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Research Article

Growth of cycling in Brisbane during the Covid-19 pandemic

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Received 26 May 2023, Accepted 03 Jan 2024, Published online: 23 Jan 2024

ABSTRACT

The Covid-19 pandemic drew considerable attention to urban transport issues. Many people turned to active transport as a means of achieving social distancing and avoiding infection on buses and trains, which led to an increase in cycling. This article recounts a qualitative study conducted in Brisbane, Australia, which explores the motivations behind people’s decision to take up cycling during the pandemic. Can this behaviour be sustained and scaled-up after the pandemic? To analyse the process of change, the Transtheoretical Model (TTM) was adopted. The research revealed that the decision to switch to cycling was driven by several factors, including enjoyment, convenience, improved physical and mental health, and, to a much lesser extent, cost savings and environmental benefits. The availability of cycling infrastructure and support from others were also important factors. While most participants appeared committed to continuing cycling in the future, the lines between the stages of change were not always clear.

Practitioner pointers

  • People’s decision to switch to cycling is driven by factors such as the enjoyment and convenience of this mode and the resulting improvements in physical and mental health.

  • The availability of cycling infrastructure and support from others are important factors in the decision to switch to cycling.

  • Cost savings and environmental benefits are less important in the decision to switch to cycling.

Introduction

The Covid-19 pandemic prompted a new narrative about cities, with many analysts being optimistic about the potential for an urban renaissance (see Baum et al. Citation2022). The focus shifted toward active transport as people avoided public transport (and other enclosed, crowded spaces) due to health concerns. As a result, cycling rates increased substantially, leading some commentators to pronounce that the pandemic presented a unique opportunity to transform cities into pedestrian and cyclist heavens (Pojani and Alidoust Citation2021). In Brisbane, the media reported a 90% spike in patronage on local bikeways on weekends and a 47% increase in the use of commuter bikeways in May 2020. Meanwhile, public transport ridership had decreased by 87% which prompted proposals to permanently shut cars out of some city streets (Stone Citation2020).

A growth in recreational and/or commuter cycling during the Covid-19 pandemic was also observed in the Americas, Europe, Australia (Buehler and Pucher Citation2021; Fuller et al. Citation2021; Kraus and Koch Citation2021; Vallejo-Borda et al. Citation2022) and Asia. Studies have documented this trend in New York (Teixeira and Lopes Citation2020; Valenzuela et al. Citation2023; Wang and Noland Citation2021), Washington D.C. (Chen et al. Citation2022), San Antonio (Jobe and Griffin Citation2021), Montreal, Vancouver, Ottawa (Valenzuela et al. Citation2023), Melbourne (Naseri, Delbosc, and Kamruzzaman Citation2023), Beijing (Shang et al. Citation2021), Hanoi (Nguyen and Pojani Citation2022), Yogyakarta (Irawan et al. Citation2023), London (Heydari, Konstantinoudis, and Behsoodi Citation2021), Thessaloniki (Nikiforiadis, Ayfantopoulou, and Stamelou Citation2020) and various Italian cities (Bergantino, Intini, and Tangari Citation2021).

All these studies are quantitative, and most are based on bikesharing system data rather than direct surveys of users. For a more nuanced understanding of the impact of Covid-19 on recreational and/or utilitarian cycling, we have conducted a qualitative study based on in-depth interviews with individuals who took up cycling during the pandemic. Like the other studies in this special issue, ours is set in Brisbane. The questions that prompted this research are: What motivated some people to take up cycling during the pandemic? What was their decision-making process? Might cycling remain sustainable post-pandemic? How can this travel behaviour be scaled up? Our study differs from other cycling studies because it analyses the stages of change in people’s transport behaviour rather than taking a snapshot of cycling and cyclists at a single point in time. Discussion of our findings is preceded by the following discussion of our methodology.

Methodology

Here we describe the analytical framework that guided the research, the study setting in Brisbane, and the data collection and analysis process.

