Policy success or policy failure? Narrative analysis of the Islamic parliament of Iran’s debates on the FATF recommendations bill

ABSTRACT

The problem of becoming a member of the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) has been an ongoing issue in the Iranian policymaking environment since 2009. One significant aspect of this issue is the FATF-related success or failure narratives from the perspective of policymaking. The current study uses the narrative method to analyse the stories defending and refuting the FATF Recommendations Bill in the Islamic Parliament of Iran (IPI). Two major competing narratives have been presented in the IPI by the two main Iranian political factions: the Principlists and the Reformists. The Principlists see the passage of the Bill as a failure, whereas the Reformists consider it to be a policy success. To gain a better position, both narratives have employed specific settings, characterisation, and emplotment. The findings demonstrate that the ‘failure narrative’ constructed by the Principlists is dominant as it has a better setting and characterisation than the ‘success narrative’ advocated by the Reformists. Although the ‘success narrative’ frames a better emplotment structure compared to the ‘failure narrative’, the ‘failure narrative’ is more forethoughtful and prudent as it uses conditional propositions in its emplotment, paving the way for the approval of the Bill in the future based on revolutionary rationality or expediency.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Notes

¹ The scope of the groups was enormous: Nehzat e âzâdi e Irân [the Freedom Movement of Iran], Jebhe ye Melli e Irân [the National Front of Iran], Fadaiyan e Xalǧ [the Organisation of Iranian People’s Fedai Guerrillas], Sâzmân e Mojâhedin e Kalǧ e Irân [People’s Mojahedin Organisation of Iran], Ḥezb e Tude ye Irân [the Tudeh Party of Iran] and even Islamists like Abolhasan Bani-Sadr, who advocated for a sort of Islamic national-socialism), and Ayatollah Sayyid Mohammad Kazem Shariatmadari who held a traditional view on Islam.

² Clear examples of these institutions are Ḥezb e Jomhuri ye Eslâmi [the Islamic Republican Party], Sepâh e Pâsdârân e Enǧelâb e Eslâmi [the establishment of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps], Dâdgâhhâye Enǧelâb [the Revolutionary courts], Jahâd e Sâzandegi [Constructive Jihad], Sâzmân e Tabliǧât e Eslâmi [the Islamic Development Organisation], and other entities.

³ For instance, we can refer to the attack on the offices of Jebhe ye Demokrâtik e melli [the National Democratic Front], the Organisation of Iranian People’s Fedai Guerrillas, People’s Mojahedin Organisation of Iran, and the Tudeh Party of Iran in August 1979.

⁴ The foundation of these two factions was rooted in the 1980s; in the conflict over the premiership of Mir-Hossein Mousavi (from August to September 1985) and 99 IPI representatives’ votes of no confidence to him (see Abbas Shadlou, Jostâri târixi pirâmun e takassor gerâee dar jaryan e eslâmi va peydayeš e jenâh e râst va čap e mazhabi (1360–80) (Tehran: Vozarâ, 2001), 54.), showed a fundamental difference between political Islamists and jurisprudence. Then, the separation of the Association of Combatant Clerics from the Combatant Clergy Association in February and March of 1988 is another indication of prominent internal dissensions among this group of Islamists (see Ruhollah Khomeini, Sahifeh-ye Imam, Vol. 21 (Tehran: The Institute for Compilation and Publication of Imam Khomeini’s Works, 2008), 24, http://en.imam-khomeini.ir/en/c5_3201/Book/English/SAHIFEH-YE-IMAM-Volume-21-). Finally, the clash between the two factions reached its apogee in the mid-1990s (in the 1997 presidential election).

