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Articles

COVID-19 and cycling: a review of the literature on changes in cycling levels and government policies from 2019 to 2022

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Pages 299-344 | Received 28 Oct 2022, Accepted 10 Apr 2023, Published online: 24 Apr 2023

ABSTRACT

This paper reviews 100 peer-reviewed articles and 12 non-refereed papers on COVID-19 and cycling published from March 2020 to January 2023. Overall, the studies suggest more increases than decreases in cycling, with some cities reporting large increases. However, there has been much variation among countries, cities, and specific corridors within cities as well as variation by gender, age, ethnicity, income group, trip purpose, and time period of the pandemic. The largest increases in cycling in 2020 were for recreation, exercise, and stress relief on weekends and weekday afternoons. By comparison, cycling to work, university, schools, and shopping generally declined. Most studies reported expansions or improvements in bikeway networks, often specifically related to COVID or accelerated due to COVID, and with a particular emphasis on low-stress facilities such as protected bike lanes, slow streets, car-free streets, and traffic calmed neighbourhood streets. Most of the studies examining the social equity impacts of COVID-related cycling policies found them to be broadly equitable across income, ethnic, age, and gender dimensions. Many studies recommended further expansion of low-stress, safer facilities in order to attract a broader cross-section of the population to cycling.

1. Introduction

In the three years since its onset, COVID-19 has claimed at least seven million lives and caused serious illness for hundreds of millions of persons (WHO, Citation2023). COVID-19 has also influenced many aspects of life throughout the world. Transport systems and travel behaviour have been affected by the public’s fear of COVID-19 infection and by government-mandated lockdowns, quarantines, travel bans, and closures. Those restrictions forced shifts to remote learning, working, shopping, and entertainment – most of which were temporary, but some of which have persisted to varying extents. That reduced travel overall, especially during COVID-19 peaks and before vaccines became available. The fear of contagion also influenced choice of travel mode, leading to declines in the usage of modes that require close proximity to other travellers in enclosed spaces, while favouring modes that enable distancing from other travellers – such as cycling (Buehler & Pucher, Citation2021a; de Vos, Citation2020; Habib & Anik, Citation2021; Möllers et al., Citation2022; Schaefer et al., Citation2021). Indeed, already in mid-2020, there were widespread media reports of a boom in bicycling and shortages of bicycles for purchase.

Assessing the effects of COVID-19 on cycling is important because cycling is a sustainable means of transport for travelling short to medium distances, especially in urban areas. Moreover, it has served as an alternative to public transport for some trips and for some people during the pandemic. In addition, increased cycling may have helped offset the reduction in physical activity due to the temporary closure of gyms, fitness centres, swimming pools, and athletic events during peaks of the pandemic.

Our review of the literature about government policies related to cycling examines the implementation of pro-cycling policies combined with restraints on motor vehicle use during the COVID pandemic, some of which would have been considered unlikely or even impossible in many cities under normal circumstances. The experience with a wide range of new or expanded measures during COVID revealed the effectiveness of low-stress, safe facilities such as protected bike lanes, off-road paths, slow streets, school streets, and traffic-calmed neighbourhoods to encourage a wider range of the population to ride bikes.

2. Studies included in this review

The purpose of this paper is to review the literature published on the possible impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic on cycling. The review examines 100 peer-reviewed journal articles and 12 non-refereed reports, papers, and datasets that were published between March 2020 and January 2023. Both kinds of studies are listed in , which is organised alphabetically according to the lead author’s last name. Studies that were not peer-reviewed are designated with asterisks following the authors’ names. We placed the table at the end of the full text to avoid interrupting the text with such a long table.

Table 1. Overview of 100 peer-reviewed and 12 non-refereed studies about bicycling and COVID-19 published between March 2020 and January 2023 (ordered alphabetically by lead-author last name). Reported for each publication are: study author(s) and publication year; type of study, data, and methods; time frame of study; number of cases; country/city; changes in cycling; government policies. Source: Summarised by the authors based on the articles listed in the table. The bibliographic information for each article is listed in the references at the end of the paper.

Our literature review is divided into two main parts – each based on a major theme identified in the literature. First, we review changes in cycling levels during COVID-19 (see column 6 of for details). Second, we review government policies during COVID related to cycling: government policies implemented; measured impacts of government policies on cycling levels; and overall recommendations for government policies based on each study’s analysis (see column 7 of ).

2.1. Peer-reviewed studies

To identify peer-reviewed studies, we searched the publication databases of the Web of Science, Scopus, the Transportation Research Board’s TRID (Transportation Research International Documentation) database, and the World Health Organization’s COVID-19 Research Database. We used the following search terms to identify relevant publications published between 1 January 2020 and 25 January 2023: bike, bicycle, bicycling, cycling, active travel, active transport – in combination with Coronavirus, COVID, and COVID-19. We searched the titles, abstracts, and keywords of publications. The initial search found 95 bicycling-related publications in Web of Science, 91 in Scopus, 57 in TRID, and 72 in the WHO database. Eliminating overlap yielded 149 unique studies.

Based on reading the abstracts and scanning the texts of those 149 publications, we excluded 49 that were not relevant to our topic of the possible impact of COVID-19 on ordinary, non-professional cycling. For example, several papers dealt with professional sports cycling. Some excluded articles focused on topics such as air quality during COVID due to changes in travel behaviour but only briefly mentioned cycling without any cycling-specific analysis. We also excluded studies that aggregated walking and cycling, making it impossible to isolate changes specific to cycling. We included such studies, however, if they examined government policies benefiting both walking and cycling, such as reduced speed limits, car-free streets, neighbourhood traffic calming, and off-road shared paths. Finally, a few studies included the terms COVID, COVID-19, or Coronavirus in the abstract or keywords but did not deal at all with the topic, as we discovered upon reading the full text. Eliminating papers not directly relevant to our topic yielded 100 peer-reviewed papers that we included in our review.