Analytical framework

This study adopts the Transtheoretical Model (TTM), a well-known framework usually employed to study the steps involved in healthy behavioural changes, such as taking up physical exercise, eating vegetables or quitting smoking (Prochaska and Velicer Citation1997). The TTM suits this research given our focus on a behavioural change toward more sustainable and healthy travel – e.g. from driving to cycling (Hensley et al. Citation2020). While TTM is most often used in quantitative studies, it lent itself well to this type of qualitative research. It is more relevant than theories such as Theory of Planned Behaviour, Deliberate Practice theory, Health Belief Model and Social Cognitive Theory because it focuses on change rather than static states. Applied to cycling, the five main stages of behaviour change are the following:

  1. Precontemplation. The time preceding any consideration of bicycling.

  2. Contemplation. This is the stage in which an individual forms an intent to cycle regularly within the next six months but has not yet started.

  3. Preparation. When an individual seriously considers cycling regularly within the next month or has begun to cycle either for recreation or commuting, but cycling is not consistent.

  4. Action. This stage is when an individual is cycling regularly and is characterised by overt, measurable changes within the past six months.

  5. Maintenance. When cycling is consistent for six or more consecutive months.

The TTM has been further articulated into ten experiential and behavioural ‘processes of change’ which describe the types of covert and overt activities that people use to progress through the TTM stages (Fallon, Hausenblas, and Nigg Citation2005). This ten-step model () was used to design the interview questions for this study and structure the analysis and discussion of the findings. In practice, the model does not necessarily follow a linear pattern.

Table 1. The ten-step ‘process of change’.

Study setting

Brisbane is the capital of the state of Queensland. With a metropolitan population of nearly 2.5 million, it ranks as the third-largest metropolitan area in Australia and is among the fastest-growing (ABS Citation2018). Situated about half an hour inland from the Pacific Ocean, the city features hilly terrain and a subtropical climate characterised by mild, sunny winters and hot, humid summers. The city is traversed by a large navigable river, flanked by exclusive bicycle paths. Parkland is abundant.

The predominant housing type is single-family and detached dwellings. Nevertheless, in the Central Business District (CBD) and its immediate vicinity, apartment buildings are the primary form of housing. While the inner city is relatively dense (Pegler, Li, and Pojani Citation2020), suburban residents are committed to a single-family lifestyle and are unlikely to relocate closer to the city core (Willing and Pojani Citation2017). Consequently, beyond the city centre and inner suburbs, considerable distances separate destinations. Outside the urban core, attempts to develop housing and offices at higher densities around train stations have mostly failed (Yang and Pojani Citation2017).

Most households outside the inner-city are heavily dependent on private cars. Nearly 90% of all households own an automobile (ABS Citation2018). Cycling rates are relatively low with less than 15% participation either for recreation or transport; men cycle much more than women (Austroads Citation2019). A public bus network exists, which provides adequate service in the inner city but is quite limited in the suburbs. Three busways to inner suburbs have been built which are popular but have not been expanded in nearly ten years (Chayacani and Pojani Citation2017). Ferry transport, with a 15-minute frequency, is available along the river. E-bike and e-scooter rentals are widely available in the inner city.

It is important to note that Brisbane is somewhat unusual in terms of pandemic response. There were strict lockdowns on travel in and out of Queensland and therefore, any Covid-19 breakouts were quickly quashed. Few deaths from Covid-19 occurred, relative to other places in Australia and internationally. However, the pandemic did change people’s travel habits. In January 2023, about 2.1 million fewer trips were taken on public transport compared to January 2020. But people did not necessarily swap public transport for cars. Some reduced their mobility as they telecommuted whereas others shifted to active transport and other micro-mobility options (Caldwell Citation2023).

Data collection

The study participants were 20 Brisbane adult residents who had taken up cycling (for transport, and in a few cases, for recreation) during the Covid-19 pandemic (i.e. since January 2020). They were recruited with the assistance of local cycling organisations, including Bicycle Queensland and Space 4 Cycling. The project was also advertised on various social media. Printed flyers advertising the study were posted on the campuses of two major universities in Brisbane and at bicycle shops and repair centres. These forms of recruitment were combined with a snowball sampling technique: all participants were asked to nominate another interviewee that met the study criteria.