⁵ For example, according to Article 71, ‘The IPI can establish laws on all matters, within the limits of its competence as laid down in the Constitution.’; According to the seventy-seventh article, ‘Treaties, transactions, contracts, and all international agreements must be ratified by the IPI’; However, there are doubts about the extent of the parliament’s influence in Iran’s domestic and foreign policy. For instance, within the framework of Iran’s Constitution, the Guardian Council can recognise parliamentary resolutions as violating the Sharia or the constitution and suspend their legislation (Vahid Sinaee, Ahmad Mohaghar and Somayyeh Zamani, ‘Barrasi e naǧsh e sevomin dore ye majles e šorâye eslâmi dar siâsatgozâri; motâleøe ye modredi: banâme ye aval va gozâr be dore ye sâzandegi (1367–71)’ Pažuhešnâme ye Olum e Siâsi 6, no. 3 (2011): 1–35.

⁶ This claim concerned the existence of conflicts between Iranian presidents in recent years with Ayatollah Khamenei and the possibility of changing the political system from a Presidential system to a Parliamentary system (‘Hazrat e Ayatollâh khâmenei: taǧeer e Nezâm e siâsi az riâsati be pârlemâni dar âyande ye ehtemâlan dur moškeli nadârad’, Mehr News, 16 October 2011, https://www.mehrnews.com/news/1435167 (accessed 7 November 2021).

⁷ Mirko Draca, Jason Garred, Leanne Stickland, Nele Warrinnier, On Target? Sanctions and the Economic Interests of Elite Policymakers in Iran, (Coventry: University of Warwick, 2022), 3; Saeed Ghasseminejad and Mohammad R. Jahan-Parvar, ‘The impact of financial sanctions: The case of Iran.’ Journal of Policy Modeling 43, no. 3 (2021): 601–621; Rassam, Hossein, and Sanam Vakil. The Iranian Deep State: Understanding the Politics of Transition in the Islamic Republic, (California: Hoover Institution, 2020).

⁸ Mehdi Bazargan and Abdul Ali Bazargan, Masâel va moškelât e noxostin sâl e enǧelâb az zabân e rais e dolat e movaǧat (Tehran: Abdul Ali Bazargan, 1983), 228; ‘Mostafâ Tâjzâde: moškel e Iran “dolat e penhân ast”’, Bahar, 15 September 2018, https://www.baharnews.ir/news/159825/ (accessed 27 May 2022); ‘Rais e dolat e eslâhât bârhâ gofte bud “man yek tadârokâtči hastam”/ rais jomhur dar Iran extiârâti nadârad’, Borna News, 5 December 2020, https://www.borna.news/fa/tiny/news-1095720, (accessed 27 May 2022); ‘Manzur e Ahmadinežâd az “barâdarân e ǧâčâǧči” va “etesâl e šabakehâye ǧâčâǧ be sâhebân e ǧodrat va nofuz” če bud?’, Entekhab, 3 July 2011, https://www.entekhab.ir/fa/news/30314/, (accessed 26 May 2022); ‘Eǧtesâd râ be dolati dâdim ke ham tofang dârad va ham resâne/ kasi jorøt nadârad bâ ânhâ reǧâbat konad/ baxš e xosusi vâǧeøan zaøif ast’, ILNA, 22 June 2017, https://www.ilna.news/fa/tiny/news-503574, (accessed 27 May 2022).

⁹ In the Middle East, ‘deep state’ is a common phenomenon resulting from military ties with cultural and media institutions, financial and commercial enterprises, judicial and regulatory bodies, and security- intelligence agencies, Reza Khorasani and Zahra Amani (2022). Mâhiat e dolat e penhân dar Xâvarmiâne; motâleøe ye moredi e dolat e penhân dar Torkiye va Mesr, Rahyafthâye Siâsi va Beinolmelali 13, no. 2(2022): 147–173.

¹⁰ Andreas Kruck, Kai Oppermann, and Alexander Spencer, eds. Political Mistakes and Policy Failures in International Relations (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2018), 3.

¹¹ David L. Weimer and Aidan R. Vining, Policy analysis: Concepts and practice (New Jersey: Pearson Education Inc, 2011).

¹² Stuart S. Nagel, Public policy studies (New York: Nova Publishers, 2002).

