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ABSTRACT
Recent debates relating to the #Rhodes-Must-Fall and related movements invite a careful reappraisal of the complex field of colonial education in the late colonial era, given the lack of attention to the field by historians and the significance of this legacy for the development of educational policy in the post-colonial world. The British, French and German colonial offices, along with missionary societies and American philanthropic organisations, had attempted to shape such policies in the first half of the twentieth century, broadly influenced by notions of Indirect Rule and Progressive Education, but there were also significant critics of formal policy initiatives who have only had intermittent scholarly attention. Bryant Mumford’s career in the field (especially in Tanganyika – 1923–1932) and in his role as lecturer in the newly established Colonial Department at the London Institute of Education (1934–1942), provides valuable insights into the world of colonial education.
Acknowledgements
Many thanks are extended to David Mumford, son of Bryant Mumford, for his generous assistance in filling in the personal dimensions of this story.
Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).
Notes
1 For details of her family see Clive Whitehead, Colonial Educators: The British Indian and Colonial Education Services: 1859–1983 (London: I. B. Tauris, 2003), ch. 12 (Margaret Read).
2 HMS Renown was the lead ship in her class of battlecruisers of the Royal Navy built during the First World War.
3 He was awarded an MA from St John’s College Cambridge in 1925.
4 See Richard Aldrich, The Institute of Education: 1902–2002 (London: IoE, 2002), 63–87; Richard Aldrich and Tom Woodin, The UCL Institute of Education: From Training College to Global Institution (London: UCL Press, 2020). It is important to locate these developments within the overall growth of the research and teaching of education in Britain during the twentieth century. See Brian Simon, ‘The Study of Education as a University Subject in Britain’, Studies in Higher Education 8, no. 1 (1983): 1–13; Robert Cowan, ‘Educational Studies in England and Scotland’, http://www.pedocs.de/volltexte/2015/10175/pdf/; R. Aldrich and David Crook, ‘Education as a University Subject in England: A Historical Interpretation’, Paedagogica Historica supp. series 3, no. 1 (1998): 121–38.
5 See Lord Lugard, The Dual Mandate in Tropical Africa (London: Frank Cass, 1922).
6 BPP Cmd. 2374 (London: HMSO, 1925).
7 Thomas Jesse Jones, Education in East Africa (New York: Phelps Stokes Fund, 1924).
8 Kenneth King, Pan Africanism and Education: A Study of Race Philanthropy and Education in the Southern States of America and East Africa (Oxford: Clarendon, 1971); Seppo Sivonen, White-Collar or Hoe Handle: African Education under British Colonial Policy 1920–1945 (Helsinki: Soumen Historiallinen Seura, 1995). For an excellent recent summary of this literature see Shoko Yamada, ‘Dignity of Labour’ for African Leaders: The Formation of Educational Policy in the British Colonial Office and Achimota School on the Gold Coast (Mankon, Bamenda: Langaa Research & Publishing, 2018).
9 Report by His Britannic Majesty’s Government on the administration under Mandate of Tanganyika Territory for the year 1924. I have drawn on this report for much of the background here.
10 For general background see John Iliffe, A Modern History of Tanganyika (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979). In order to promote what he saw to be a vital aspect of the curriculum ‘without definite religious conventions’ Mumford relied on what he called the ‘Boy Scout model’. See his paper to the Dar es Salaam Education conference in October 1925: ‘The Boy Scout Movement and Character Training’. According to Sivonen, Mumford was the secretary at this conference.
11 The other Central Schools at that time were at were in Dar es Salaam, Tanga and Tabora.
12 Sivonen, White-Collar or Hoe Handle, 112–15; W. B. Mumford, ‘Native School in Central Africa’, Journal of the Africa Society 26, no. 103 (1927): 237–44; Reports of the Department of Education, Tanganyika.
13 Stanley Rivers Smith, ‘The Education of Backward Peoples’, Oversea Education 3, no. 1 (October 1931): 60–7.
14 W. B. Mumford, ‘Malangali School’, Africa 3, no. 3 (July 1930): 265–90. For Mumford’s own retrospect on his work see his interview in the Star (Toronto) of March 23, 1927. During this time, in 1927, he also published ‘Native School in Central Africa’; and ‘Education and Social Adjustment of the Primitive Peoples of Africa to European Culture’, Africa 2, no. 2 (1929): 138–59.