The interviews were conducted throughout 2022 via a video-conferencing software (Zoom). They were voice recorded, and then transcribed. The interview questions were aligned with the ten-step ‘process of change’, which was described earlier. lists all the interview questions and indicates their link to the analytical framework. In mid-2023, all participants were contacted again via email with a request to answer a few follow-up questions designed to ascertain whether the cycling behaviour had been maintained. We received 18 out of 20 responses (see ).

Table 2. Interview questions.

The collected sample was varied, capturing a diversity of views and circumstances. It included 11 women and 9 men. The age range was 28–67 years old for women and 25–58 years old for men. The participants resided in various suburbs in the Brisbane area, some of which were quite far from the CBD. Most participants self-identified as white native Australians while a few of the white respondents were born in New Zealand, England or South Africa. Only two individuals self-identified as non-white (Middle Eastern and Polynesian specifically). Most participants worked full- or part-time; only one was retired. The education levels were mixed with about half the respondents having a university or postgraduate degree and the other half having a trade degree or similar qualification. The incomes were also mixed with the median a household income of about $90,000 per year (range: $50,000 to $500,000 per year). All participants owned or had access to a car, in addition to bicycles. This is typical in Brisbane.

Qualitative analysis

Our analysis was both deductive and inductive. The deductive portion relied on TTM’s ten-step ‘processes of change’ as the guiding framework. However, within each of the ten major themes, several subthemes were identified via content analysis of the interview material. lists those subthemes and the number of instances they occurred in the data.

Table 3. Main themes and subthemes in the data.

These findings are unpacked below. We have purposely refrained from providing statistics in the text (beyond what is shown in ). Given a small sample and the qualitative nature of the research, the value of these findings is in revealing the rich details of the participants’ experience with cycling. Where direct quotes are reported, these have been lightly edited for clarity. Very slight differences by gender, age and ethnicity were observed, which have been noted in the text.

Findings

The following discussion is structured in accordance with TTM’s ten-step ‘processes of change’.

Consciousness raising

Virtually all the study participants had experience with cycling as children. However, most people had stopped cycling in adolescence or young adulthood due to life events like getting a driver’s license, having children or moving to a city that was not bicycle-friendly. While a few people had continued to cycle, at least occasionally, most had not ridden a bicycle in decades when the pandemic hit.

Before the pandemic, the main mode of travel for most participants was the personal car, with some also using public transport (trains, buses and/or ferries). Only a few – particularly those living in the inner city – walked or cycled for transport in the past. Combining different modes of transport was common.

The pandemic was a catalyst for many people to start cycling with some regularity – for exercise, recreation, commuting or a combination of all three (see also Barbour and Mannering Citation2023). Several stars aligned for the shift to occur. The pandemic heightened concerns about exposure to Covid-19 on public transport. One participant’s response highlighted a visceral dislike for local buses:

I wasn’t thrilled about being stuck in a germ tube with a whole bunch of other people for however long.

Many individuals took up cycling as a new sport or as an alternative to gym or pool workouts which were no longer available. Once they tried cycling, many found it to be a more enjoyable means of exercise. In addition, they had gained free time because they were spending less time commuting. Cycling was also seen as a mental health booster during the stress of the pandemic. In addition, lockdowns and a drastic shift to remote office work reduced traffic on the roads, making it safer and more appealing for some to cycle. Some found public bikesharing to be a convenient way to test their ability and interest in cycling, while others bought their own bicycles.

As participants sought to embrace cycling, and some reduced their car use, they remained a very small minority. Also, they were surrounded by people who continued to drive during the pandemic. Generally, participants understand other people’s reasons for prioritising automobiles. They pointed to the poor cycling infrastructure in Brisbane, the city’s car-oriented planning, the convenience and personal safety of driving, the need to drop off children at day-care or make multiple stops, and the risk of contracting Covid-19 on public transportation. The following quote was typical:

I think that people who keep driving haven’t explored all the options. I try not to judge them. I think it comes down to confidence and people’s access to modes that match their level of confidence.

Environmental revaluation

Some participants stressed that they did care about the environment and tried to make sustainable choices, such as buying an electric car, using solar power to recharge their e-bike or avoiding the purchase of a second or third car. However, overall, the interviews revealed that environmental concerns were not a major motivator for many of the participants. At most, environmental friendliness was seen as a beneficial ‘side effect’ of cycling. This finding was in line with prior research on the motivations to cycle or go car-free (Pojani et al. Citation2017). As one participant put it:

Environmental concern really isn't my main reason for cycling. I feel like it should be, but it actually isn’t.