¹³ Jane E. Davidson, Evaluation Methodology Basics: The Nuts and Bolts of Sound Evaluation (California: Thousand Oaks, 2005).

¹⁴ George A. Boyne, ‘What is public service improvement?’, Public administration 81, no. 2 (2003): 211–227.

¹⁵ David Marsh and Allan McConnell, ‘Towards a framework for establishing policy success’, Public administration 88, no. 2 (2010): 567.

¹⁶ Ibid.

¹⁷ Kruck, Oppermann, and Spencer, Political Mistakes and Policy Failures in International Relations, 4.

¹⁸ Mark Bovens and Paul ‘t. Hart, Understanding policy fiascoes (New Jersey: Transaction publishers, 1996).

¹⁹ Frank Fischer, and John Forester, eds. The argumentative turn in policy analysis and planning (North Carolina: Duke University Press, 1993), 1–14.

²⁰ Kruck, Oppermann, and Spencer, Political Mistakes and Policy Failures in International Relations, 6.

²¹ Ibid.

²² Ronald R Krebs, Narrative and the making of US national security. Vol. 138. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015), 6.

²³ Alister Miskimmon, Ben O’loughlin, and Laura Roselle. Strategic narratives: Communication power and the new world order (New York: Routledge, 2013), 29.

²⁴ Alister Miskimmon, Ben O’loughlin, and Laura Roselle. Strategic narratives: Communication power and the new world order, 3.

²⁵ Alexander Spencer, Romantic narratives in international politics: Pirates, rebels and mercenaries. (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2016), 5.

²⁶ Sona Bairamzadeh et al., ‘Erâøe ye čârčubi barâye revâyat pažuhi dar motâleât e modiriat barâye movâjehe bâ masâel e pičide’, Behbud e modiriat 36, no. 2 (2017): 3–4.

²⁷ Alexander Spencer, ‘Narratives and the romantic genre in IR: dominant and marginalised stories of Arab Rebellion in Libya’, International Politics 56, no. 1 (2019): 123–140.

²⁸ Michal Kolmaš, National Identity and Japanese Revisionism: Abe Shinzo’s vision of a beautiful Japan and its limits (New York: Routledge, 2018).

²⁹ Daniel Beck and Alexander Spencer, ‘Just a bit of fun: the camouflaging and defending functions of humour in recruitment videos of the British and Swedish armed forces, Cambridge Review of International Affairs 34, no. 1 (2021): 65–84.

³⁰ Andreas Kruck and Alexander Spencer, ‘Contested stories of commercial security: self-and media narratives of private military and security companies’, Critical Studies on Security 1, no. 3 (2013): 326–346.

³¹ Najmeh Hosseini Sarvari, Ali Jahanshahi Afshar, ‘Barrasi e ajzaye kalâm dar ravâyathâye hezâr o yek šab bar pâye ye nazariye ye ravâyatšenâshi e Todorov, Motaleøât e Nazariye va Anvâøe Adabi 1, no. 1 (2016): 183–218; Fazlolah Xodadadi, Mahmood Barati, and Shirin Ashoorloo, ‘Tafâvot e dastur e zabân e dâstân dar do revâyat e moxtalef az dâstân e “Afshin va Boodlof”’, Motaleøât e Dâstâni 3, no. 1 (2014): 23–40.

³² Asadollah Zare’i, Ismail Bani Ardalan, and Abbas Namjoo, ‘Revâyat e Irani va taǧlid az revâyat e ǧarbi dar sinemâye Iran’, Bâǧ e Nazar 16, no. 73 (2019): 53–64.; Ahad Variji and Iraj Dadashi, ‘Revâyat šenâsi e didâri: revâyatgari dar tasâvir e istâ (naǧâši) az manzar e târix e honar va revâyat šenâsi’, Rahpuy e Honar 4, no. 1 (2021): 5–96.