The 100 peer-reviewed studies we reviewed were listed in the literature databases between March 2020 and January 2023. Most of the studies examined the time period 2019–2020; 22 studies included data from 2021, and only two of the studies included data from 2022. As a whole, the studies cover a worldwide sample of six continents, 53 countries, and 261 cities. Europe (41) and the USA (29) accounted for the most cases studied, followed by Asia (23), Canada (13), Australia (9), Latin America (8), and Africa (4). Some studies examined several countries on several continents. As reported in , the peer-reviewed studies (column 1) used a variety of methods and types of data (column 2), time periods (column 3), sample sizes (column 4), and geographies (column 5) to estimate effects of the COVID-19 pandemic on cycling levels (column 6) and government measures to promote cycling (column 7).

2.2. Non-refereed studies and datasets

Using Google Scholar and our own informal inquiries with academic and professional colleagues, government agencies, and cycling organisations, we identified 12 other papers, reports, and datasets that were directly relevant to our study. They are listed in with asterisks to distinguish them from the peer-reviewed studies. Our search for non-refereed publications was highly selective, based primarily on filling in gaps and updating information in the peer-reviewed literature. In some cases, these non-refereed sources were broader in scope and more up-to-date than the refereed articles and included larger sample sizes. For example, the Eco-Counter dataset (and its descriptive analysis) was the only source of comprehensive, international information available on cycling levels on a week-by-week basis over the entire period from 1 January 2019 through 31 December 2022.

As listed in and the references, most of the studies that were not peer-reviewed were produced by non-governmental organisations, government agencies, and university research centres. Their geographic coverage included Europe, North America, and Australia. Eight of the studies examined the time period 2019–2020. Four of the studies examined the period 2019–2021; two of those examined the entire period 2019–2022. Although their analysis is mostly descriptive, the non-refereed sources provide a useful complement to the refereed publications by reporting more recent information and using larger databases.

3. Changes in cycling levels during COVID

3.1. Measuring cycling levels

Of the 86 studies we reviewed that assessed changes in cycling levels during COVID, the three main data sources were: surveys (43 studies), automatic counters (13), and bikesharing pick-up and drop-off data (12). Less frequently used data sources were interviews (7), GPS-based data (7), and crowd-sourced data from mobile apps or social media (4). Although surveys were most frequently used, there was considerable variation in survey type. Some surveys posed a general question of whether the respondents cycled more frequently during COVID than before COVID. Some surveys asked about the specific frequency of cycling or how many trips were made by bike during COVID compared to before COVID. Similar to the automatic counter data, such surveys generated data about levels of cycling in the time periods compared but no information on the percentage of trips by bike. Several of the studies, however, relied on surveys that were multimodal, asking about trips by all modes over the compared time periods, and thus enabling calculations of the mode share of cycling compared to other modes. Some surveys asked specifically about trip purpose, while others did not. Similarly, surveys varied by the extent to which they asked details about time of day, day of the week, and location of trips as well as socio-demographic details about the respondents. A few studies asked not only about past cycling levels but also future intentions.

Automatic counters were generally able to distinguish between cyclists and pedestrians but provided no information about trip purpose or socioeconomics. Unlike the survey data, they provided detailed information about the exact location and timing of trips. Because the counter data can often be distinguished by type of facility – for example, recreational vs. commutation routes – trip purpose can sometimes be inferred.

Several studies relied on data generated by bikesharing systems, which report volumes of bicycles checked-out and checked-in at specific docking-station locations, including information on day of the week and time of day. Floating (dockless) bikesharing systems report specific locations and time of use based on GPS data. A few studies used GPS-based tracking data to measure changes in cycling levels – typically based on data transmitted from mobile phones (e.g. Streetlight) or fitness trackers (e.g. Strava). Similar to the counter data, GPS traces do not provide information about trip purposes and socioeconomics of the travellers. However, they provide detailed information about the specific trip location and time of day. A few studies analysed Twitter feeds to assess general changes in attitudes towards cycling and cycling levels (e.g. cycling more or less than before COVID).

3.2. Overall cycling trends

Of the 60 peer-reviewed studies analysing changes in cycling from 2019 to 2020, 32 found increases in cycling, while 8 reported decreases, and 20 reported both increases and decreases, with differences by period of the pandemic, geography, day of the week, time of day, trip purpose, and demographics. For example, studies including many cities generally found increases in some cities but decreases in others. In addition, some studies that examined changes over several time periods found decreases over some time periods but increases in others. Of the 7 non-refereed studies focusing on changes between 2019 and 2020, 4 reported increases, while 3 reported both increases and decreases. Of the 14 peer-reviewed studies with data including 2021, 11 found increases in cycling from 2020 to 2021, while 3 studies found both increases and decreases. The two non-refereed studies including data for 2021 and the two non-refereed studies including data for 2021 and 2022 all reported both increases and decreases. Overall, more studies reported increases than decreases, but there was much variation among studies. Moreover, studies that disaggregated by period of the pandemic, geography, day of the week, time of day, trip purpose, and demographics found that changes in cycling levels diverged along those dimensions. The following sections of this paper explore that variation.

3.3. Variation by period of the pandemic

Most studies reported that cycling levels were higher in 2020 than in 2019 – or higher in specific pandemic periods in 2020 than in pre-pandemic periods in 2020 (see , column 7). Exceptions were studies that compared cycling during complete lockdowns in 2020 to pre-pandemic cycling, all of which found decreases during lockdowns (Echaniz et al., Citation2021; Heydari et al., Citation2021; Li et al., Citation2021; Teixeira et al., Citation2021). Of the 18 studies (both peer-reviewed and refereed) including data from 2021 and 2022, most found decreases or only slight increases in cycling from 2020 to 2021 or from 2020 to 2022 – but increases from 2019 to 2021 and 2022 (see , column 7).

Of all the studies examined, only Eco-Counter provides weekly data on cycling levels over the entire period 1 January 2019 to 31 December 2022, thus enabling an examination of detailed trends in cycling levels continuously during that four-year period (Eco-Counter, Citation2023). By comparison, almost all of the other studies examined only two – or at most three – specific points in time. Although Eco-Counter data are only available for 11 European countries, Canada, and the USA, they provide a unique tracking of the situation week-by-week over four years and thus portray fluctuations throughout the pandemic. For the period 2019–2020, Eco-Counter reported increases in cycling levels averaging 8% in 11 European countries, 16% in the USA, and 3% in Canada (Eco-Counter, Citation2023). From 2020 to 2021, Eco-Counter reported an average increase of 2% in Europe, no change in Canada, and a decrease of 13% in the USA. Over the entire period from 2019 to 2021, cycling levels increased by an average of 10% in Europe compared to 3% in both the USA and Canada.