For nearly all the participants, the primary motivation for cycling was their own health and well-being. They liked getting exercise for free and appreciated the opportunity to explore the scenery around them. One participant’s statement summarised the general sentiment:

It is the most convenient way to schedule exercise into my day.

In line with Australia’s individualistic culture, people’s motivations were more personal than communal. In a sense, this finding was concerning, not only because environmental issues are critical at present, but also because strong individualistic values and beliefs in the context of an individualistic culture like Australia’s are linked to a number of socio-psychological drawbacks (Scott, Ciarrochi, and Deane Citation2004). However, Australia also faces public health challenges related to both obesity and mental health, and an increase in cycling rates is one way to address these issues.

Participants who used cycling as a commuting mode were able to save money on transportation costs (bus tickets, parking fees and fuel expenses). However, financial savings were not a main motive. In addition, some people acknowledged that cycling required additional expenses due to the cost of buying a bicycle, maintaining it, and purchasing cycling gear and nutritious food. Again, these were individual rather than communal concerns. In no case had participants given up their car – but some had reduced car use to a minimum after taking up cycling.

Dramatic relief

By the time of the interviews, most participants had overcome their anxieties related to cycling and had resolved many of the practicalities such as buying safety gear and appropriate clothing. However, some fear persisted, particularly among older women. The participants took various approaches to cycling safety. Some felt confident enough with their cycling abilities from the outset whereas others had taken online courses, watched videos or sought guidance from experienced cyclists in their circle. Most participants said that they cycled only on designated bicycle paths and avoided roads with heavy traffic. Some only rode during off-peak hours or only in quiet areas to mitigate risks. The top preference was for cycling infrastructure that had a divider between the lane and the road.

To ensure their own safety in traffic, participants also wore helmets and high-visibility clothing, used hand signals and increased bicycle lighting. Other gear and equipment that they had bought or were considering buying for cycling included UV protective shirts, rainwear, shoes that clip into the pedals, backpacks, elbow and knee pads, panniers, gloves and water bottles. Some people had also purchased strong locks, navigation systems and maintenance and repair equipment. Despite these precautions and investments, some people had been in accidents or knew others who had, leading them to consider bicycle insurance. One male participant was resigned to the fact that total safety does not exist:

I’ve busted a couple of ribs and hurt my shoulder. So, you’ve got to be wary that you will come off the bike occasionally.

Participants also discussed their various clothing choices. There was some self-consciousness about the ‘cycling fashion’ (i.e. Lycra clothing), which in Brisbane is perceived as exclusive or embarrassing. For example, the acronym MAMIL (‘middle-aged man in Lycra’) is a pejorative term used here to denote men who ride expensive bicycles while clad in tight jerseys and shorts. And a nationwide survey conducted in 2021 found that cyclists, especially those wearing gear such as helmets and high-visibility vests, are dehumanised by others (Limb and Collyer Citation2023).

Clearly, not everyone in our sample was a ‘Lycra cyclist’. Some participants wore their normal gym clothes while cycling, while others bought casual wear that could double up as cycling clothes. Some opted for cycling-specific clothing such as padded shorts, jerseys and socks, while others simply wore shorts or jeans. Some commuter cyclists preferred to wear their work clothes while riding, while others changed into formal wear after arriving at work.

Most interviewees believed that cycling is a prestigious activity – a sport for the wealthy even – rather than a reason for embarrassment. This contrasts to less developed countries where cycling is often framed as an activity for the poor. A few respondents mentioned that they sometimes felt insecure in their cycling gear, especially when they had perspired or were not in great physical shape or did not fit the traditional image of a cyclist (young and athletic). Interestingly, there was no gender dimension here – both men and women were affected, which reflects the pervasiveness of ‘fat shaming’ and negative body image in Australian culture (Tanner, Maher, and Fraser Citation2013). However, they had managed to overcome the insecurity through exposure and peer support. For example, a female cyclist who rode in a group said:

We will, at the end of a ride, maybe stop for a quick breakfast or a coffee. If you’re walking into a café and there’s twenty sweaty cyclists, for people who aren’t cyclists it can be a bit overwhelming. But now that I’ve been part of that group and cycling for a number of years, I don’t worry at all.