³³ Mahdi Rafatipanah Mehrabadi, ‘Konešgari e movarrex dar gozareš e vaǧayeø e târixi; barrasi moǧayesei e revâyat e Saǧife dar târix e Tabari va târix e Baløami’, Târix negari va târix negâri 30, no. 25 (2020); Hamid Negaresh and Asadollah Kord Firozjaee, ‘Bâzšenâsi va tahlil e barâyand e revâyat va pâdrevâyat e darun-mazhabi az karbalâ’, Pažuhešhaye Siâsat e Eslâmi 8, no. 18 (2021): 92–117.

³⁴ Luc Herman and Bart Vervaeck, Handbook of narrative analysis (Nebraska: University of Nebraska Press, 2005), 56–57.

³⁵ Oppermann and Spencer, ‘Narrating success and failure: Congressional debates on the “Iran nuclear deal”’: 7.

³⁶ Mirjalil Akrami and Mohammad Pashaei, ‘Taøammoli dar peyrang va šaxsiatpardâzi e Tehrân e Maxuf’, Fonun e Adabi 9, no. 2 (2013): 9.

³⁷ Yousef Nikrouz and Mohammad Hadi Ahmadiani, ‘Šivehaye šaxsiatpardâzi dar Šahnâme Ferdosi’, Pažuhešname ye Adab e Hemâsi 18, no. 1 (2015): 180–181.

³⁸ Oppermann and Spencer, ‘Narrating success and failure: Congressional debates on the “Iran nuclear deal”’: 8.

³⁹ Ibid.

⁴⁰ Ibid.

⁴¹ Akrami and Pashaei, ‘Taøammoli dar peyrang va šaxsiatpardâzi e Tehrân e Maxuf’: 5.

⁴² Michael J. Toolan, Narrative: A Critical Linguistic Introduction, 2nd Ed (New York: Routledge, 2001), 8.

⁴³ Seyed Reza Naghiboulsadat and Mona Asadian, ‘Darâmadi bar tahlil e revâyat va revâyatgari dar sinemâ’, Ruznâme Negâri e Electronik 1, no. 2 (2016): 41.

⁴⁴ Ali Abbasi, Revâyatšenâsi e kârbordi: tahlil e zabânšenâxti e revâyat (Tehran: Dânešgâh e Shahid Beheshti, 2014), 30.

⁴⁵ Oppermann and Spencer, ‘Narrating success and failure: Congressional debates on the “Iran nuclear deal”’: 9.

⁴⁶ Of course, freedom in the context of Islam depends on the definition of Islam, which has always been controversial.

⁴⁷ Seyyed Ali Asghar Soltani, Ǧodrat, goftmân va zabân: sâzokârhâye jaryân e ǧodrat dar Jomhuri e Eslami e Iran (Tehran: Ney, 2009), 155; Vahid Shalchi and Sarkou Rahimi, ‘Fahm e digari dar fazâye majâzi; motâleøe ye do jenâh e siâsi osulgerâ va eslâhtalab’, Tahǧiǧât e Farhangi e Iran 40, no. 4 (2017): 106.

⁴⁸ According to Ayatollah Khomeini, the term is primarily applicable to the US hegemony in the international system.

⁴⁹ Ali Darabi, Jaryânšenâsi e siâsi dar Iran (Tehran: Pažuhešgah e Fahang va Andiše ye Eslâmi, 2011), 122–126.

⁵⁰ ‘FATF; perože ī dar râstâye xodtahrimi va xadše be estǧlâl va amniat e melli ast’, Xâne ye Mellat, 27 September 2016, https://www.icana.ir/Fa/News/310008/FATF (accessed 8 August 2019).

⁵¹ ‘Nemâyande ye majles: FATF “tanâb e dâr” ast’, Mashregh, 25 December 2019, https://www.mashreghnews.ir/news/1023461/ (accessed 7 May 2020).

⁵² ‘Fathi: čâre ī joz peyvastan be FATF nadârim/ Malekšâhi: mixwâhand be bahâne ye FATF sepâh râ tahrim konand’, Tabnak, 2 June 2018, https://www.tabnak.ir/fa/news/804239 (accessed 8 August 2019).

