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Abstract
From the late Ming onwards, scholars have paid great attention to Zhu Quan’s (1378–1448) relationship with Daoism. They tend to explain the phenomenon with reference to the taohui hypothesis, which was first developed in Zhu Mouwei’s (1550–1624) Fanxianji. According to this hypothesis, Zhu Quan’s relationship with Daoism was a matter of survival and entailed a form of self-serving dissimulation. Apart from refuting this hypothesis, the present article retells the story of Zhu Quan’s apotheosis, so as to demonstrate that his relationship with Daoism involved a strong concern over the political sphere.
自晚明以來，寧王朱權 (1378–1448) 托志道教為諸君津津樂道。諸君常取朱謀瑋 (1550–1624) 《藩獻記》中所見韜晦之說，即朱權托志道教純屬臨難苟免之策，而其清净寡欲則屬假象。本文在反駁韜晦之說的同時，旨在重述寧王朱權及其神格化的故事，從而論證朱權托志道教正體現其深遠政治關懷及憂國憂民之心。
Notes
1 For the reasons wang 王 should be translated as “king,” see CitationClunas 2013, pp. 7–24. On Zhu Quan, see CitationYao Pinwen 2013; CitationR. Wang 2012, pp. xi–xix.
2 建文中，齊、黃用事，疑忌諸藩，多所出削。以王英武，擁重兵於邊，下勑召還京師。王未命，遂削王護衞軍。靖難師困白溝，覘王巳奪兵柄，遂襲破大寧，取其軍資佐師，師復振。文皇帝踐祚，不欲壯王在外。永樂元年二月，改封王於南昌。王亦深自韜晦，所居宮庭無丹彩之飾，覆殿瓴甋，不請琉璃，搆精廬一區，蒔花藝竹，鼓琴著書其間，故終長陵之世不被譴責. Fanxianji 10b–11a.
3 See Shenyin 1.5a–5b and 4.88b.
4 On the Shenyin, see CitationSchachter 2022a. On the history of Chinese modes of self-deification, see CitationGoossaert 2017.
5 During the late Ming, he became influential among the likes of Jiao Hong 焦竑 (1540–1620), He Qiaoyuan 何喬遠 (1558–1632), and Zhu Mouyin 朱謀垔 (fl. 1631). On Jiao Hong, see CitationFranke – Liew-Herres 2011, 3.1.2. On He Qiaoyuan, see CitationFranke – Liew-Herres 2011, 2.1.5.
6 During the Qing, his argument was enshrined in major scholarly projects, including the Mingshi 明史 and the Siku quanshu zongmu tiyao 四庫全書總目提要 (Annotated Catalogue of the Emperor’s Four Treasuries). On the latter, see CitationGuy 1987.
7 CitationYao Pinwen 2013, p. 120. CitationR. Wang 2012, p. vx: “After he took up residence in Nanchang, scholars have all held that Zhu Quan kept aloof from politics and became interested in Daoism. While this assessment is not incorrect, the Yuanshi mishu shows that this religious interest started much earlier with his investiture at Daning.”
8 CitationLaCapra 2014, pp. 1–42.
9 On late Ming historiography, see CitationDitmanson 2015. On Jianwen’s rehabilitation, see CitationChan Hok-lam 2008, pp. 202–205.
10 See CitationDitmanson 2007, pp. 110–158.
11 CitationWang 2012. CitationMeulenbeld 2015, pp. 132–167.
13 The article refers to the reproduction of the NWKZ (Ning wang kuangzhi 寧王壙志), in FWM, picture no. 10. This grave inscription is transcribed into simplified Chinese in FWM, pp. 1–14.
14 This book survives in two editions, printed in 1607 and 1609. See CitationSchachter 2018.
15 是治道之一助也. Translated in CitationSchachter 2018, p. 53.
16 See CitationFarmer 1995, p. 67. Despite its Han-centric character, the new dynasty also relied on Mongol allies. See CitationRobinson 2020.
17 On the Hongwu reign, see CitationLanglois 2008.
18 TZSL 118.1927.
19 For relevant discussions, see CitationEbrey 2004, pp. 122–140.
20 CitationMeulenbeld 2015, pp. 132–167.
21 This fact is noted in CitationR. Wang 2012, p. xii. Its source is the Yuanshi mishu.
22 TQYC 8b. I examine this autobiographical claim in greater detail in my forthcoming book on Zhu Quan.
23 TZSL 41.816.
24 TZSL 29.483.
25 TZSL 28 xia.467.
26 TZSL 51.1000.
27 TZSL 117.1907.
28 TZSL 208.3100.
29 TZSL 208.3104.
30 惟寧王就國. TZSL 224.3276.