In their analysis of the weekly Eco-Counter data, Buehler and Pucher (Citation2022) found that the largest percentage declines in 2020 (relative to 2019) were in periods of full lockdowns with stay-at-home orders, but even less severe restrictions – closed offices, shops, restaurants, schools, and universities – greatly reduced travel overall, including cycling. Similar to other studies, they found large increases in cycling after lockdowns, usually exceeding levels in the same months of 2019 prior to COVID-19. Eco-Counter reports much smaller fluctuations over time in 2021 than in 2020 and a slight decline in overall cycling levels from 2020 to 2021. For the entire four-year period 2019–2022, cycling rose in 10 countries and fell in 3 countries (Eco-Counter, Citation2023).

3.4. Variation by geography

Several of the studies we reviewed reported variation in cycling trends among countries. Of the 11 European countries, the USA, and Canada in the Eco-Counter database, changes from 2019 to 2021 ranged from overall decreases of 3% in Germany and 7% in Finland to overall increases of 23% in the UK and 27% in Italy (Buehler & Pucher, Citation2022). Barbieri et al. (Citation2021) collected survey data in May 2020 in Australia, Brazil, China, Ghana, India, Iran, Italy, Norway, South Africa and the USA. Compared to pre-pandemic levels, they found less cycling in May 2020, which was a period of COVID travel restrictions in most of those countries. However, the extent of the declines varied among countries from moderate to negligible. In a review of 43 peer-reviewed journal articles (as of March 2021) on global trends in cycling during the pandemic, Nikitas et al. (Citation2021) reported more increases than decreases in cycling, but with large variation among 42 cities in 22 countries on 5 continents.

Studies also found variation within countries. For example, Eco-Counter (Citation2023) reported variation in cycling changes among geographic regions of the USA over the period 1 January 2019 to 31 December 2022, ranging from −3% in the Southwest, −1% in the Rocky Mountain region and the Southeast, +1% on the Pacific Coast, +8% in the Northeast, to +20% in the Midwest. On the basis of 89 bicycle counters throughout Norway, Nordengen et al. (Citation2021) found a 23% increase in cycling in southern Norway from 2018 to 2020, but an 8% decrease in cycling in northern Norway.

Several studies found large differences among cities in the same country. Rérat et al. (Citation2022) found that from 2019 to 2021, the frequency of cycling among cyclists rose by 44% in Lausanne and by 42% in Geneva. By contrast, cycling levels in Zurich and Basel fell from 2019 to 2020 but rebounded in 2021 to pre-COVID levels (Büchel et al., Citation2022). A study of ten cities in Germany found that cycling levels rose from 2019 to 2020 in eight cities but fell in two cities (Möllers et al., Citation2022). In the United States, Streetlight (Morzynski et al., Citation2020; Musulin et al., Citation2021) reported cycling increases between July 2019 and July 2021 in 81 out of 100 cities but decreases in 19 cities. In general, cycling increased the most in cities with low cycling levels in 2019 but decreased in cities with high cycling levels, especially in university towns (due to remote learning) and in cities with high levels of bike commuting to work (due to remote working). This finding is consistent with declines in cycling mode share between 2019 and 2021 reported by national travel surveys in The Netherlands (28% to 26% of trips) and Denmark (15% to 12% of trips), Europe’s most bike-oriented countries (CBS, Citation2022; DTU, Citation2022). The national travel survey in Japan also reported a fall in the cycling mode share of trips: from 13% in 2015 to 10% in 2021 (MLIT, Citation2023).

There may have been inherently less potential for increased cycling during COVID in countries and cities that already had high levels of cycling in 2019 (Buehler & Pucher, Citation2022; Büchel et al., Citation2022; Möllers et al., Citation2022). Moreover, in countries and cities with high levels of cycling, most bike trips are utilitarian (Pucher & Buehler, Citation2008). As many studies reviewed in the next section of this article found, daily trips to work, school, university, and shopping tended to decline during COVID, while recreational cycling increased. In addition, several studies we reviewed noted that cities that already had high cycling mode shares and extensive high-quality cycling networks in 2019 undertook few, if any, special COVID-related measures to increase cycling (Buehler & Pucher, Citation2022; Büchel et al., Citation2022; de Haas et al., Citation2022; Möllers et al., Citation2022). In combination, those three factors might help explain the decline of cycling in countries and cities that had high cycling mode shares in 2019.

As documented in Buehler and Pucher (Citation2022), some cities that invested massively in expanding their cycling infrastructure during COVID (such as Paris, London, and Brussels) experienced large increases in cycling – except during strict lockdowns. One peer-reviewed study reported a “cycling boom” in Manila and two other metro areas in the Philippines after the national government funded more than 500 km of new cycling facilities specifically as a response to COVID (Sunio & Mateo-Babiano, Citation2022). Several studies measured increases in cycling on new cycling facilities, especially pop-up bike lanes installed during COVID (Becker et al., Citation2022; Kraus & Koch, Citation2021). From 2019 to 2021, cycling levels remained roughly the same in Zurich and Basel (Büchel et al., Citation2022), which did not implement any special pro-cycling policies, but rose considerably in Lausanne and Geneva, which made large investments in cycling infrastructure (Rérat et al., Citation2022).

3.5. Variation by trip purpose

Many studies reported large increases in cycling for recreation, exercise, stress reduction, and getting outdoors but reductions in daily commutation trips to work, university, and school (Buehler & Pucher, Citation2021a; Geiger et al., Citation2021; Kearns & Wright, Citation2022; Shibayama et al., Citation2021). For example, using crowd-sourced data from Strava, Schweizer et al. (Citation2021) found a 55% increase in recreational and exercise cycling in parks of 15 large German cities. Using GPS tracking data and an online survey, Molloy et al. (Citation2021) documented large increases in recreational cycling but a drop in commuter cycling in Switzerland. An international survey with 11,000 respondents reported decreases in bicycle commuting in 9 of 12 countries – with a majority of former bicycle commuters having shifted to working from home in almost all countries (Shibayama et al., Citation2021).