⁵³ ‘Tasvib e lâyehe ye CFT dar majles/ moxâlefat e nemâyandegân bâ raøgiri e alani/ dalâyel e movâfeǧân va moxâlefan e lâyehe če bud?’, Mashregh, 7 October 2018, https://www.mashreghnews.ir/news/899930/ (accessed 8 August 2019).

⁵⁴ Mohammad Naeimipour, ‘Manâfeø e melli az negâh e Eslâhtalabân va Osulgerâyân’, Ruznâme ye Iran, 26 January 2020, https://www.irannewspaper.ir/newspaper/item/534180 (accessed 8 November 2021).

⁵⁵ Shireen Hunter, Iran’s foreign policy in the post-Soviet era: resisting the new international order (Santa Barbara: Praeger, 2010), 159–193.

⁵⁶ The same view can be seen in Ayatollah Khamenei’s stance (‘Didâr e nemâyandegân va karkonân e majles e šorâye eslâmi ba rahbar e enǧelâb’, Khamenei, 20 June 2018, https://farsi.khamenei.ir/news-content?id=39977).

⁵⁷ Naeimipour, ‘Manâfeø e melli az negâh e Eslâhtalabân va Osulgerâyân’.

⁵⁸ ‘Etemâd be mellat va sepordan e eǧtesâd be mardom gerehgošâye šarâyet e bohrâni ast’, Xâne ye Mellat, 17 March 2019, https://www.icana.ir/Fa/News/421251 (accessed 7 May 2020).

⁵⁹ ‘ Dolatmardân va rais jomhur negâh e barjâmi va FATF ī râ kenâr bogzârand’, Xâne ye Mellat, 11 March 2019, https://www.icana.ir/Fa/News/420633 (accessed 7 May 2020).

⁶⁰ ‘Âyâ molhaǧ našodan be FATF pâyân e donyâst?!’, Fars News, 12 June 2018, https://www.farsnews.com/news/13970321001216/ (accessed 8 August 2019).

⁶¹ ‘Fathi: čâre ī joz peyvastan be FATF nadârim’, Tabnak.

⁶² ‘Tasvib e lâyehe ye CFT dar majles’,Mashregh.

⁶³ ‘Nazar e 24 nemâyande ye majles darbâre ye mâhiyat e lâyehe ye FATF; “Takrâr” e eštebâh e Barjâm/ Be donbâl e seytare ye etelâøâti bar Iran’, Tasnim, 17 June 2018, https://www.tasnimnews.com/fa/news/1397/03/27/1748978 (accessed 1 October 2019); Titr e Azad, 2018).

⁶⁴ ‘FATF mojeb e tahǧir va tazøif e Iran va Enǧelâb e Eslami mišavad’, Xâne ye Mellat, 27 September 2016, https://www.icana.ir/Fa/News/309967/ (accessed 8 August 2019).

⁶⁵ ‘Nazar e 24 nemâyande ye majles darbâre ye mâhiyat e lâyehe ye FATF; “Takrâr” e eštebâh e Barjâm/ Be donbâl e seytare ye etelâøâti bar Iran’, Tasnim.

⁶⁶ ‘Estedlâl e manteǧi e biš az 40 nemâyande ye majles barâye moxâlefat ba FATF/ hâmiân e lavâyeh e esteømâri be donbâl e če hastand?’, Titr e Azad, 21 July 2018, http://www.titreazad.ir/ (accessed 10 August 2019).

⁶⁷ ‘FATF mojeb e tahǧir va tazøif e Iran va Enǧelâb e Eslami mišavad’, Xâne ye Mellat.

⁶⁸ ‘Az favâyed e FATF jelogiri az extelas va xoruj e pul az kešvar’, Tabnak, 12 March 2019, https://www.tabnak.ir/fa/news/885139/ (accessed 8 August 2019).