15 An excellent overview of the state of education in Africa at this time is to be found in Amy W. Whitelaw’s report to the Colonial Office Advisory Committee for Native Education in Tropical Africa (ACNETA) on ‘Education in Tanganyika, Uganda and Kenya’, in October 1926; see Institute of Education Archives: 1E/TPN/7/1.
16 Mumford, ‘Native School in Central Africa’; Sivonen, White-Collar or Hoe Handle, 114. By 1926, ‘several hundred (white) settlers had already taken up land grants in the Iringa area’ and by 1935 the tobacco output for the area amounted to 152,000 lb of Virginia and 4000 lb of Turkish, demonstrating that there had been significant changes in the economic and social context in which these experiments were being conducted. See Lord Hailey, An African Survey (London: Oxford University Press, 1938), 926; and Lord Hailey, South African and East African Year Book and Guide (London: Sampson Law Marston & Co, 1948).
17 Mumford, ‘Malangali School’.
18 W. B. Mumford, ‘Education in Tanganyika’, Journal of the Royal Africa Society (JRAS) 34, no. 135 (April 1935): 198–200.
19 See Mumford to Malinowski, July 22, 1933 in Malinowski Papers: General Correspondence, cited in Sivonen, White-Collar or Hoe Handle, 115 n. 251.
20 Bott was a psychologist who explored the mental hygiene of children; McIlwraith and Wissler specialised in the anthropology and education of Native Americans; Ernest B. Haddon was an anthropologist and linguist whose work focused on Uganda and New Guinea. For a background to these developments see Kallaway, ‘Science and Policy: Anthropology and Education in British Colonial Africa during the Inter-War Years’, Paedagogica Historica 48, no. 3 (2012): 411–30.
21 See Mumford, ‘Malangali School’, 265; his supervisors appeared to have been Professors Bott and McIlwraith, though there is some evidence that he was also assisted by Edwin Embree of the Rockefeller Foundation. I am exceedingly grateful to Tys Klumpenhouwer (University of Toronto archives Ref. c.A2003-0005) for a news clip from the Star of Toronto for March 23, 1927, which describes an interview with Bryant Mumford and provides a unique perspective on his views: ‘Educating Africans along Unique Lines: Applying Practical Psychology in East Africa’.
22 For more on Loram see R. D. Heyman, ‘C.T. Loram: A South African Liberal in Race Relations’, International Journal of African Historical Studies 5, no. 1 (1972): 41–50; Richard Glotzer, ‘Charles Templeton Loram: Education and Race Relations in South Africa and North America’, in Empire and Education in Africa, ed. Peter Kallaway and Rebecca Swartz (New York: Peter Lang, 2016), 155–76; P. Kallaway, The Changing Face of Colonial Education in Africa: Education, Science and Development (Oxford: Routledge/Taylor & Francis, 2020), 144–90.
23 For further references to this context see Mumford, ‘Malangali School’; also see Ndembwela Hillman Ngunangwa, ‘Indigenous African Education: The Case of the Independent School at Wanyikongwe among the Wabena of Tanzania,1800–1940’ (PhD diss., University of Pittsburg, 1988), ch. 7, ‘The Malangani or Mumford Experiment,1927–1940’. According to Peter Pels, the Malagali School experiment ‘conspicuously failed’. See Peter Pels, ‘“Global Experts” and “African Minds”: Tanganyikan Anthropology as Public and Secret Service, 1925–61’, Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 17, no. 4 (December 2011): 805 n.14.
24 Africa 6, no. 1 (1933): 27–37.
25 Africa 11, no. 4 (1938): 187–206. This was a paper that took as its departure point the publication of the Colonial Office Report on the Higher Education in East Africa (the De la Warr Report) (BPP Colonial No. 142 1937) and the pamphlet on Education and Village Communities (CO Africa: ACEC No. 103:1938). It used the same terminology that was to characterise the major reform report of 1944, Mass Education in African Society (Colonial No. 186/HMSO, 1944). It focused on the urgent need for a long-term strategy in the planning of African education, with a focus on the need for mass literacy and numeracy in the face of political, economic and social change. There is an emphasis on statistical data, which would be characteristic of the new era of development planning. In keeping with the new approach there was no reference to the historical background of colonial education in Africa or to the work done by missionaries. The co-author, R. W. B. Jackson, was a statistician who had been recruited to engage with ‘the statistical enquiry in the development of colonial education’. See IoE Annual Report (1937–1938): 14.