Some of the growth in cycling was due to an increase in the proportion of round trips – starting and ending at home or on off-road greenways – for recreation, stress relief, or exercise routines (Gladwin & Duncan, Citation2022; Rérat et al., Citation2022). Related to that difference by trip purpose, many studies reported especially large increases in cycling in or close to parks on off-road paths such as greenways but decreases on key commutation corridors to city enters, commercial districts, and universities (Fischer et al., Citation2022; Geiger et al., Citation2021; Hong et al., Citation2022).

3.6. Variation by time of day and day of the week

Related to differences by trip purpose, cycling generally increased the most on weekends and weekday afternoons while decreasing during weekday mornings (Chen et al., Citation2022; Fuller et al., Citation2021; Geiger et al., Citation2021; Molloy et al., Citation2021). In the 11 European countries included by Eco-Counter, cycling increased from 2019 to 2020 by an average of 23% on weekends but by only 3% on weekdays. Over the same period, cycling in the United States increased by 29% on weekends and 10% on weekdays; cycling in Canada increased by 28% on weekends but declined by 8% on weekdays (Eco-Counter, Citation2023).

In Europe, the USA, and Canada, cycling on weekdays decreased during the morning commute hours, but increased in the mid to late afternoon (Eco-Counter, Citation2023). Kearns and Wright (Citation2022) examined cycling changes from March 2019 to March 2020 at 70 counter locations throughout the state of North Carolina. They found that the largest increases in cycling were on off-road recreational greenways, especially on weekends and late weekday afternoons and evenings. Similarly, Monfort et al. (Citation2021) found that in Arlington County, Virginia mid-day cycling traffic increased by 76% between 2019 and 2020, but that morning cycling traffic declined by 49%. Nguyen and Pojani (Citation2022) found a large increase in recreational cycling in Hanoi, Vietnam from 2019 to April 2021, but it was concentrated in the early morning (5–8 am) – before heavy motorised traffic later in the day made cycling less safe. Using app-based GPS tracking, Molloy et al. (Citation2021) found that the largest increases in cycling in Switzerland from March-August 2019 to March-August 2020 were on weekends, holidays, and weekday afternoons. They concluded that the increased cycling was for leisure, exercise, and to get outside – not for the commute to work.

3.7. Variation by socio-demographics

Several studies report varying trends in cycling levels during COVID by gender, age, and employment status. For example, relying on a survey of 315 seniors in Teheran, Iran, Shaer and Haghshenas (Citation2021a) found that increased senior cycling in 2020 was limited to men, while women increased their walking during the pandemic. In their study of recreational cycling in Hanoi, Vietnam, Nguyen and Pojani (Citation2022) found that men were more likely than women to start cycling during the COVID pandemic. Using structural equations modelling to investigate cycling in four cities in South America (Buenos Aires, Quito, Santiago, and Lima) in the fall of 2020, Vallejo-Borda et al. (Citation2022) found that female and older public transport riders were less likely to shift to active travel compared to men and younger individuals.

Based on 419 entries in 22 qualitative mobility diaries of women in three large African cities (Abuja, Cape Town, and Tunis) in 2020 and 2021, Porter et al. (Citation2021) recommended cycling and walking as viable alternatives for low-income women who still had to go outside the house during COVID to find food and water and to earn income – in spite of the risk for infection. Using interviews, sketches, and self-generated videos with study participants, Waitt and Stanes (Citation2022) found that lower motorised-traffic volumes in Sydney, Australia during COVID allowed women to start riding bicycles. In a survey of 136 urban areas in 39 countries during COVID, Fischer and Gopal (Citation2021) found that cycling was the main form of physical activity for 20% of men, but for only 8% of women. The same study found that cycling was the main form of physical activity for 18% of respondents in high-income countries compared to only 4% in low-income countries.

Based on a logistic regression of survey data from Philadelphia for 213 respondents in the summer of 2020, Cusack (Citation2021) found a lower likelihood of commuting to work by bicycle for non-whites and for people with special time constraints and concerns about safety. In districts close to Santiago de Chile’s CBD, Valenzuela-Levi et al. (Citation2021) reported significant increases in cycling to work among those who were not working from home (25%–32%). Nguyen and Pojani (Citation2022) found increases in the share of children cycling to school (2%–13%) in Hanoi, Vietnam – mainly replacing walking trips.

3.8. Bikesharing

With few exceptions (e.g. Ku et al., Citation2021 and Song et al., Citation2022), studies reported that bikesharing fell sharply at the start of the pandemic due to fear of contagion from handling the same bike as others. It also fell during strict lockdowns during which most travel was prohibited. Remote working replaced most commute trips during lockdowns and has remained at higher levels than in 2019 even after 2020 (Heydari et al., Citation2021; Jobe & Griffin, Citation2021; Li et al., Citation2021). Due to the sharp decline in public transport usage in most countries, bikesharing was also less used than previously for getting to and from public transport stations (Buehler & Pucher, Citation2022).

Soon after the onset of COVID, many bikesharing systems made a concerted effort to sanitise bikes. Moreover, it eventually became clear that COVID is mainly spread through airborne particles emitted by people, especially indoors. That led to a revival of bikesharing in many cities (Chen et al., Citation2022; Heydari et al., Citation2021; Jobe & Griffin, Citation2021). Studies found that bikesharing during COVID was used more than previously for longer recreational trips instead of work trips or short access trips to and from public transport (Chen et al., Citation2022; Li et al., Citation2021; Xin et al., Citation2022). Sangveraphunsiri et al. (Citation2022) found that bikesharing recovered more quickly from COVID-19 trip reductions than other modes of transport.

3.9. Shift from public transport to cycling

Several studies found a shift from public transport to cycling, not only due to health concerns but also cutbacks in public transport service. In an analysis of 15,776 English-language tweets dealing with transport issues during COVID, Habib and Anik (Citation2021) found that 34% of Twitter users discussed shifts to bicycling from public transport due to health concerns. Möllers et al. (Citation2022) found shifts from public transport to cycling in all 10 German cities they examined. Schaefer et al. (Citation2021) found a shift of trips from local light rail to bicycling in Hannover, Germany. In Bangladesh, Zafri et al. (Citation2021) found that 45% of respondents considered switching to bicycling from public transport.