31 TZSL 229.3344.
32 TZSL 229.3355.
33 TZSL 229.3357.
34 See the NWKZ.
35 See CitationZhan Beibei 2019, p. 424.
36 TZSL 235.3429.
37 On the office of Commander, see TZSL 4.45, 74.1355, 116.1902, and 205.3064.
38 Ibid., 242.3515.
39 MTSL 159.1807 and 192.2025.
40 近者，騎兵廵塞見有脫輻遺于道. TZSL 244.3549.
41 上意胡兵往來，恐有寇邊之患. TZSL 244.3549.
42 TZSL 244.3549.
43 See CitationShin 2006, p. 158.
44 三鑒可昭乎盛世，六箴當出於明時。以銅為鑒，可以正其衣冠。以古為鑒，可以知其興廢。以人為鑒，可以明其政治. TJBL 1.1a.
45 德紹唐虞. TJBL 1.2b.
46 孔子作春秋而亂臣賊子懼之. TJBL 1.2a.
47 為子孫教誨之義方，知夫興亡之可懼也，善惡之可征也. TJBL, p. 1.1a.
48 明制，皇子封親王，授金冊金寶，歲祿萬石，府置官屬。護衛甲士少者三千人，多者至萬九千人，隸籍兵部。冕服車旗邸第，下天子一等。公侯大臣伏而拜謁，無敢鈞禮. Mingshi 116.3557.
49 宗姓實繁，賢愚雜出. Mingshi, 116.3557. On the size of the Ming imperial clan, see CitationClunas 2013, p. 8.
50 On the relationship between kings and Ming material culture, see CitationClunas 2013.
51 平武昌報適至. Mingshi 116.3570.
52 TZSL 251.3634.
53 See CitationR. Wang 2012, p. 54.
54 MTSL 257.2375.
55 Mingshi 117.3580.
56 Mingshi 118.3604.
57 夫何不良於德，竟殉厥身，其諡曰：愍. Mingshi 116.3560. TZSL 237.3461.
58 See CitationChan Hok-lam 2007.
59 This fact is noted in CitationR. Wang 2012, p. 63.
60 See CitationChan Hok-lam 2008, p. 272.
61 TZSL 198.2974–2975.
62 See CitationLanglois 2008, pp. 137–142.
63 上遣使慰諭且召之。王不諭旨，即與妃自焚. TZSL 201.3007.
64 Mingshi 116.3562.
65 Mingshi 116.3563.
66 王縱欲敗度，平居削髮裸袒，男女雜處，無所顧忌. MTSL 156.1793.
67 See CitationChan Hok-lam 2008, pp. 184–204.
68 CitationChan Hok-lam 2008, pp. 191–193.
69 CitationChan Hok-lam 2008, pp. 193–202.
70 See CitationDitmanson 2017, p. 438.
71 MTSL 3.33.
72 以善謀稱. Mingshi 117.3591.
73 Mingshi 117.3591.
74 MTSL 4 xia.39.
75 上悉以還寧王. MTSL 4 xia.39.
76 尚留城中. MTSL 4 xia.39.
77 事成當中分天下. Mingshi 117.3592.
78 MTSL 4 shang.37.
79 MTSL 4 xia.40.
80 On the civil war, see CitationTsai 2001, pp. 57–76. So far as Zhu Quan is concerned, Tsai follows the account seen in the Mingshi.
81 See CitationR. Wang 2012, p. 45.
82 For a list of similar titles, see CitationR. Wang 2012, p. 242, fn. 71.
83 MTSL 10 shang.155.
84 On Zhu Su, Zhu Fu, Zhu Gui, and Zhu Pian, see Mingshi 116.3565–3566, 116.3573–3574, 117.3581–3582, and 118.3602–3603.
85 MTSL 148.1979.
86 On Zhu Zhi, Zhu Hui, and the imperial city, see CitationMa Li 2021.
87 MTSL 13.227.
88 MTSL 13.232.
89 MTSL 11.177.
90 MTSL 17.306.
91 See the NWKZ: 永樂元年三月初二日移國南昌府 (on the second day of the third month of the first year of the Yongle reign, [Zhu Quan] moved to his kingdom, in the Nanchang prefecture).
