Bret Schafer, ‘How China’s “wolf warrior” diplomats use and abuse Twitter’, https://www.brookings.edu/techstream/how-chinas-wolf-warrior-diplomats-use-and-abuse-twitter/.

11 Huang, Zhao Alexandre and Rui Wang, ‘Exploring China’s digitalization of public diplomacy on Weibo and Twitter: A case study of the US—China trade war’, International Journal of Communication 15(2021), (2021), pp. 1912–1939.

12 China Media Project, ‘Telling China’s Story Well’, April 16, 2021. https://chinamediaproject.org/the_ccp_dictionary/telling-chinas-story-well/ Zhao Alexandre Huang and Wang Rui, ‘Building a Network to ‘Tell China Stories Well’: Chinese Diplomatic Communication Strategies on Twitter’, International Journal of Communication 13, (2019), pp. 2984–3007.

13 Sarah J. Clifford and Scott N. Romaniuk, ‘Wolf Warrior II (战狼2) and the Manipulation of Chinese Nationalism’, In The Palgrave Encyclopedia of Global Security Studies, eds. S. Romaniuk and P. Marton (Cham: Palgrave Macmillan, 2021). https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-74336-3_657–1.

14 Jonathan Sullivan and Weixiang Wang, ‘China’s “Wolf Warrior Diplomacy”: The Interaction of Formal Diplomacy and Cyber-Nationalism’, Journal of Current Chinese Affairs, (March 2022). https://doi.org/10.1177/18681026221079841.:

15 Wang Qinyun, ‘FM: China will hit back at any slander’, China Daily, May 25, 2020, https://www.chinadaily.com.cn/a/202005/25/WS5ecb120da310a8b2411580fc.html.

17 Zhao Yusha, ‘Chinese envoy proud of “wolf warrior” title to safeguard national interest, as China presents respectable image’, Global Times, June 18, 2021. https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202106/1226499.shtml.

18 Zhao Alexandre Huang, ‘A Historical—discursive Analytical Method for Studying the Formulation of Public Diplomacy Institutions’, Place Branding and Public Diplomacy, (2021), https://doi.org/10.1057/s41254-021-00246-y.

19 R.S. Zaharna, Mapping out a Spectrum of Public Diplomacy Initiatives: Information and Relational Communication Frameworks (Routledge, 2008).; R. S. Zaharna, ‘Network Purpose, Network Design: Dimensions of Network and Collaborative Public Diplomacy’, in Relational, Networked and Collaborative Approaches to Public Diplomacy The Connective Mindshift eds R. S. Zaharna, A. Arsenault and A. Fisher (Routledge, 2013).

20 Wu X and others, ‘A Survey of Human-in-the-Loop for Machine Learning’, (2021), Preprint ArXiv:210800941.

21 The author is indebted to the comments made to her paper, presented under the title ‘For They Have Sown The Wind, and They Shall Reap the Whirlwind’ – China’s Twiplomacy and its Repercussion in France, presented at ‘Narrating Cold Wars Conference’, Panel 9: Twitter Diplomacy, Hong Kong Baptist University, November 11–13, 2021.; and ‘China’s Twiplomacy and its Repercussions in France’, in International Conference: China’s Twitter Diplomacy, (University of Denver and Hong Kong Baptist University, May 18, 2022).

22 F. D. L. Wigand, ‘Twitter in Government: Building Relationships One Tweet at a Time’, 2010 Seventh International Conference on Information Technology: New Generations, (2010), pp. 563–567. doi: 10.1109/ITNG.2010.171.

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24 Saif Shahin and Q. Elyse Huang, ‘Friend, ally, or rival? Twitter diplomacy as “Technosocial” Performance of National Identity’, International Journal of Communication 13, (2019), 19.

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26 Richard D. Waters and Jensen M. Williams, ‘Squawking, tweeting, cooing, and hooting: analyzing the communication patterns of government agencies on Twitter’, J. Public Affairs, 11, (2011), pp. 353–363.https://doi.org/10.1002/pa.385.

27 Zhao Alexandre Huang and Olivier Arifon, ‘La diplomatie publique chinoise sur Twitter : la fabrique d’une polyphonie harmonieuse,’ Hermès, La Revue, 2018/2 (n° 81), pp. 45–53. doi: 10.3917/herm.081.0045. https://www.cairn.info/revue-hermes-la-revue-2018–2-page-45.htm.