In a study of bikesharing in Shenzhen, China, Cao and Wang (Citation2022) found that reduced public transport service due to COVID increased demand for bikesharing. Similarly, Heydari et al. (Citation2021) found that public transport riders in London shifted to bikesharing during the pandemic – often resulting in longer bikeshare trips compared to trip duration before the pandemic. Song et al. (Citation2022) concluded that bikeshare served as a reliable alternative when public transport systems were closed in Singapore.

4. COVID and government policies related to cycling

Especially in 2020, many cities throughout the world introduced a range of measures to facilitate cycling, walking, and other uses of streetspace such as outdoor dining or provision of extra space for social distancing. Some of those measures relied on reallocating streetspace from motorised to non-motorised uses and restricting motor vehicle use through reduced speed limits, prohibition of motor vehicle traffic on certain days or times of day, and restrictions on thru traffic in residential neighbourhoods.

4.1. Overall cataloguing of measures

Combs and Pardo (Citation2021) used worldwide data gathered from crowdsourcing, professional networks, and systematic internet searches during a five-month period between 9 March and 9 August 2020. They identified over a thousand specific street space reallocation measures. Of those measures, 13% were shifts of motor vehicle travel lanes to cycling or walking, 22% were full or partial street closures to motorised traffic, and 8% involved bikesharing expansion or bike rental discounts. In a follow-up analysis, Kutela et al. (Citation2022) used text mining and network analysis to examine 483 measures over the longer period March 2020 to January 2022. In both their network analysis and logistic regression, they found that bike lanes were the most likely to be made permanent, followed by full-street closures to motor vehicles (open streets). Overall, Kutela found that 75% of the 483 measures were only short-term and not permanent. Similarly, Glaser and Krizek (Citation2021) found that only 6 of 30 large American cities had made COVID measures permanent.

The COVID-19 Measures Tracker of the European Cyclists Federation (ECF, Citation2022) found that from March 2020 to September 2022, roughly 2600 km of new bikeway infrastructure, traffic calming, and car-free areas were announced by local, regional, state, and national level governments in Europe. By September 2022, 1500 km of those measures had been implemented, including 43 of 94 of the largest cities (ECF, Citation2022; ECF & Eco-Counter, Citation2023). Roughly 1.7 billion Euros have been allocated for bicycling in Europe since the start of the pandemic – in the form of additional funding for infrastructure, tax incentives/reductions for cycling, subsidies for bicycle purchases and repair, and promotional campaigns (ECF, Citation2022; ECF & Eco-Counter, Citation2023). During 2020, approximately 200 U.S. cities reallocated street space to increase outdoor activity, including cycling (PfB, Citation2021).

4.2. Bikeway infrastructure

Many of the studies in report the expansion and improvement of cycling infrastructure in cities throughout the world (see column 7). Brisbane, Melbourne, and Sydney all expanded their cycling facilities, mainly pop-up bike lanes (Infrastructure Australia, Citation2020). As reported by Lin et al. (Citation2021), Toronto greatly expanded its network of low-stress cycling facilities in response to COVID in 2020. Within 4 months of the onset of COVID, 106 European cities installed an average of 11.5 km of pop-up bike lanes per city (Kraus & Koch, Citation2021). As a specific response to COVID, the Philippine national government allocated USD 23 million for a 500 km bike lane network in the country’s three major metropolitan areas, including Metro Manila, where 313 km were already completed by 30 June 2021 (Sunio & Mateo-Babiano, Citation2022). In Geneva and Lausanne, Switzerland, the pandemic accelerated implementation of existing cycling plans, with each city building 8 km of new cycle lanes in Spring 2020. The space for the new lanes was reallocated from car traffic lanes in Geneva, but from car parking lanes in Lausanne (Rérat et al., Citation2022).

All 14 large European and North American cities examined by Buehler and Pucher (Citation2022) expanded and improved their cycling infrastructure, mainly by building protected bike lanes (physically separated from motor vehicle traffic), some of which started as pop-up bike lanes but were made permanent because they were successful in attracting more cycling. Some of the new protected bike lanes, however, had already been included in previously existing bike plans, with their installation accelerated during COVID (e.g. in London, New York, and Montreal). In addition, most of 14 cities examined in the study undertook bicycle lane widening, buffering, and engineering design improvements, including intersection modifications to increase cycling safety and convenience. In order to facilitate the expansion and improvement of their cycling networks, all 14 of the cities increased their funding for cycling and increased engineering and planning staff dealing with cycling infrastructure and programmes.

Off-road facilities in both urban and rural areas expanded in the USA. For example, there was a 21% increase in the total length of off-road, shared-use paths for cyclists and pedestrians during the three years between 31 December 2019 and 31 December 2022, from 55,427 km to 67,076 km (RTC, Citation2023). In many cases of infrastructure expansion during COVID, it is not possible to identify how much of the expansion was specifically attributable to COVID. In some cases, however, governments announced the measures as being explicitly in response to COVID – such as the 500 km of new bike lanes in the Philippines and the Coronapistes (Corona bike lanes) in Paris.

Several studies we reviewed specifically examined the relationship between new cycling infrastructure and cycling levels. Based on data from 736 bicycle counters in 106 European cities, cycling increased on pop-up bike lanes in mid to late 2020 by 11%–48% compared to cycling on the same streets before COVID (Kraus & Koch, Citation2021). Detailed analysis of six pop-up cycling facilities in Sydney found large increases in cycling, ranging from 30% to 500% growth between July 2020 and April 2021. Because total travel declined over that period, bike mode share rose by even higher percentages (Harris & McCue, Citation2023). After installation of a pop-up bike lane in Berlin, cycling increased by 73% along that street from 2019 to 2020 (Becker et al., Citation2022). Based on Strava data, Fischer et al. (Citation2022) found that the largest increases in cycling in Vancouver from 2019 to 2020 were on “comfortable riding spaces” such as protected on-street bike lanes and bikeways in and near parks. Similarly, Hong et al. (Citation2022) found that cycling in Glasgow, Scotland increased the most on protected bikeways during COVID.