26 W. B. Mumford, ‘Heke-Bena-Sangu Tribes of East Africa’, American Anthropology 36, no. 2 (1934): 203–22. In this paper he acknowledges his debt to George G. Brown, who had been the Superintendent of Education in Tanganyika (1928–1934) and a Rockefeller Fellow of the IIALC under Malinowski. He had conducted anthropological research in the Iringa area, where Mumford had been based at Malangali School. See G. G. Brown and A. Mc Donald Bruce Hutt, Anthropology in Action: An Experiment in the Iringa Province of Tanganyika Territory (London: IIALC/Oxford University Press, 1935). For Brown’s work on education see 215–19. For more on Brown see T. F. McIlwraith, ‘G. Gordon Brown 1896–1955’, American Anthropologist new series, 60, no. 3 (June 1958): 571–3. Mumford makes no reference to the wider anthropological literature of the time or to the context of these developments. He also makes only passing reference to the considerable legacy of German missionary anthropology in Tanganyika. See P. Kallaway, ‘Volkskirche, Völkerkunnde and Apartheid: Lutheran Missions, German Anthropology and Science in African Education’, in Contested Relations: Protestantism between Southern Africa and Germany from the 1930s to the Apartheid Era, ed. Hanns Lessing, Tilman Dedering, Jürgen Kampmann and Dirkie Smit (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag/Pietermaritzburg: Cluster Publications, 2015).There are few academic references in Mumford’s work, and no demonstration of an awareness of the great debates that had marked the field for 50 years. Chau Kelly found evidence that Mumford had required the students and teachers of Malangali School to conduct ‘field work’ for him for the purposes of determining a curriculum adapted to local needs, and incidentally provides the data for this excursion into the field of anthropology. For background to the whole context see Pels, ‘“Global Experts” and “African Minds”’; Chau Johnsen Kelly, ‘Cattle Dip and Shark Liver Oil in a Techno-Chemical Colonial State; The Poisoning at Malangali School, Tanganyika, 1934’, Journal of African History 57, no. 3 (2016): 437–63. Kelly sees the school poisonings as part of a wider scheme for colonial development in Tanganyika that attempted to tackle complex social and environmental issues through untested medical and technological innovations. When this poisoning of students took place at Malangali in October 1934, Mumford had already left the school, though his successors, Mr and Mrs R. A. Wallington, were strongly implicated in the deaths of 35 girls.
27 This seems to have been the first publication of Hugh Aston, who was to become a prominent researcher and commentator on the affairs of the Southern African Protectorates and Rhodesia in the post-war years.
28 Z. K. Matthews was a black South African who had a studied under C. T. Loram at Yale on a Phelps–Stokes Bursary (1933–1934) and was an IIALC Fellow with Malinowski at LSE between 1934 and 1935, where he obtained a Diploma in Anthropology. He later became a lecturer at the South African Native College (Fort Hare) and a prominent anti-apartheid activist. See Monica Wilson, Freedom for My People: The Autobiography of Z.K. Matthews, Southern Africa 1901 to 1968 (Cape Town: David Philip, 1981); W. A. Saayman, A Man with a Shadow: The Life and Times of Z.K. Matthews (Pretoria: UNISA Press, 1996). Mumford’s contact with Matthews in this context might provide the explanation for his subsequent engagement with South Africa in relation to the May Esther Bedford Fund’s support for the promotion of African literature, art and music. See below.
29 Mumford is identified as the main author of the publication of the Institute of International Affairs and the Royal African Society (London, 1934) but since he had only visited Southern Africa briefly in 1934 and had no specific knowledge of the topic it can only be assumed that Ashton and Matthews were the main contributors.
30 Biology (Journal of the British Social Hygiene Council), January 1935. Also see CO African (East) No. 1134 1930: Biology and a Biological Approach to Native Education in East Africa by Prof. Julian Huxley (London: HMSO, 1930); IMC/CBMS Box 218: 221/223; Empire Social Hygiene Yearbooks (1934–1938) (London: Allen & Unwin); Oversea Education 7, no. 4 (July 1936); Peter Kallaway, ‘Julian Huxley and a Biological Approach to Education in British East Africa during the Inter-War Era’ (paper presented to the ISCHE 34 conference in Geneva, 2012). The IoE appointed a lecturer in Hygiene and the Teaching of Biological Sciences in 1935 – see IoE Archives 1/7/1 (1935).