92 MTSL 18.319.
93 先是有首寧王權誹謗魘鎮事者。上曰：此不出王，蓋小人為之以陷王。譬如愛木，必去其毒。凡再遣人捕之。權皆掩蔽不發. MTSL 25.449.
94 Zunsheng bajian 7.50b–51b.
95 Daofa huiyuan 133.112b.
96 On this book, see CitationSchachter 2020.
97 兄弟同氣至親，數年躬履艱難，亦為保全骨肉，豈有他意哉！近者之事，既悉置不問，但欲去二三小人以示警，爾而固為遮蔽。《易》曰：開國成家，小人勿用。蓋用小人，必害家國，所以决欲去之者，為賢弟計也. MTSL 25.449.
98 書至，更不必蔽，亦不得有所蓄疑. MTSL 25.449.
99 See CitationR. Wang 2012, pp. xii–xiii.
100 See Xinkan taiyin daquan ji 1.1b.
101 Shenyin 1.6a–7b.
102 The Shenyin is examined in CitationSchachter 2022b.
103 MTSL 33.585.
104 MTSL 156.1793, 217.2163, and 240.2286.
105 MTSL 33.585.
106 MTSL 184.1977.
107 MTSL 186.1994.
108 MTSL 186.1996.
109 XZSL 19.514.
110 See CitationChan Hok-lam 2008, p. 283.
111 帝正之治，莫先親親. RZSL 2 zhong.55.
112 RZSL 2 zhong.52.
113 RZSL 2 zhong.56. This significant increase may reflect the fact that the Kings of Han and Zhao were Hongxi’s brothers. I thank one of the anonymous reviewers for bringing this fact to my attention.
114 RZSL 2 zhong.57.
115 CitationRobinson 2020, p. 112.
116 RZSL 2 xia.75.
117 RZSL 2 xia.74.
118 RZSL 2 xia.75.
119 RZSL 4 xia.153.
120 See CitationChan Hok-lam 2008, p. 283.
121 CitationChan Hok-lam 2008, p. 284.
122 SQMP 1.3b.
123 猗歟盛哉！天下之治也久矣。禮樂之盛，莫不咸被仁風於帝澤也，於今三十有餘載矣。夫禮樂雖出於人心，非人心之和，無以顯禮樂之和。自非太平之盛，無以致人心之和也。故曰：治世之音安以樂，其政和. Taihe zhengyin pu 太和正音譜 1.1a.
124 藥爐茶灶，一琴一鶴，誦經煮茗，以爲養修治生焉. Shenyin 1.5a.
125 琴之為物，得天地之正音，可以感神明而合造化之妙. Xinkan taiyin daquan ji 1.1a.
126 然琴之為物，聖人制之以正心術，導政事，和六氣，調玉燭。實天地之靈器，太古之神物，乃中國聖人治世之音，君子養修之物. SQMP 1.1a.
127 XZSL 2.35.
128 MTSL 33.577.
129 MTSL 33.579.
130 MTSL 51.761.
131 MTSL 51.763.
132 MTSL 66.932.
133 MTSL 66.932.
134 MTSL 111.1415.
135 MTSL 111.1416.
136 MTSL 131.1615.
137 MTSL 131.1615.
138 MTSL 131.1616.
139 XZSL 17.465.
140 幹等皆先朝舊臣，其居處已久，一旦奪之，人必謂朝廷重私親輕舊. XZSL 17.465.
141 XZSL 17.465.
142 XZSL 22.571.
143 On tunzhong, see CitationWang Yuquan 2009.
144 XZSL 19.514.
145 XZSL 22.586.
146 XZSL 24.642.
147 XZSL 25.651.
148 XZSL 29.771.
149 See Huangming dianli zhi 9.68.
150 Huangming dianli zhi 7.41–42.
151 XZSL 25.651.
152 XZSL 22.572.
153 YZSL 43.842.
154 XZSL 29.772.
155 TZSL 242.3517.
156 XZSL 25.656.
157 XZSL 30.790.
158 今有歲祿足矣. XZSL 42.1035–1036.
159 豈可奪民以自養？XZSL 42.1035–1036.
160 XZSL 45.1105.
161 XZSL 45.1107.
162 XZSL 45.1106.
163 FWM, pp. 9–13.
164 龍虎山仙岩中所出竹節，長一節，可作一管，其聲又清遠可愛。予近得鑜鐵笛一枝。清夜吹之，有裂石穿雲之聲，又比常笛不同也. Shenyin 1.19b–20a.