Of the 14 European and North American cities examined by Buehler and Pucher (Citation2022), 13 expanded the supply of bike parking in 2020 and 2021. Some cities also increased its quality by providing shelter, improved racks, and security at key locations. It is not clear, however, to what extent such bike parking improvements were explicitly a response to COVID. Nor did any studies we reviewed measure the extent to which improved bike parking during COVID might have raised cycling levels.

In contrast to studies examining actual changes in cycling, simulation studies used statistical modelling to estimate probable changes. For example, simulations for Trieste, Italy estimated that cycling would have increased considerably during COVID if there had been better cycling infrastructure (Scorrano & Danielis, Citation2021). In a simulation study of Patna, India, Thombre and Agarwal (Citation2021) estimated that building a bicycle superhighway would increase the bike share of trips to work from 31% to 44%. These simulation studies are hypothetical, of course, but we include them in our review because they attempt to isolate the possible impacts that specific infrastructure improvements would have had on cycling levels during COVID.

4.3. Bikesharing

Many bikesharing programmes suspended operations during the height of the pandemic in their cities. A study by the US Bureau of Transportation Statistics (BTS) found that from March to December 2020, 51 bikesharing systems in the USA ended operations permanently (mainly dockless bikesharing systems), 23 suspended operations temporarily, and 62 remained open (BTS, 2022). Many local governments took measures to restore the attractiveness of bikesharing. For example, some cities made special efforts to sanitise their bikes, while others offered temporarily discounted or even free bikesharing (Combs & Pardo, Citation2021).

Of the 9 European and 5 North American cities examined by Buehler and Pucher (Citation2022), several cities, such as New York, Vancouver, Portland, and Barcelona, expanded bikesharing during COVID and included more E-bikes in their fleet (Buehler & Pucher, Citation2022). In 2020, Bergantino et al. (Citation2021) surveyed 1163 respondents in Italian cities (including 766 from cities without bikesharing) and found that many more residents of those cities would ride bikes if bikesharing existed or would be expanded.

4.4. Restrictions on car use

Many large European and North American cities implemented road closures and speed reductions (Buehler & Pucher, Citation2022). Combs and Pardo (Citation2021) identified roughly 250 full or partial street closures in response to COVID in cities around the world. Glaser and Krizek (Citation2021) found in June 2020 that in 30 large U.S. cities, the most common COVID-related roadway measures were experiments with “open streets” or “slow streets”, usually prohibiting thru traffic and lowering speed limits. In a 6-month follow-up (December 2020), they found that 50 percent of the programmes (15 cities) were still in effect, including 6 cities that had expanded them (30 percent) and made permanent some experiments. Landgrave-Serrano and Stoker (Citation2023) found that Slow Streets more than doubled cycling and walking in Tucson, Arizona compared to control streets – in spite of the hot climate and lack of shade.

In their review of 9 European and 5 North American cities, Buehler and Pucher (Citation2022) found that most of the cities imposed new or more extensive restraints on car use during COVID. Most cities reduced speed limits, either city-wide, on designated slow streets, or in low-traffic, traffic-calmed neighbourhoods. For example, Paris and Brussels reduced their city-wide limits on most streets to 30 km/h, Washington, DC and Portland to 20 mph (32 km/h), and New York City to 25 mph (40 km/h). Brussels banned motorised thru-traffic from the city centre, reducing traffic volumes by a third (Buehler & Pucher, Citation2022). In only six months in 2020, London implemented additional Low Traffic Neighborhoods (LTNs) in areas of the city housing 300,000 residents. The primary intent of LTNs is to discourage thru motor vehicle traffic by installing various traffic calming devices to reduce traffic volumes, but traffic calming also tends to reduce vehicle speeds (Aldred et al., Citation2021). LTNs make walking, cycling, and playing in streets safer and less stressful.

New York City implemented the largest speed camera programme in the Americas, with 2200 cameras operating in 750 school speed zones. Those cameras reduced speeding by 72 percent in the school districts where they were installed (Buehler & Pucher, Citation2022). From 2020 to 2022, London closed 420 streets near schools to motorised traffic during morning drop-off and afternoon pick-up times for students (Thomas et al., Citation2022). Vancouver, Canada also implemented car-free streets adjacent to some schools during school hours (Buehler & Pucher, Citation2022).

Some cities banned motor vehicle traffic on certain streets at certain times of day, in effect creating car-free streets. In a study of 314 US cities, Evenson et al. (Citation2023) divided their city sample into two parts. They found that 51% of the larger cities (>165,000 residents) implemented car-restrictive measures compared to only 16% of small cities (<165,000). In 2020, New York City banned motorised traffic from 133 km of residential streets. In one of the most widely publicised measures, Paris transformed Rue de Rivoli, a major arterial street in central Paris, into a bicycle street that allows motor vehicle traffic in only one lane in one direction to enable bike traffic in the remaining 4 lanes in both directions. Portland permanently reduced the width of many of its arterial roads from 5 lanes to 3 lanes, freeing up space for cyclists and reducing car speeds. Most cities at least temporarily removed car parking or traffic lanes on portions of some streets in 2020 to enable more room for outdoor dining and to provide space for pop-up bike lanes (Buehler & Pucher, Citation2022; Combs & Pardo, Citation2021; Evenson et al., Citation2023). Barcelona, for example, removed 21 km of traffic lanes to provide space for expanded bike lanes.

Car drivers tended to oppose car-restrictive measures. In Berlin, for example, pedestrians (75%), cyclists (94%), and public transport users (79%) were supportive of pop-up bike lanes, while car drivers opposed them (79%) (Becker et al., Citation2022). Similarly, a 2020 survey of 2011 people in the USA found 34%–39% public support for car restrictions or roadway reallocations to promote safer bicycling and walking in June 2020 – in contrast to 59%–64% support (almost twice as much) for mask mandates and rules requiring physical distancing in public spaces (Duren et al., Citation2021).