28 Zhao Alexandre Huang and Hardy, M. (2019). ‘#Guanxi @ChinaAfrica: Mobilizing interpersonal relations in Chinese public diplomacy at the digital age,’ Médiation et Information, (48), 75–86.

29 Z. A. Huang and R. Wang, ‘Building a network to ‘Tell China Stories Well’: Chinese diplomatic communication strategies on Twitter’, International Journal of Communication, 13, (2019), pp. 2984–3007.; Z. A. Huang and R. Wang, ‘Panda engagement’ in China’s digital public diplomacy’, Asian Journal of Communication, 30(2), (2020), pp. 118–140. https://doi.org/10.1080/01292986.2020.1725075.; Zhao Alexandre Huang and Rui Wang, ‘Exploring China’s Digitalization of Public Diplomacy on Weibo and Twitter: A Case Study of the U.S.-China Trade War’, International Journal of Communication, 15(2021), 2021, pp. 1912–39.

30 Peter Martin, China’s Civilian Army: The Making of Wolf Warrior Diplomacy (New York: Oxford University Press, 2021).

31 Sarah Cook, Angeli Datt, Ellie Young and BC Han, (September 2022), ‘’Beijing’s Global Media Influence’, Authoritarian Expansion and the Power of Democratic Resilience, Freedom House.

32 Angeli Datt and Anonymous, Beijing’s Global Media Influence 2022 (France, 2022). https://freedomhouse.org/country/france/beijings-global-media-influence/2022#footnote15_g6s0dc9.

33 Nisha Garud-Patkar, ‘Is digital diplomacy an effective foreign policy tool? Evaluating India’s digital diplomacy through agenda-building in South Asia’, Place Brand Public Dipl, 18, (2022), pp. 128–143. https://doi.org/10.1057/s41254-021-00199-2.

34 Nancy Snow and M Philip, Taylor eds, Routledge Handbook of Public Diplomacy (New York, Routledge, 2008).

35 Jan Melissen, ‘The new public diplomacy: Between theory and practice’, In The New Public Diplomacy (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005), pp. 3–27.

36 Corneliu Bjola and Marcus Holmes, eds, Digital diplomacy: Theory and practice (London, New York, 2015).

37 P. Sharp, ‘Domestic public diplomacy, domestic diplomacy, and domestic foreign policy’, In The Transformation of Foreign Policy: Drawing and Managing Boundaries from Antiquity to the Present, ed. G. Hellmann, A. Fahrmeir and M. Vec (Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 2016), pp. 263–282.

38 C. Bjola and I. Manor, ‘Revisiting Putnam’s two-level game theory in the digital age: Domestic digital diplomacy and the Iran nuclear deal’, Cambridge Review of International Affairs, 31(1), (2018), p. 3–32.https://doi.org/10.1080/09557571.2018.1476836.

39 C. Bjola, J Cassidy and I Manor, ‘Public diplomacy in the digital age’, The Hague Journal of Diplomacy, 14(1–2), (2019), pp.83–101. https://doi.org/10.1163/1871191X–14011032.

40 Robert A, ‘Pape; Soft Balancing against the United States’, International Security, op. cit.; Paul, T. V, ‘Soft Balancing in the Age of U.S. Primacy’, op. cit. http://www.jstor.org/stable/4137458.

41 Peter van Ham, Social Power in International Politics (London and New York: Routledge, 2010), pp. 23.

42 Ibid. pp. 159.

43 Walter Russel Mead, Power, Terror, Peace, and War: America’s Grand Strategy in a World at Risk (New York, Vitage Books, 2005); and Mead, Walter Russell. ‘America’s sticky power’, Foreign Policy, 141(March), (2004), pp. 46–53.