⁶⁹ ‘Lozum e paziroftan e FATF barâye dastyâbi be toseøe ye eǧtesâdi’, IRNA, 30 March 2021, https://www.irna.ir/news/84266358/ (accessed 10 November 2021).

⁷⁰ ‘Vâkonešhâ va tahlilhâ dar pey e tasvib e CFT dar majles’, ISNA, 7 October 2018, https://www.isna.ir/news/97071508419/ (accessed 8 August 2019).

⁷¹ In particular, due to the U.S. withdrawal from the JCPOA, this deal could no longer be considered as a positive example in the realm of policy-making.

⁷² ‘Tasvib e lâyehe ye CFT dar majles’, Mashregh.

⁷³ ‘Disclosing the banking system information through the FATF is a treason’, ISNA, 16 April 2019, https://www.isna.ir/news/98012711719 (accessed 8 August 2019).

⁷⁴ ‘Lozum e eǧdâm e sariø e dolat barâye borun raft az šarâyet e hâd e eǧtesâdi va maøišati dar kešvar’, Xâne ye Mellat, 26 June 2018, https://www.icana.ir/Fa/News/390284/ (accessed 8 August 2019).

⁷⁵ ‘Aksar e nemâyandegân be CFT raøye mosbat xâhand dâd’, Aftab, 2 October 2018, https://aftabnews.ir/fa/news/548648 (accessed 8 August 2019).

⁷⁶ ‘Tasvib e lâyehe ye CFT dar majles’, Mashregh.

⁷⁷ ‘Aksar e nemâyandegân be CFT raøye mosbat xâhand dâd’, Aftab.

⁷⁸ ‘Siâsathâye gâm be gâm e Iran dar kâheš e taøahodât e Barjâmi’, Xâne ye Mellat, 21 May 2019, https://www.icana.ir/Fa/News/437462/ (accessed 8 August 2019).

⁷⁹ ‘Nokât e ajib darbâre ye maǧâmât e mozâkere konande bâ goruh e FATF’, Javan Online, 18 November 2018, https://www.javanonline.ir/fa/news/934839/ (accessed 8 August 2019).

⁸⁰ ‘Iran dar fehrest e siâh e FATF’, DW, 24 February 2020, https://p.dw.com/p/3YHkS (accessed 15 November 2021).

⁸¹ ‘Tasvib e lâyehe ye CFT dar majles’, Mashregh.

⁸² ‘Estedlâl e manteǧi e biš az 40 nemâyande ye majles barâye moxâlefat ba FATF’, Titr e Azad.

⁸³ At the same time, the phrase ‘revolutionary action’ is reminiscent of the words of Ayatollah Khomeini, who used this phrase at the beginning of the Revolution to protest the moderate policy of Islamic liberalism (led by Mehdi Bazargan).

⁸⁴ ‘Dolat hal e moškel e eǧtesâdi e kešvar râ bâ Barjâm gereh nazanad’, Xâne ye Mellat, 17 January 2017, https://www.icana.ir/Fa/News/366178/ (accessed 8 August 2019).

⁸⁵ ‘Tahdidhâye delvâpasân javâb nadâd’, Aftab, 7 October 2018, https://aftabnews.ir/fa/news/549568/ (accessed 8 August 2019).

⁸⁶ ‘Estedlâl e manteǧi e biš az 40 nemâyande ye majles barâye moxâlefat ba FATF’, Titr e Azad.

⁸⁷ ‘Tasvib e lâyehe ye CFT dar majles’, Mashregh.

⁸⁸ ‘Dehǧani: Kešvar râ nabâyad dar enzevâ ǧarâr dâd’, ISNA, 21 April 2019, https://www.isna.ir/news/98020100012 (accessed 7 May 2020). Referring to Ayatollah Khomeini’s famous statement that ‘the parliament is in charge.’

⁸⁹ ‘Estedlâl e manteǧi e biš az 40 nemâyande ye majles barâye moxâlefat ba FATF’, Titr e Azad.