4.5. Equity

Several studies examined the social equity impacts of cycling-related government policies implemented during COVID. Fischer and Winters (Citation2021) compared the socio-spatial equity impacts of street reallocation measures in three Canadian cities intended to encourage cycling, walking, and social distancing. The measured social equity results were mixed. In both Victoria and Kelowna (both in British Columbia), street reallocations tended to be more concentrated in areas of lower-income and higher proportions of Black and Indigenous peoples. In Halifax, Nova Scotia, street reallocations were slightly less concentrated in minority areas than for the city as a whole but neutrally distributed by income. In all three cities, the planning process for street reallocations was participatory and included equity considerations. Firth et al. (Citation2021) examined the equity impacts of street reallocations favouring cyclists and pedestrians in Vancouver (40 km) and Seattle (20 miles). They found the most streetspace reallocations in neighbourhoods with high proportions of residents who were people of colour, particularly Black and Indigenous peoples. The authors emphasise the need for community involvement in street reallocation decisions. Using GIS to analyse 59,544 network links, Lin et al. (Citation2021) found that the expanded low-stress cycling infrastructure implemented in Toronto, Canada during COVID greatly increased accessibility by bike to essential destinations, including areas of the city with low-income and minority populations.

In their global review of COVID-era transport measures, Combs and Pardo (Citation2021) report social equity problems in some of the more than a thousand measures they catalogued from around the world, but without any mention of the number of cases where this was a problem. Their main concern appears to be what they call “top-down decision-making and lack of robust participatory components in the planning and implementation process”, which caused “vigorous backlash” in some instances. They emphasise that a crucial aspect of the equity impacts of COVID-era measures is that they were embedded in a long-standing pattern of transport, housing, land use, and law enforcement policies that systematically excluded racial and ethnic minorities and low-income groups from access to safe active mobility for many decades prior to COVID (Martens et al., Citation2021).

Aldred et al. (Citation2021) found that Low Traffic Neighborhood (LTN) implementation in London during COVID has been broadly equitable. Across London as a whole, residents of the most deprived neighbourhoods were 2.5 times more likely to live in a new LTN compared to residents of the least deprived neighbourhoods. Black, Asian and Minority Ethnic (BAME) people were slightly more likely than White Londoners to live in a new LTN. Transport for London, which implements LTNs, explicitly uses equity criteria related to deprivation in its planning processes. Thomas et al. (Citation2022) found that School Streets in London have been equally distributed across several socio-demographic indicators. Fischer et al. (Citation2022) used Strava data to track changes in cycling levels and socio-demographics in Vancouver during COVID. They found that cycling increased most on low-stress, comfortable facilities such as protected bike lanes, slow streets, and off-road paths – which expanded during COVID. Increased cycling by women and older adults on such facilities narrowed somewhat the age and gender gap among cyclists. In their analysis of Santiago de Chile, Valenzuela-Levi et al. (Citation2021) found that subsidised housing within cycling distance to job concentrations helped increase equity in job access during COVID, when lower-income workers still needed to travel to work. Thus, the authors advocate a post-COVID situation with more affordable housing built near job concentrations so that trip distances are short enough to be covered by bike.

Our review found that during COVID, many cities throughout the world have focused on providing protected bike lanes and other low-stress facilities such as slow streets, closed streets, and traffic-calmed neighbourhood streets. Previous research found that low-stress cycling facilities are crucial to increasing cycling by children (McDonald et al., Citation2021), older adults (Garrard et al., Citation2021), women (Garrard, Citation2021), and by anyone who is especially sensitive to cycling safety (Furth, Citation2021). Thus, the focus on expanding such low-stress, safer cycling facilities especially targets the needs of children, older adults, and women, and has a positive equity impact along those demographic dimensions (Buehler & Pucher, Citation2021b). In a study of Toronto, Canada, Hassen (Citation2022) concluded that expanding networks of protected bikeways into lower-income neighbourhoods would improve the health of their residents.

In a study of the COVID response of bikesharing systems in the USA, Tiako and Stokes (Citation2021) found that many bikesharing systems offered free or low-cost memberships to essential workers who had to commute to work in spite of COVID. Those workers were more likely to be Black or LatinX. In theory, that would seem to be an equitable policy. In practice, however, inclusion criteria of these programmes were often arbitrary – for example, excluding food and hospitality workers in New York, San Francisco, and Boston. Thus, the discounts only partially benefited lower-income and minority workers and were hardly sufficient to overcome the striking inequity in both the distribution of docking stations and the affordability of bikesharing in most American cities (Fishman & Shaheen, Citation2021; Martens et al., Citation2021; Tiako & Stokes, Citation2021).

4.6. Policy recommendations of reviewed studies

In addition to the simulation studies noted previously, almost all studies examined conclude by recommending expansion and improvements to cycling infrastructure (Abdullah et al., Citation2022; Advani et al., Citation2021; Buehler & Pucher, Citation2022; Ehsani et al., Citation2021; Irawan et al., Citation2022; Scorrano & Danielis, Citation2021; Shaer & Haghshenas, Citation2021a; Thombre & Agarwal, Citation2021). Several studies also recommend permanent and more widespread implementation of complementary policies such as traffic calming, slow streets, slower city-wide speed limits, and prohibiting non-local traffic in residential neighbourhoods (Buehler & Pucher, Citation2022; ECF, Citation2022; Landgrave-Serrano & Stoker, Citation2023; Shirgaokar et al., Citation2021).

As a whole, the reviewed studies suggest a wide range of justifications for promoting cycling: increased mobility options for all segments of the population, especially for lower-income groups; improved environmental quality; improved traffic safety; reductions in greenhouse gas emissions; and health benefits of increased physical activity.

Studies found that local government support was crucial not only for funding but also for implementing potentially controversial policies such as reallocating roadway space from motor vehicles to bicycles (Buehler & Pucher, Citation2022; ECF, Citation2022; Glaser & Krizek, Citation2021; Nikitas et al., Citation2021). Many pro-cycling and car-restrictive policies thought impossible before the pandemic became possible to implement due to the public and political support generated by a crisis situation (Buehler & Pucher, Citation2022; Combs & Pardo, Citation2021; Harris & McCue, Citation2023; PBF, Citation2021, Citation2022).