44 Peter van Ham, ‘Social Power in International Politics’, op. cit., pp. xiii.

45 Op. cit. pp. 115.

46 Peter van Ham, ‘Social Power in International Politics’, op. cit..

47 Op. cit. pp. 8.

48 Op.cit. pp. 13.

49 Op. cit. pp. 166–167.

50 Op. cit. pp. 167.

51 Emilie Tran and Yahia H. Zoubir, ‘China’s Health Diplomacy in The ‘New Cold War’ Era: Contrasting The Battle of Narratives in Europe and the Middle East And North Africa’, In , Asia in the Old and New Cold Wars: Ideologies, Narratives, and Lived Experiences, Palgrave Macmillan. 2023, pp. 157–188.

52 Emilie Tran, Role dynamics and trust in China–France coopetition, op. cit.

53 Op. cit. p. 165.

54 Op. cit. p. 166.

55 Zhao Alexandre Huang and Olivier Arifon, « La diplomatie publique chinoise sur Twitter : la fabrique d’une polyphonie harmonieuse », op. cit.

58 Tran, Emilie and Yu-chin Tseng, ‘To Trust or Not to Trust? COVID-19 Facemasks in China—Europe Relations: Lessons from France and the United Kingdom,’ Journal of Risk and Financial Management 15(4), (2022), pp. 187. https://doi.org/10.3390/jrfm15040187.

61 ‘The Letter of the Chinese embassy to the French Senator: a moderate warning’. http://french.china.org.cn/china/txt/2021–03/17/content_77320063.htm.

67 Shan Renping, ’The Chinese Embassy calls him ‘little rascal’, is that wrong? ‘ Global Times, March 22, (2021). https://www-globaltimes-cn.translate.goog/page/202103/1219027.shtml?_x_tr_sl=auto&_x_tr_tl=en&_x_tr_hl=en.

68 Chen Qingqing, « Chinese ridicule French scholar for reigniting war of words with Chinese embassy for attacking China in pursuit of ‘political correctness’ », Global Times, 22(mars), (2021). https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202103/1219084.shtml.

70 Lu Shaye, Discours de l’Ambassadeur LU Shaye au dîner-débat organisé par l’Association de la presse diplomatique Ambassade de la République Populaire de Chine en République Française: http://fr.china-embassy.gov.cn/fra/zfzj/202212/t20221208_10987483.htm.

71 Paul Charon, Jean-Baptiste Jeangène Vilmer, Les Opérations D’Influence Chinoises: Un moment machiavélien, IRSEM, rapport de l’Institut de recherche stratégique de l’École militaire (IRSEM), Paris, ministère des Armées, 2nd edition, October 2021.

72 Ibid. p. 237.

73 Ibid. p. 642.

74 Philippe Le Corre, 2019, “La Chine vue par les Français. Institut Montaigne”, https://www.institutmontaigne.org/analyses/la-chine-vue-par-les-francais-menace-ou-opportunite.

75 Laura Silver, Kat Devlin And Christine Huang, ‘”Americans Fault China for Its Role in the Spread of COVID-19”, PEW Research Center, July 30, 2020, accessed February 19, 2021, https://www.pewresearch.org/global/2020/07/30/americans-fault-china-for- its-role-in-the-spread-of-covid-19/. Laura Silver, Kat Devlin, & Christine Huang, 2021, “Unfavorable Views of China Reach Historic Highs in Many Countries—Majorities say China has handled COVID-19 outbreak poorly”, Pew Research Center, June 30, 2021, accessed December 6, 2021. https://www.pewre search.org/global/2021/06/30/large-majorities-say-china-does-not-respect-the- personal-freedoms-of-its-people/

76 Laura Silver, Kat Devlin, & Christine Huang, 2021, “Large Majorities Say China Does Not Respect the Personal Freedoms of Its People (Pew Research Center),” 30 January 2022. https://www.pewresearch.org/global/2021/06/30/large-majorities-say-china- does-not-respect-the-personal-freedoms-of-its-people.

77 Laura Silver, Christine Huang and Laura Clancy (28 September 2022), “How Global Public Opinion of China has Shifted in the Xi Era,” Pew Research Centre, https://www.pewresearch.org/global/2022/09/28/how-global-public-opinion-of-china-has-shifted-in-the-xi-era.