165 See CitationSchachter 2018, p. 67.
166 三司官員皆依品秩序，列獨儀賓未有定制. XZSL 49.1185.
167 儀賓雖親當守定分. XZSL 49.1185.
168 XZSL 53.1265–1269.
169 XZSL 54.1293.
170 XZSL 55.1307.
171 XZSL 73.1700–1701.
172 XZSL 71.1657.
173 XZSL 75.1748.
174 XZSL 96.2177.
175 XZSL 108.2424.
176 YZSL 5.110.
177 See CitationTwitchett – Grimm 2008, p. 305.
178 YZSL 22.448.
179 This date is provided in Lady Ge’s kuangzhi. See FWM, p. 17.
180 YZSL 27.540.
181 FWM, p. 15.
182 YZSL 155.3023.
183 YZSL 39.750 and 96.1935.
184 余于長生宮建壽星閣、天皇閣，為民祈壽祈穀. TQYC 137b. As noted by Wang, this multifunctional building would probably hold a set of the Daozang. See CitationR. Wang 2012, p. 67.
185 FWM, p. 8. Translated in CitationSchachter 2020, p. 484.
186 YZSL 53.1017.
187 YZSL 54.1035.
188 YZSL 63.1200.
189 YZSL 71.1382.
190 YZSL 85.1711.
191 On its editions, see CitationLiu Qing 2018, pp. 237–254.
192 See CitationSchachter 2020, p. 479.
193 This paratext derives its title from the Huainanzi’s 淮南子 first chapter, Yuan dao. On this early Han classic, see CitationRoth 2010.
194 TQYC 3a.
195 The interjection yiyu 猗歟 occurs as early as the Shijing 詩經 (Poetry). Zhu Quan also resorts to the opening phrase yiyu shengzai 猗歟盛哉 in other paratexts. See, for example, the preface to the Taihe zhengyin pu 1.1a.
196 Yu 余. Throughout the text, Zhu Quan consistently uses yu as the first-person pronoun.
197 This literary topos occurs as early as Sima Qian’s Shiji 史記.
198 The compound daoyuan 道源 must refer to Daoist history, to which Zhu Quan devotes one chapter of his book.
199 The 1609 edition records cang 蒼, which is correct. On cang teng as “gray vines,” see CitationOwen 2016, p. 223.
200 The 1609 edition records luan 巒.
201 Wan ren zhi xian 萬仞之險 is equivalent to wan ren gang 萬仞岡. See CitationOwen 2016, p. 83.
202 Zhu Quan resorts to poetical language to describe the same physical activity – mountaineering – in six different manners.
203 I.e., those who devote themselves to physical feats are deluded people.
204 Both editions record shu bu zhi 孰不知. Judging from the context, Zhu Quan may have meant shu bu zhi 殊不知, which occurs in other paratexts attributed to him.
205 Winds from heaven (tianfeng 天風); this is a frequent image in Du Fu. See CitationOwen 2016, p. 58. The passage echoes Liezi, which describes Daoists who ride the winds (cheng feng 乘風).
206 This refers to item no. 12 in the Tong tian baolu dafa sanshisan jie 通天寳籙大法三十三階 (33 Steps of the Grand Methods of the Precious Register for Penetrating Heaven). See TQYC 89a: to step on goose feather so as to ascend to the skies (nie hongmao teng kong 躡鴻毛騰空).
207 The earliest Chinese accounts about rainbows date back to the Han. See CitationNeedham 2005, p. 467, pp. 473–474, and p. 477. Zhu Quan divides rainbows into male (hong 虹) and female (ni 蜺). This occurs as early as the Chuci.
208 The term qiu 虬 points to a hornless dragon, references to which appear as early as the Chuci. See CitationSukhu 2017, p. 108.
209 This phraseology derives from the Zhuangzi 莊子, see CitationWang 1999, p. 837.
210 Zhu Quan claims that Daoist priests (huangguan 黃冠) are able to “grasp the stars” (wo xingchen 握星辰), which probably refers to the mystical aspect of Daoist rituals. See TQYC 92a.
211 Both editions record the variant 
for ming 冥. Like the mythical creature qiu, the dark heavens appear as early as the Chuci: 據青冥而攄虹兮 “She unfolds the male rainbow’s colours against blue space.” See CitationSukhu 2017, p. 133. In translating qingming as “dark heavens,” I follow CitationOwen 2016, p. 95.