Social liberation

Several participants volunteered opinions about the image of cycling and cyclists in Australian society. The views were somewhat split. While some participants felt respected as cyclists, others pointed to negative attitudes from car drivers who did not want to share the road with cyclists:

Sometimes you might be at barbeques, and you hear someone say, oh, you know, bikes shouldn’t be on the road. And you hear people just being unpleasant.

These perceptions and beliefs are borne outby prior research findings. The relationship between cyclists and drivers is undeniably strained in Australian cities (Butterworth and Pojani Citation2018). In Queensland, over 70% of cyclists, regardless of gender, have experienced harassment and contended with risk and harassment by motorists (Heesch, Sahlqvist, and Garrard Citation2011).

A few participants felt that they needed to ‘own the lane’ by cycling in the middle of the road to avoid being squeezed into the gutter by cars. This, however, came with its own safety risks. In fact, the ‘vehicular cycling’ theory advanced by John Forester in the 1960s has now been debunked and the current consensus is that separating bicycle traffic from other modes provides the highest levels of safety (Furth Citation2021).

Apart from individual approaches, such as defensive cycling, participants believed that more people needed to cycle to change negative attitudes towards cyclists and normalise this activity (see Aldred and Jungnickel Citation2014). Some reported that they had become more considerate towards other cyclists when riding or driving as they had gained a better understanding of the challenges they faced. Participants also acknowledged that cyclists themselves should be more aware of pedestrians and scooter riders who share multi-purpose paths, since many of them walk dogs on expanding leashes or use headphones and therefore do not hear bicycles approaching.

Self-evaluation

At the time of the interview, all the study participants thought that cycling had become an integral part of their self-image. Cycling was described as a great way to start the day, lose weight, feel more alert and explore new places and the outdoors. Whether for transport or recreation, cycling helped people de-stress, clear their minds and connect with others – in other words, improve physical and mental wellbeing. Participants talked at length about the freedom, joy and sense of accomplishment that came with cycling. Several mentioned specifically the ‘release of endorphins’ (known as the happiness hormone) during cycling. Many emphasised that cycling has been particularly helpful for their mental health during the pandemic, particularly when lockdowns were imposed. It provided a healthy break from the routine and isolation and a way to stay connected with others. A relationship between cycling and happiness has been found in other studies as well (Barbour and Mannering Citation2023). As our participants’ level of fitness had improved through cycling, some had taken up other sports. For example, a female participant said:

Doing the cycling made me healthier in other ways. I started running. I did triathlons. And then I started swimming. I’m fairly competitive.

Self-liberation

Study participants believed that their choice to cycle was empowering in various ways. Cycling has increased people’s confidence in their skills, their local knowledge and their ability to navigate through traffic. Nearly all participants reported feeling more competent with practice – although some had begun this activity from a low base of fearfulness and self-doubt. One female participant confided that:

I was a very timid person. I didn’t think I could ride. But just having a cycling partner pushed me a little bit. Then I got really comfortable and now prefer cycling to driving.

Participants also appreciated the positive effect that cycling had on their mood and energy levels, especially when they rode to work in the morning. Contrary to expectations, cycling did not make them feel tired but rather more alert and awake, with the exercise being a bonus. However, views about the convenience of cycling varied. Given Brisbane’s context, shifting to a bicycle as the primary mode of travel was not seen as liberating, practical or feasible for everyone. All participants agreed that cycling to work was convenient only for short to medium distances, particularly in urban as opposed to suburban areas, as it saved time and eliminated the need to find a parking space. Those who lived in the inner city and worked in the CBD reported that their commute times by bicycle were comparable to driving.