31 W. B. Mumford and C. E. Smith, ‘Racial Comparisons and Intelligence Testing’, JRAS 37, no. 146 (January 1938): 46–57. Also see R. A. C. Oliver, ‘The Adaptation of Intelligence Tests to Tropical Africa’, Oversea Education 4, no. 186 (1932–3): 186–8.
32 Levy Bruhl, Primitive Mentality (New York: G. Allen & Unwin, 1923); Levy Bruhl, How Natives Think (New York: A. A. Knopf, 1925).
33 Jack Herbert Driberg, The Savage as He Really Is (London: George Routledge, 1929).
34 Mumford and Smith, ‘Racial Comparisons and Intelligence Testing’.
35 W. B. Mumford, ‘The Conference on Native Education in Johannesburg’, Journal of African Studies 33 (1934): 411-13; Mumford does not appear in the list of speakers at the conference – see E. G. Malherbe, Educational Adaptations to a Changing Society (Cape Town: Juta, 1937): 540–55.
36 See Kallaway, Changing Face of Colonial Education, 144–90.
37 Ibid., ch. 1; Mumford is not mentioned in the major biography of J. H. Oldham – the key figure in Mission/Government relations regarding education in Africa at this time. See Keith Clements, Faith on the Frontier: A Life of J.H. Oldham (Edinburgh: T&T Clark/WCC, 1999).
38 Mumford’s profile and appointment were featured in the Annual Report of the University of London for 1932–1933; see IE/PUB/E/1/1 Annual Report 1933–4. P1. /Ac 2. The Department changed its name on various occasions in keeping with the political context. It later became known as the Colonial Department, and still later the Department of Education in Tropical Areas.
39 Oversea Education 10, no. 2 (1939): 82; Aldrich, Institute of Education, 63–141; Christopher Cox, ‘The Development of the Institute of Education in Relation to the Colonies’, IoE Jubilee Lectures (London: IoE, 1952); also see Kallaway, Changing Face of Colonial Education.
40 In the financial records of the Oversea Division that I have been able to trace for 1937–1939 there is no mention of Mumford on the payroll (see ‘Personnel of Staff for the Oversea Division’: IoE 16/050/1/1). It seems that Mumford might have been an unpaid honorary member of staff. He is also not mentioned in the reports of the Adviser to Oversea Students to the CCNY for the period 1935–1939: IE/CAR/1.
41 Embree was Director of Studies (1925–1927) and Vice-President of the Rockefeller Foundation (1927) and subsequently President of the Julius Rosenwald Foundation (1927–1948). He was also the author of the path-breaking books on Brown America (New York: Viking Press, 1931); The Story of a New Race (New York: Viking Press, 1931/1943); Indians of America (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1939); see also Charles S. Johnson, ‘Edward Rogers Embree’, Phylon Profile 7, no. 4 (1946): 317–34.
42 E. R. Embree, M. S. Simon and W. B. Mumford, Island India Goes to School (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1934). For a complementary review see Benjamin Brawley, Journal of Negro Education 3, no. 4 (October 1934): 631–2.
43 See also Granville St J. Orde-Browne, The African Labourer (London: OUP/IIALC, 1933).
44 W. B. Mumford, Africans Learn to Be French … (London: Evans Bros, 1935/1936).
45 The Yearbook on Education was edited by Sir Percy Eustace. See Mumford, ‘Comparative Studies in Native Education in Various Dependencies’, ‘Description of German, British, French and Dutch Policies in Selected Dependencies’, ‘Tanganyika’, Yearbook on Education (1935): 810–20; 820–39; 821–28; ‘Growing Points in African Higher Education’, Yearbook on Education (1936): 749–69.
46 From Basic to Wider English … (London: Evans Bros, 1930, 1937, 1938, 1940, 1960–1968). Catherine M. Nesbitt was attached to the Orthological Institute in Cambridge. Mumford does not seem to have had any background in language teaching.