78 Ambassade de la République Populaire de Chine en France (12 April 2020), “Rétablir des faits distordus » Observations d’un diplomate chinois en poste à Paris”,

http://fr.china-embassy.gov.cn/fra//xnyfgk/202004/t20200412_2661873.htm

81 Le Figaro (23/03/2021), “Chine : la France et l’Europe «ne sont pas des paillassons», déclare Clément Beaune”. https://www.lefigaro.fr/flash-actu/chine-la-france-et-l-europe-ne-sont-pas-des-paillassons-declare-clement-beaune-20210323.

82 Europe 1 (23/03/2021), “France : l’ambassadeur de Chine convoqué au Quai d’Orsay après des ‘propos inacceptables”, https://www.europe1.fr/international/france-lambassadeur-de-chine-convoque-au-quai-dorsay-apres-des-propos-inacceptables-4033407.

83 According to a French diplomat, conversation on 21 January 2023.

84 Andre Gattolin, 2021, “Mieux protéger notre patrimoine scientifique et nos libertés académiques”, 873, Sénat, Accessed 1 February 2023, https://www.senat.fr/rap/r20–873/r20–873.html.

85 Emilie Tran and Yahia H Zoubir, ‘Introduction to the special issue China in the Mediterranean: An Arena of Strategic Competition?’ Mediterranean Politics, (2022), DOI: 10.1080/13629395.2022.2035125.

86 Emilie Tran, ‘Role dynamics and trust in France-China coopetition’, Mediterranean Politics, DOI: 10.1080/13629395.2022.2035138.

87 Weiqing Song, ‘Securitization of the “China Threat” Discourse: A Poststructuralist Account’, China Review, 15(1), (2015), pp. 145–69, http://www.jstor.org/stable/24291932 [accessed 6 May 2022].; Andrew Chubb, ‘The Securitization of ‘Chinese Influence’ in Australia’, Journal of Contemporary China, (2022), DOI: 10.1080/10670564.2022.2052437. Igor Rogelja, Konstantinos Tsimonis, ‘Narrating the China Threat: Securitising Chinese Economic Presence in Europe’, The Chinese Journal of International Politics, 3(1Spring), (2020), p.p 103–133, https://doi.org/10.1093/cjip/poz019. Xuechen Chen and Xinchuchu Gao, ‘Analysing the EU’s collective securitization moves towards China’, Asia Europe Journal 20, (2022), pp. 195–216 https://doi.org/10.1007/s10308-021-00640-4.

88 Hugo Meijer, Awakening to China’s Rise. European Foreign and Security Policies toward the People’s Republic of China. (Oxford University Press, 2022).

89 Ministry of Europe and Foreign Affairs, 2022, “L’Espace indopacifique: une priorité pour la France”, https://www.diplomatie.gouv.fr/fr/dossiers-pays/asie-oceanie/indopacifique/l-espace-indopacifique-une-priorite-pour-la-france/.

90 Ministry of Europe and Foreign Affairs (updated 2022), “La Stratégie de la France dans l’Indopacifique”, https://www.diplomatie.gouv.fr/IMG/pdf/fr_a4_indopacifique_022022_dcp_v1–10-web_cle017d22.pdf.

91 Ministry of Europe and Foreign Affairs, “Livre Blanc: Stratégie française en Asie-Océanie à l’horozon 2023”, Vers un espace indopacific inclusif, https://www.diplomatie.gouv.fr/IMG/pdf/livre_blanc-com-_fr-eng_cle876fb2–1.pdf.

92 Sénat (26 May 2021), “Audition de M. Bertrand Lortholary, directeur d’Asie et d’Océanie au ministère de l’Europe et des affaires étrangères”, https://www.senat.fr/compte-rendu-commissions/20210524/etr.html.

93 Allocution de l’Ambassadeur Lu Shaye au dîner célébrant la Fête du Printemps et le 59ème anniversaire des relations diplomatiques sino-françaises (17 January 2023), “Ambassade de la République Populaire de Chine en République Française”, http://fr.china-embassy.gov.cn/fra/zfzj/202301/t20230119_11011369.htm.

94 William Yang, January 1, 2023, “Is China pivoting away from “wolf-warrior” diplomacy?” Deutsche Welle,” https://www.dw.com/en/is-china-pivoting-away-from-wolf-warrior-diplomacy/a-64435396.

Additional information

Funding

The work was supported by the Aarhus Universitet [AUFF-E-2020-9-1].

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