The convenience of cycling was also thought to depend on weather and availability of end-of-trip facilities (e.g. showers and secure parking at work). These are known barriers to cycling everywhere (Bean, Pojani, and Corcoran Citation2021; de Chardon, Caruso, and Thomas Citation2017). For shopping, most participants indicated that they still used their cars for larger loads at suburban malls, but cycling was handy for smaller purchases in the vicinity of their home. In that sense, cycling had not increased the participants’ radius of travel significantly. However, some recreational cyclists had started to ride farther and longer as they became more confident and skilled. Where an e-bike was used for longer trips, the need to recharge the batteries, park the bicycle in a safe place and protect the bicycle if it rained were noted as hindrances. E-bikes were generally considered as ‘game changers’ in a hilly, sprawling and hot city like Brisbane (see Halefom et al. Citation2022). Clearly, Australian cities are following in the footsteps of Europe and North America in terms of e-bike uptake (see Cherry and Fishman Citation2021). However, a few participants purposely avoided motorised bicycles. One explained:

One of the reasons I don’t have an electric bike is that I’m cycling partially for fitness. I’ll always try and go as hard as I can. So, I'm always just going to get sweaty.

Helping relationships

Most participants revealed that their social circles were quite supportive of their cycling activities. This is important because research has established that cycling rates are higher in supportive settings (Aldred and Jungnickel Citation2014). One rider highlighted how her friendship group had come around the idea of her cycling as an older woman:

My friends have been very curious about this new thing that I took up at 50, right? That just took over my life. At first, they thought that was very odd. But they’ve watched me just get more and more involved. They can see how much I love it. So, everyone's very supportive of that.

The participants’ reported that their families were happy as well, with little to no criticism or pushback. The work environment was also sympathetic, with some companies providing end-of-trip facilities for bicycle riders. One participant said that his supervisor was himself an avid cyclist, and as such had encouraged other employees to take up this activity for transport and leisure. Another participant explained that her co-workers were understanding of her need to leave work before sunset in order to avoid cycling in the dark. In turn, some participants had convinced family members and friends to cycle, which had led to a positive influence on their communities. One respondent mentioned that since the start of the pandemic, he had built up his cycling skills to the point of participating in iconic the ‘Brissy to the Bay’ ride each year.

Many respondents noted that they often cycled alone, but some occasionally rode with friends, partners or co-workers. One participant, who rated his cycling skills as average, said that he had joined a group of more fit cyclists but still could keep up because he had an e-bike. The use of e-bikes was in fact a recurring theme in the interviews, with several participants stating that this mode helped them participate in group rides with people of varying physical abilities.

However, in a few cases, participants reported that their family members were concerned about their safety on the road given Brisbane’s limited cycling infrastructure. Both men and women were seen as being at risk: in one case a father was protective of his daughter, in another case, a wife fretted about her husband’s exposure to traffic. One respondent from a Polynesian culture noted that cycling is an unusual activity among his people, and therefore his decision had caused some stir. He felt self-conscious riding through areas where other Pacific Islanders lived – although his own family and friends still supported him in his cycling pursuits.

Counter-conditioning

In the context of this study, counter-conditioning refers to the strategies or mental reframing deployed by participants to wean themselves from cars and car culture. The length of time using bicycles, which varied from six months to two years, was in itself an indicator of counter-conditioning. Many of the participants who used bicycles for commuting reported that cycling to work helped them destress and achieve their fitness and exercise goals. They compared this to driving, which was framed as stressful due to traffic congestion and unreliable public transport. Others appreciated the affordability of cycling compared to other transport modes, such as cars, ride-hailing (Uber, Ola or Didi), or even buses.

On the other hand, many participants had invested a considerable amount of money in buying new bicycles and cycling gear. For example, one participant owned three bicycles. He had started cycling on an old cheap mountain bike, then had purchased an introductory-level road bicycle, and finally, after realising cycling would be a significant part of his life, had upgraded to a high-end hybrid bicycle. At the time of the interviews, most other participants owned more than one type of bicycle, with the most common types being road bicycles, mountain bikes and e-bikes. Gravel bicycles (a hybrid between a mountain bike and a road bicycle) were a popular choice for some people; one person had purchased a cargo bicycle. However, for those who had progressed in their cycling, a road bicycle or an e-bike was the preferred option.

While the positive feelings that cycling provided seemed to be more important than the type or price of the bicycle, the sunk cost of the purchases explained, in part, participants’ desire to continue cycling in the future. Research has established that the ‘sunk cost fallacy’ plays a role in the continuation of driving as well as cycling (Ho, Png, and Reza Citation2017).