47 See L. A. Norcutt and G. C. Latham, The African and the Cinema (London: Edinburgh House Press, 1937).
48 Numbers of students in the Overseas Division were as follows: 1932–1933: 40; 1934–1935: 24; 1937–1938: 40; 1939: 52 students.
49 The individuals listed by Mumford as being directly concerned with the work of the Colonial Department were Prof H. R. Hamley, deputy to Nunn and Clarke and concerned with Indian education and Indian students; James Fairgrieve, Reader in Education (Geography Education); Fielding Clarke, former Superintendent of Education in Nigeria (assistant tutor); Mr Dussek, former Assistant Director of Education in Malaya (assistant tutor); Laurence Faucett, Lecturer in English as a Foreign Language; R. Schairer (Comparative Education); Margaret Read from LSE to teach anthropology; and the South African, Julius Lewin, who took charge of the Colonial Library and Bibliographic and Reference Section: IoE Annual Report (1937–1938), 14. Other staff members mentioned were B. H. Parker (English), A. S. Hamilton, C St L. Duff, P. Gurrey (English).
50 Cox, ‘Development of the Institute of Education’.
51 Mumford, ‘Educational Implications of the Changing Attitudes of Europe to the Colonies’, discussion at Ley House, Worth, Sussex, June 1939. An unpublished record of discussions. IoE Library. Cited in Sivonen, White-Collar or Hoe Handle, 207, n. 31.
52 Aldrich, Institute of Education, 103.
53 Grace’s mother was Mary (May) Esther Bedford (1879–1911), wife of Johanes Schoitt. She died in 1911 giving birth to Grace. May Esther Bedford (Schiott) was the daughter of Edward Thomas Bedford (1849–1931), president of the Corn Products Refining Co. (the producer of Vaseline), which is noted in Wikipedia as being a $80 million company, and director of the Standard Oil Company in New Jersey. He was reported to be a personal friend of John D. Rockefeller. He was a generous philanthropist who gave millions to promote public school programmes and to build a hospital, as well as expanding the YMCA facilities in Westport, CT. Grace Mumford (Schiott) was his granddaughter. The May Esther Bedford Fund was named after her mother. In 1935 the Fund was administered by a sub-committee of the Delegacy of the Institute of Education, comprising Percy Nunn (Director), Fred Clarke, Grace Wacey, James Fairgrieve and Herbert S. Scott. IoE Archives, 1E/1/GVT/4 1939.
54 The Carnegie Corporation of New York made a grant of $67,500 for a three-year period to support eight Carnegie Fellows and promote ‘overseas’ work at the Institute of Education in 1934. Mumford was appointed as a Carnegie Fellow. See Aldrich, Institute of Education, 103–5.
55 Amongst others, Otto Raum received support from the fund for his pathbreaking work on the Chagga in Tanganyika – see Chagga Childhood: A Description of Indigenous Education in an East African Tribe (London: OUP/IIALC, 1940), which had an introduction by Mumford.
56 This prize was awarded annually under the auspices of London University for literature written in African languages and seems to have been a kind of supplement to the IIALC competition to promote African literature funded by the Rockefeller Foundation that had been initiated by Diedrich Westermann in 1930. See Africa 4, no. 1 (1931): 97, 123 and Africa 4, no. 3 (1931): 352–3. These were secular initiatives that followed on the lead of the International Committee on Christian Literature for Africa (Foreign Missions Conference of North America) that had promoted the cause of indigenous literature since 1926 under the able guidance of Margaret Wrong. See Ruth Compton Brouwer, ‘Margaret Wrong’s Literary Work and the Remaking of Women in Africa, 1929–48’, Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History 23, no. 3 (1995): 427–52. In the 1950s, after Wrong’s death, the Margaret Wrong Prize for African Literature was initiated in similar vein under the chairmanship of Christopher Cox, the Educational Adviser to the Secretary of State for the Colonies. See SOAS/ICCCA Box 512/10. Despite their significance for African artists, there has been a surprising lack of research on these initiatives. The awards, which were granted annually between 1935 and 1940, went to S. E. K. Mqhayi (1935 and 1936); J. J. R. Jolobe (1936 and 1940); N. S. Luthango (1936); S. K. Lekgothoana (1936); L. D. Raditladi (1936 and 1937); N. S. Ndebele (1938). See Peter Kallaway, ‘The Modernization of Tradition? isiXhosa Language Education and School History: 1920–1948 – Reform in the Work of Samuel Edward Krune Mqhayi’, in Kallaway, Changing Face of Colonial Education, 191–229.