⁹⁰ ‘Gozâreš e kâmel e barrasi e FATF dar majles, Tasnim, 7 October 2018, https://www.tasnimnews.com/fa/news/1397/07/15/1846334/ (accessed 9 August 2019).

⁹¹ ‘Estedlâl e manteǧi e biš az 40 nemâyande ye majles barâye moxâlefat ba FATF’, Titr e Azad.

⁹² ‘Vâkonešhâ va tahlilhâ dar pey e tasvib e CFT dar majles’, ISNA.

⁹³ ‘Estedlâl e manteǧi e biš az 40 nemâyande ye majles barâye moxâlefat ba FATF’,Titr e Azad.

⁹⁴ ‘Sâdâti Nežâd: dolat bedun e mojavvez e majles FATF râ emzâ kard’, Tasnim, 29 December 2019 https://www.tasnimnews.com/fa/news/1398/10/08/2170155/ (accessed 7 May 2020).

⁹⁵ This stance is strengthened by the Iranian Supreme Leader (‘Bayânât dar didâr e nemâyandegân va kârkonân e Majles e Šorâye Eslâmi’, Khamenei, 20 June 2018, https://farsi.khamenei.ir/speech-content?id=39982).

⁹⁶ This statement was delivered before General Soleimani’s assassination. (‘Âmrikâ øalyh e Iran eølâm e jag karde va bâyad pâsox e ân râ dâd’, Xâne ye Mellat, 7 January 2020, https://www.icana.ir/Fa/News/441353) (accessed 7 May 2020).

⁹⁷ ‘Nazar e 24 nemâyande ye majles darbâre ye mâhiyat e lâyehe ye FATF’, Tasnim.

⁹⁸ ‘Iran dar fehrest e siâh e FATF’, DW.

⁹⁹ ‘Aksar e nemâyandegân be CFT raøye mosbat xâhand dâd’, Aftab.

¹⁰⁰ ‘Ǧarârdâd e mâli FATF šaffâfsâzi e daruni va biruni râ be donbâl dârad’, Xâne ye Mellat, 27 September 2016, https://www.icana.ir/Fa/News/309946 (accessed 8 August 2019).

¹⁰¹ ‘Tasvib e lâyehe ye CFT dar majles’, Mashregh.

¹⁰² ‘Estedlâl e manteǧi e biš az 40 nemâyande ye majles barâye moxâlefat ba FATF’, Titr e Azad.

¹⁰³ ‘Øadam e vâriz e darâmad e čand hezâr milyârd tumâni e hâsel az foruš e naft be sanduǧ e toseøe’, Xâne ye Mellat, 23 December 2018, https://www.icana.ir/Fa/News/412923 (accessed 8 August 2019).

¹⁰⁴ ‘Zabân e moǧâbele bâ Âmrikâ moǧâvemat va zur ast na mozâkere’, Xâne ye Mellat, 3 November 2019, https://www.icana.ir/Fa/News/437441 (accessed 7 May 2020).

¹⁰⁵ ‘Hame ye movâfeǧân va moxâlefân e FATF dar majmaøe tašxis’, ISNA, 2 February 2019, https://www.isna.ir/news/97111307027 (accessed 8 August 2019).

¹⁰⁶ ‘Fathi: čâre ī joz peyvastan be FATF nadârim’, Tabnak.

¹⁰⁷ According to Ayatollah Khamenei, revolutionary rationality refers to ‘ … pragmatism coincided with idealism and foreseeing distant horizons … ’ (‘Bayânât dar marâsem e sobhgâh e radehâye moxtalef e niruye moǧâvemat e basij’, Khamenei, 26 April 2005, https://farsi.khamenei.ir/speech-content?id=3303, (accessed 12 August 2021)), and ‘adhering to the facts and real requirements of decision-making’ (‘Bayânât dar didâr e jamøi az masøulân e Vezârat e Omur e Xâreje’, Khamenei, 15 August 2004, https://farsi.khamenei.ir/speech-content?id=1173, (accessed 12 August 2021)).