Several studies emphasised the importance of community involvement and widespread stakeholder participation in decision-making about measures to promote cycling and walking, both during COVID as well as longer term (Aldred et al., Citation2021; Combs & Pardo, Citation2021; Firth et al., Citation2021; Hassen, Citation2022; Valenzuela-Levi et al., Citation2021). Many studies examining equity impacts of COVID-era measures found that the most equitable results were in cases where the planning authorities had specific guidelines to ensure consideration of the needs of disadvantaged groups, especially racial and ethnic minorities and low-income groups. As noted by several studies, it is also important to conduct studies of the actual equity impact of measures after they have been implemented to ensure they have had the intended equitable impact.

5. Limitations and gaps in the existing literature

An inevitable limitation of all the studies we reviewed is that none of them can prove a causal link between COVID and cycling – at best a statistically significant relationship in studies using multivariate analysis. Correspondingly, our review of the literature cannot conclude that COVID was necessarily the cause of the observed cycling trends. Studies examining new or expanded government policies related to cycling were not always able to show that COVID was the only or main reason for implementing these policies. As noted earlier, however, there are exceptions to this, such as instances when a government explicitly introduced a new measure as a response to COVID. In addition, most studies were not able to determine to what extent government policies implemented during COVID were the reason for observed changes in cycling levels. Some before-and-after studies of specific new facilities (such as pop-up bike lanes) suggest a causal relationship, but they do not control for other factors that might have changed at the same time.

The studies we reviewed used different data sources and methods. Some relied on data from automatic counters while others reported results from travel surveys, in-depth interviews, bikesharing GPS data, social media such as Twitter, or riding apps such as Strava. There are potential problems of data reliability, variable definition and measurement, and methodology for all of these sources. Studies relying on surveys reported issues of bias in the selection of participants, bias and possible inaccuracy of self-reported data, limited timing (usually two points or periods in time), limited geographic coverage, and small sample sizes. Some studies relying on automatic counters reported limited numbers of such counters and the lack of statistically representative locations of counters. Studies relying on data from Strava, Streetlight, and Twitter users are also biased to the extent that such users are not representative of the population as a whole.

In addition to such limitations of data and methods, the studies we reviewed are not directly comparable. They examine a wide range of cities of different types and sizes in different parts of the world. Due to the different timing of COVID and the resulting lockdowns and travel restrictions among and within countries, the studies cover different time periods. Most of the studies compare 2019 with 2020, but several extend the comparison to 2021 and 2022. Some studies compare entire years, while others compare specific periods in each year. Only the Eco-Counter data provide week-by-week data on cycling levels over the entire 4-year period 1 January 2019 to 31 December 2022, but they are limited to the USA, Canada, and 11 countries in Europe and thus not representative of other parts of the world.

Future research should consider the long-term impacts of COVID-19. Most of the studies in this review rely on data from 2019 and 2020, with only a few extending into 2021, and even fewer extending into 2022. It would be useful to have follow-up studies in a few years to determine the longer-term impacts of COVID-19 on bicycling. Because the COVID pandemic has been so recent, all of the studies that we reviewed were forced to rely on short-term data, and some of the studies relied on non-representative or small samples. That probably limits the reliability of the estimated impacts.

There is also a need for more studies of the social equity implications of government policies to promote cycling, and more socioeconomic analysis of trends in cycling over time (Martens et al., Citation2021). As reported by several of the studies we reviewed, there has already been encouraging movement in this direction, but more needs to be done to ensure that social equity considerations are explicitly incorporated in all government transport policies. In addition, there is a pressing need for more studies of cycling levels and policies in the Global South, which was underrepresented in the studies we reviewed.

6. Conclusions

The literature we reviewed – published between March 2020 and January 2023 – does not confirm the worldwide bike boom reported by much of the media in 2020, the first year of the pandemic. Overall, studies published so far suggest more increases than decreases in cycling from 2019 to 2020, with some cities reporting large increases. Nevertheless, there has been much variation among countries, cities, and specific corridors within cities as well as variation by gender, age, ethnicity, and income group. There have also been ups and downs in cycling levels corresponding to waves of COVID and the resulting lockdowns and restrictions on travel, which have differed in timing and severity from one place to another, even within countries. The largest increases in cycling in 2020 were for recreation, exercise, and stress relief on weekends and weekday afternoons. By comparison, cycling to work, university, schools, and shopping generally declined.

Most of the cities examined by the studies we reviewed reported expansions or improvements in their bikeway network, often specifically related to COVID or accelerated due to COVID. In many cases, the new facilities were implemented on a trial basis but were so well-used that they were made permanent. Rising cycling levels also provided an incentive for cities to plan for even greater improvements to bikeway networks in the coming years (Buehler & Pucher, Citation2022). In addition, many of the studies we reviewed concluded by recommending more investment in protected cycling infrastructure, in particular.

Importantly, most cities also implemented new or expanded restrictions on motor vehicle parking and use, especially the reallocation of roadway space to cyclists, pedestrians, and outdoor eating. Whether in the form of lane reallocation, car-free roads and spaces, speed reductions, or elimination of thru traffic in residential neighbourhoods, such restrictions often faced motorist opposition. Given the emergency circumstances of COVID, however, even cities in extremely car-oriented countries were able to implement car-restrictive measures. Some were only temporary and have since been rescinded or curtailed, but their implementation made it possible to test the potential of such measures to encourage more cycling.

As emphasised above in the section on policy recommendations of reviewed studies, one important lesson of COVID-19 is that it generated public and political support for large increases in pro-cycling policies combined with restraints on motor vehicle use that would have been considered impossible under normal circumstances. The experience with a wide range of new or expanded measures during COVID revealed the effectiveness of low-stress, safe facilities such as protected bike lanes, off-road paths, slow streets, school streets, and traffic-calmed neighbourhoods to encourage a wider range of the population to ride bikes. Finally, the pandemic demonstrated the importance of bicycling as a sustainable means of transport that not only can complement other modes but also provide a feasible alternative to them when crisis situations interrupt their normal operation, thus contributing to the resilience of the overall transport system.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

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