212 The text establishes a contrast between the world as huankuai 寰塊 (“the realm”) and as chenrang 塵壤, i.e., the world seen as fundamentally illusory.
213 猗歟盛哉！余謂：世有非常之人，而能為非常之事。天道之幽玄，不然則，道源之深𨗉，孰能究其實哉！夫破白雲、攀蒼藤、躋翠阜、登層巒、渉萬仞之險、昇泰岳之巔，下視寰塊，自以為高也。孰不知，披天風、躡鴻毛、履長虹、跨蒼虬、遨逰乎太虛之表、捫日月、握星斗、䑛青𡨋，俯視塵壤，其志又何其大也！TQYC 1a.
214 This aspect of his text resembles what Harold Bloom terms kenosis. See CitationBloom 1997, pp. 77–92.
215 予嘗睡竹窗之下，夢乘白鶴，遊於太空，俯視塵壤，有如蟻壘. Shenyin 1.7b.
216 The compound sanling 三靈 occurs in early Shangqing scriptures. Bokenkamp notes that the term may refer to the three “cloudsouls” (hun 魂). See CitationBokenkamp 1999, p. 367, fn. 1.
217 This imagery is reminiscent of the Zhengao 2.16b. The corresponding passage is a poem attributed to Lady Right Blossom (Youying Wang furen 右英王夫人), a goddess who was promised to Xu Mi. See CitationBokenkamp 2021, pp. 99, 129, and 130.
218 The “dark threshold” (xuan kun 玄閫) is mentioned in certain editions of the Yi Zhoushu 逸周書. On this book, see CitationShaughnessy 1993, pp. 229–233.
219 Langfeng 閬風 is a paradisiac realm located on the Kunlun 昆侖 Mountains. See CitationSukhu 2017, p. 55, fn. 53.
220 自非咀三靈之華、吸九光之芒、潄紫瓊之腴、嚅元氣之真者，安能逰神玄閫、駕景閬風、履空青而闡天道哉！TQYC 1a.
221 On the term cangming 滄溟, see CitationOwen 2016, p. 185.
222 今是書之作也，若義馭之出滄溟、杲日之破昬暝。可以滌凡塵之俗陋、藻太華之神英. TQYC 1b.
223 See CitationRobson 2009, pp. 17–56.
224 The Celestial Ford is a constellation of nine stars. See CitationSukhu 2017, p. 58, fn. 79.
225 Taixuan 太玄 may be a toponym. Zhu Quan mentions Taixuan as one of the ten Grotto-Heavens. See TQYC 259b.
226 In the preface to the ZHSS, Zhu Quan adopts similar phraseology. See CitationSchachter 2020, pp. 476–477.
227 Early texts such as the Huainanzi and the Wenzi 文子 speak about preserving and returning to the supreme essence (zhi zhen 至真).
228 See CitationRobinet 2008.
229 是以，駐心靈域、探至道扵天津、默契太玄、握神樞扵紫極。而日嘗蹟至真之神奥、究造化之樞機，亦有年矣. TQYC 1b. The whole passage is reminiscent of the ZHSS, in which Zhu Quan resorts to the same argument. See CitationSchachter 2020, pp. 476–477.
230 On the term hunmang 混茫, see CitationOwen 2016, p. 139.
231 The book Heguanzi 鶡冠子 has a whole chapter devoted to the concept of taihong 泰鴻. See CitationDefoort 1997, p. 236.
232 Zhu Quan defines Taisu 太素 as one of the five Supreme Monads. See TQYC 245a.
233 On the term mingxing 溟涬, see CitationOwen 2016, p. 193.
234 On the Three Sovereigns (Sanhuang 三皇) and related scriptural traditions, see CitationSteavu 2019, pp. 9–12.
235 The term ji 極 may refer to the royal perfections (huangji 皇極) mentioned in the Shangshu 尚書 (Documents). On this notion as it appears in the Shangshu, see CitationHunter 2021, p. 94.
236 扵是，剖玄黄之未造、劙混茫於先天、泄泰鴻未露之機、明太素生物之始。上自溟涬之未判，下至人文之始著。自有道教以来，三皇建極、五帝承天。 其奉道而修天道者，其教之事物有未備、言奥有未宣、制度有未傳、儀制有未正，余乃考而新之。非余則孰能為焉？TQYC 1b–2a.
237 Central to the book title, the term Great Clarity appears as early as the Zhuangzi. On the genesis of the Taiqing Heaven in early Daoist texts, see CitationPregadio 2006, pp. 35–51.