Some participants reported that cycling had helped them explore different places, meet new people and expand their social networks whereas cars were framed as isolating. Most participants expressed their intentions to continue cycling in the future, which suggested that counter-conditioning had been effective. While a few people noted some concerns (e.g. high weather and traffic exposure on a bicycle, need to carry work equipment and so on), these did not deter them from cycling. Overall, the interviews revealed that cycling had become an essential part of the participants’ lives. Participants expressed a strong attachment to cycling and planned to continue in the future.

The follow-up survey revealed that 16 participants were still cycling in mid-2023, and the frequencies varied from once per month to daily. However, data from bikeway counters showed that, while people enthusiastically took up cycling in 2020, the numbers declined later (Caldwell Citation2023). Similarly, our follow-up survey revealed that two participants, who cycled for recreation rather than transport, had given up this mode. One felt that growing e-scooter traffic along the inner-city bicycle paths had undermine her ability to cycle safely and comfortably. The other had shifted to other hobbies. A few had reduced their cycling participation because they had less work flexibility in the post-pandemic period.

Reinforcement management

The main reinforcement of cycling behaviour – for transport or leisure – was the considerable distance people were willing to travel. As noted earlier, most participants cycled for transport; only in a few cases did they cycle exclusively for recreation. The distance between home and work ranged considerably, from 4 km to 40 km. Some cycled all the way to work whereas others used a combination of trains and bicycles to cover longer distances. Most people found that the more they cycled, the easier and more enjoyable it became. One participant commented that the route seemed to get shorter each time.

Alas, Brisbane’s physical infrastructure is insufficient to help with reinforcement management. While participants appreciated the investment made in the cycling infrastructure in recent years, they also suggest that much more should be done to improve safety and accessibility. Some mentioned specific problem areas where they would like to see more investment and more attention to the design details:

I’ve got this wonderful cycleway nearby. And then it comes to a very narrow crossing over a creek. That’s one lane either way. They redid the creek crossing, but they didn’t expand it for bicycles. So, I’ve got lovely protection on both sides of the creek, but I’m very, very exposed to vehicles when I go through the crossing.

Most participants preferred to ride on segregated bicycle paths instead of roads due to safety concerns (see Kong and Pojani Citation2022). A lack of dedicated infrastructure was cited as a significant issue for cyclists in all the suburbs covered by the study. Many believed that cycling paths should be separated not only from car lanes but also from pedestrian paths, and that more off-road paths needed to be built in Brisbane to encourage more people to cycle. (Fortunately, personal security along off-road paths is not an issue in a low-crime city like Brisbane.) Additionally, there were concerns about the lack of shade on bicycle paths (see Patton and Pojani Citation2022). A few people mentioned the high cost of renting shared bicycles or scooters, which is a barrier in other cities as well (Pojani et al. Citation2020). Despite these issues, many of the participants enjoyed their rides and found them relaxing rather than stressful.

Beyond infrastructure, participants emphasised the importance of being aware of motorised traffic and learning how to work with it to stay safe. Many – including those who were comfortable riding on roads – pointed to the need for better education for both cyclists and drivers. In some cases, the mere availability of a free company car undermined the reinforcement management process. For example, one participant mentioned that he used a company car for work (because it was free) and therefore only cycled recreationally. He said that, had the company car been unavailable, he would have commuted by bicycle.

Stimulus control

The factors that most often led participants to skip cycling included fatigue, lack of end-of-trip facilities and, in the context of Brisbane, hot and humid summer weather. Given that participants had different workplaces and schedules, they varied in their routines, strategies and attitudes towards cycling in different weather and physical conditions. Here we provide a glimpse of their experiences with stimulus control.

Generally, participants agreed that the hot weather was a big challenge to cycling, but they found ways to cope with it; this is typical in tropical climates (Lee and Pojani Citation2019). Most chose to ride in the early morning to avoid the heat and humidity, which in summer can be unbearable. They also prepared for the ride by wearing sunscreen, carrying water bottles, and wearing long clothes that let air through to keep them cool. Participants also avoided riding in the rain, as it is more dangerous, with roads becoming slippery and at risk of flooding. Unless someone was using an e-bike, riding to work depended a great deal on whether there were end-of-trip facilities, including showers and lockers for their bicycles. There was a gender dimension here, with one female participant saying that:

If I have a business meeting, I will not go by bike unless I have facilities at the other end. I would never walk into a business meeting sweaty, and with squashed flat hair. Also, if I have to carry makeup and a blow dryer, no.