57 The MEB Competition for ‘Art Among the Bantu’ awarded prizes to artists who were to achieve considerable fame in the future: the sculptor, Ernest Mancoba (1935) and the painters G. Pember (first prize in 1937 of £25) and Gerald Sekota (second prize in 1937 of £5). See ‘Art Among the Bantu’, Natal Mercury, December 10, 1937; Jillian Carmen, ed., Visual Century: South African Art in Context, vol. 1 (Johannesburg: Wits Press, 2011): 95, 97. The works were assessed by members of the Art School at Rhodes University, and by Professor Winter-Moore and Mrs Bates, on behalf of London University.
58 In 1936 there were 12 competitors and the successful participant, Michael M. Moerane, was awarded a prize of £20. See The CATA 3, no. 3 (1937): 13–14.
59 The only reference I have been able to find is http://www.indiana.edu/~libsalc/Africa/scripts/awards1.php?award=193 (University of Indiana) and scattered references in the Delegacy minutes of the Institute of Education. I have not found any records at the University of Fort Hare.
60 IE/1/GVT/3.
61 ‘Memorandum on the Changing Activities of the May Esther Bedford Research Section’, Colonial Department, IoE – Mumford to Fred Clarke, January 1940: IE/1/ULD/A/9.
62 Grace Mumford to Prof Clarke, December 5, 1939; Bryant Mumford to Clarke, January 6, 1942, IE/1/ULD/A/9.
63 See Aldrich, Institute of Education, 114.
64 Whitehead, Colonial Educators, 230.
65 Margaret Read was related to Mumford. His mother was from the Read family. Margaret was an anthropologist who had been an IIALC Fellow and had been supervised by Malinowski. Her major research work was on The Ngoni of Nyasaland (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1956). It was only after joining the Colonial Department in 1940 that her research focus turned to education. See Margaret Read, Education and Social Change in Tropical Areas (London: Thos. Nelson & Sons, 1955).
66 UN Archives and Records Management Section: AG-137/ Mr Bryant Mumford, Information Officer, 1/1/1945-31/12/1945: item 1816. See S-0537-0005-0006: Agendas/minutes of UNIO staff meetings, 1942–45; S-0537-0005-0011: Employees at UNIO 1946–7; ‘UNO Headquarters in Bronx for 3 to 5 Years Seen Likely’, New York Times, March 1, 1946.
67 See obituary in African Affairs 50, no. 200 (1951): 251; ‘Margaret Read’, The Times, February 7, 1951.
68 See Joseph Morgan Hodge, Triumph of the Expert: Agrarian Doctrines of Development and the Legacies of British Colonialism (Athens, OH: Ohio University Press, 2007); Helen Tilley, Africa as a Living Laboratory (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2011); Kallaway, Changing Face of Colonial Education (2020).
69 Mumford, Africans Learn to Be French, 199.
70 See also Kallaway, Changing Face of Colonial Education, ch. 4.; A. V. Murray, The School in the Bush (London: Longmans Green, 1929/1938); W. H. Macmillan, Emergent Africa (London: Pelican, 1938); Julian Huxley, Africa View (London: Chatto & Windus, 1933); Norman Leys, Last Chance in Kenya (London: Hogarth Press, 1931); Lord Hailey, An Africa Survey (London: Oxford University Press, 1938).
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Peter Kallaway
Peter Kallaway is an educational historian and policy analyst who has been a member of staff at the University of the Witwatersrand, the University of the Western Cape and the University of Cape Town since the 1980s. His publications include Apartheid and Education (Johannesburg: Ravan Press, 1984); Education after Apartheid (UCT Press, 1997); Education under Apartheid (New York: Peter Lang, 2002/Cape Town: Pearsons, 2002); Empire and Education in Africa: The Shaping of a Comparative Perspective (New York: Peter Lang, 2016/UKZN Press, 2019) with Rebecca Swartz; and The Changing Face of Colonial Education in Africa (Routledge/Taylor & Francis, 2000). He is at present an Emeritus Professor at UWC, and an Honorary Research Associate at the School of Education, University of Cape Town.