238 As a verb, this usage of zhi 質 occurs in the “Wang zhi” 王制 (Royal Regulations) of the Liji 禮記 (Record of Rites).
239 扵是，三沐熏修、質扵神明、吿扵天帝。大發群典，纉𩔗分徧。悉究其事，大宣玄化：其天地之始分、造化之始判、道統之始起、儀制之式、噐用之備、衣冠禮樂之制、天心靈秘之奥、道門儀範之規、立為定制、舉道門之所用， 皆載此書也. TQYC 2a.
240 扵是，命其名曰《天皇至道太清玉冊》. TQYC 2a.
241 On the term kaipi 開闢, see CitationOwen 2016, p. 17.
242 自開闢以来，至扵今日，上下百千萬億斯年，有國有家者，莫不上奉天道，下修人事。所以建圜丘以祀天、立方丘以祭地， 皆以天道為尊也。凡誥命之端， 必曰：奉天承運。《周書》曰：上天眷命。《湯書》曰： 明王奉若天道。未嘗不奉天道而承天運也. TQYC 2a–2b.
243 有國有家者，莫不上奉天道，下修人事. TQYC 2a.
244 所以建圜丘以祀天，立方丘以祭地，皆以天道為尊也. TQYC 2a.
245 明王奉若天道. TQYC 24b. On the performative aspects of the Shangshu, see CitationKern 2009, pp. 143–200.
246 Xuanfeng 玄風 refers to Daoism.
247 Daohai 道海 may be the opposite of kuhai 苦海, the sea of suffering.
248 The Divine Light (shenguang 神光) is an astronomical phenomenon. See CitationOwen 2016, p. 185, fn. 2.
249 The passage quotes from the Zhengao 7.2b.
250 籲! 玄風之不振也久矣。余扵是使道海揚波、再鼓拍天之巨浪，神光驟發、重開絶域之幽陰。正所謂，望洪濤之暨天，非起于洿池之中，覩玄翰之汪穢；非岀扵章句之徒. 余豈敢自矜者哉！TQYC 2b.
251 其《道藏》雖為胡火所蝕，而《真誥》一書事邊尚存，蓋亦天道之有在也. TQYC 32a.
252 卿等宜輔以實學，毋徒効文士，記誦詞章而已. TZSL 41.816–817. This exhortation is part of a speech Taizu delivered in 1370 on the occasion of Kong Keren’s 孔克仁 appointment as the new imperial preceptor in charge of the education of future kings.
253 On the term tianyu 天宇, see CitationOwen 2016, p. 149.
254 On the term lai 籟, CitationOwen 2016, p. 327, fn. 6.
255 On the term danxiao 丹霄, CitationOwen 2016, p. 323.
256 On the term yinhan 銀漢, CitationOwen 2016, p. 19.
257 是書也，乃若叱咤風霆，鞭蒼龍而沛時雨。其宣道也，若翺翔天宇，駕黄鶴以凌空明。其制度也，若恍兮振靈籟扵丹霄。其製物也，若豁兮發神颷於銀漢。一新玄造，何其壮哉！TQYC 2b.
258 遂夀諸梓，使天下後世知，夫天皇之大道，有如此之盛者，不亦偉歟？皇明第二甲子正統之九年正月之九日也。南極遐齡老人臞仙書. TQYC 2b–3a.
259 See CitationSchachter 2020, p. 480.
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Bony Schachter
Bony Schachter (Luo Yi 羅逸), Ph.D. in Religious Studies (The Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2018), is an Assistant Professor at the Hong Kong Polytechnic University, Department of Chinese History and Culture. His research interests include Daoism, Buddhism, and Ritual Theory. He is the author of “Printing the Dao: Master Zhou Xuanzhen, The Editorial History of the Jade Slips of Great Clarity and Ming Quanzhen Identity,” Daoism: Religion, History and Society, 2018; “Material Apotheosis: The Editions of the Divine Pivot Ready to Hand and the Ritual Underpinnings of Zhu Quan’s Divine Authorship,” Acta Orientalia, 2020; “Parting Ways: Daoism, Politics, and the Ming Book in Zhu Quan’s Letter to Yongle,” T’oung Pao, 2022. Additionaly, Schachter is the author of many contributions in English, Chinese, and Portuguese for international projects, including the Chinese Religious Text Authority and the Daozang jiyao Project. Schachter is currently finishing a book manuscript on Zhu Quan’s significance for ritual theory.