A common thread throughout the interviews was that cyclists preferred to ride when they were not tired and had sufficient sleep. On days when they felt fatigued, unwell or in a hurry, most cyclists used other modes such as driving, riding the bus, or even walking to work. Some participants were not able to cycle every day due to their work demands, such as having to carry office gear (laptop computers or heavy folders). The interviews also revealed that the social aspect of cycling played a role in some participants’ stimulus control. For instance, some mentioned that they enjoyed cycling with groups and were more likely to stick to their cycling routines when they had committed to cycling with others. In the literature, the topic of group cycling is sporadically mentioned but there is some evidence to suggest that it may enable more extensive bicycle usage (Beecham and Wood Citation2014).

The most highly committed people in our sample stated that cycling was a positive way to start their day, and that it made them feel energised and refreshed. Others, however, were more ambivalent about cycling, and could easily give it up given a pretext or opportunity. People in this group were more pragmatic and flexible and chose different modes of transport depending on their circumstances and mood.

Conclusion

The Covid-19 pandemic played a significant role in many people’s decision to start cycling in Brisbane. This included people living in outer suburbs and adults who had stopped cycling decades ago. Participants who commuted by bicycle cited benefits such as enjoyment, convenience, improved physical and mental health and, to a lesser extent, cost savings and environmental friendliness, and as reasons for shifting to cycling. In line with prior research findings, support and acceptance from others were important, as was the availability of cycling infrastructure (Kong and Pojani Citation2022).

While individuals appeared to make coherent and logical plans in their decision-making process related to travel (and/or recreation), the lines between the stages of change were somewhat blurry. This is understandable in a study of human behaviour. While most people were committed to cycling in the future, it was difficult to precisely determine a person’s stage of change through interviews. The time needed for each stage, and the length a person remained in a stage varied among participants.

Overall, cyclists remain a very small minority in Brisbane and most residents continue to prioritise driving for a variety of reasons, the key one being Brisbane’s poor cycling infrastructure. Additionally, weather conditions or physical limitations make cycling more difficult for some individuals. The findings of this study make it painfully obvious that, in a sprawling city, the bicycle cannot fully replace the car for all individuals in all situations. However, it can be a viable alternative for some people, particularly those living in the inner city who have access to high-quality, dedicated cycling paths (see Dia et al. Citation2019).

Going forward, it will be crucial to normalise cycling in transport planning, gain political support and collaboration, and establish appropriate institutional frameworks and funding mechanisms to promote bicycle transport effectively (Butterworth and Pojani Citation2018). High-quality cycling infrastructure is paramount. Bicycle lanes and facilities should be incorporated into all street templates and guidelines while existing roads should be retrofitted for bicycle travel. New designs should account for the proliferation of other micro-mobility modes, such as e-scooters, which require extra space. Traffic safety plans should prioritise cyclists and other vulnerable road users. Implementing these policies will require much more funding for cycling than at present (Pojani et al. Citation2018) – up to 20% of all transport funding, as recommended by the United Nations (UNE Citation2016).

Effective communication strategies should also be employed to educate the public about the benefits of active transport and to overcome resistance rooted in cultural preferences for cars. Leveraging social norms and fostering a sense of collective responsibility for urban planning can be powerful tools (Australian Psychological Society Citation2023). Messaging from relatable and trusted communicators (i.e. cyclists who resemble ordinary individuals) may resonate more deeply. Stories of positive change are powerful tools for inspiring hope and optimism. Connecting cycling and other forms of green transport with happiness and well-being is likely to offer an enticing incentive for participation. Building a strong environmental identity is another aspect to consider. Framing individuals’ responses to transport and environmental problems as informed choices between desirable outcomes and negative consequences may help people recognise the gravity of their decisions (Australian Psychological Society Citation2023).

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Additional information

Funding

This study was funded through a University of Queensland COVID Research Recovery Funding grant.

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