The Portrayal of King Cynewulf in the Entry for 755 in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle

The earliest entries in the “Common Stock”¹ of The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (hereafter Chronicle) are well-known for their brevity. One of the exceptions is the entry for 755 (757); it stands out in stark relief for its details and saga-like feature, thereby having earned its place in the scholarship of Old English literature.² Scholars have studied the heroic tradition dominating the narrative, its relationship with Old English and Old Icelandic literature such as Beowulf and Landnámabόk, as well as the theme of conflicting allegiances and divided loyalty.³ Among other things, the research focusses on the contextualization of this entry with other Alfredian works such as the Old English Boethius and the Old English Cura Pastoralis; for instance, scholars such as Alice Sheppard, Thomas Bredehoft, Barbara Yorke, and Francis Leneghan have demonstrated patterns between the “Common Stock” of the Chronicle and other Alfredian works in the form of shared values and motifs.⁴ It is this interconnection of the Alfredian opera that enables us to reexamine an oft-neglected aspect concerning the representation of king Cynewulf; he has been undeservingly portrayed in a negative light.

The prevailing viewpoint of characterizing Cynewulf has remained in large part wedded to the notion that this king is a morally blemished and reckless character. In this regard, Cynewulf’s notoriety stems chiefly from his supposed wrongdoings. Particularly, Cynewulf is purported to be “on wifcyþþe” (OE in the company of woman) in a place (presumably one villa regia) named “Merantun” (ASC MSA 755). Here, the hapax legomenon “wifcyþþe” is often taken to be pejorative. James H. Wilsons classifies Cynewulf’s behavior as “lust,” which leads to the king’s subsequent death (Wilson 315). In like manner, Katherine O’Brien O’Keeffe believes Cynewulf is “weakened morally by dalliance” (O’Keeffe 111). Lorraine Lancaster goes one step further to argue Cynewulf “was visiting his mistress” and places his meeting within the category of “extra-marital unions” (Lancaster 246). Hence, Cynewulf’s visit to the woman is linked with his subsequent death and other negative qualities mentioned by several scholars. Wilson treats Cynewulf’s lust and rashness as two main factors precipitating the regicide (Wilson 315), whilst Harald Kleinschmidt spends pages of his article canvasing Cynewulf’s failure to protect his retainers because of his “sexual desires” and “temerity” (Kleinschmidt 214–219).

The portraiture of Cynewulf in the entry for 755: an alternative interpretation

While the entry for 755 is amenable to all manner of different interpretations, it can be argued herein that the traditional characterization of Cynewulf is not sure-footed; that Cynewulf is in reality positively portrayed and thus, deserving of rehabilitation. The purpose of the “editorial intervention”⁵ of adding Cynewulf’s story into the Chronicle was to give Wessex a more prominent place in the earliest entries of the Chronicle. In trying to gain a new understanding of Cynewulf in the entry for 755, it is necessary to begin with his rendezvous with a certain “wif.”

In the first instance, the translation of “wif” to “mistress” is debatable because “wif” can be translated in various ways, ranging from “woman” to “wife.” But some academics, perhaps influenced by the stigmatizing wording (meretrix) of Æthelweard’s Latin Chronicon,⁶ take it for granted that Cynewulf was actually visiting his mistress.⁷ Such translation lacks textual justification. Admittedly, the unusual gloss “wifcyþþe” and the mentioning of Cynewulf’s “lytle werode” (OE small band) suggest a welcomed degree of anonymity, which gives rise to the idea that merely a select few were privy to the king’s itinerary information. Later medieval historiography also presents Cynewulf’s rendezvous as confidential, a case in point being the twelfth-century Anglo-Norman chronicler Geoffrei Gaimar:

par espies tant espïad

k’en la chamber le rei trovad

u ert venuz privéement

a une dame sanz sa gent.

[he set spies to spy out that the king had gone to a chamber secretly with a lady and without his men. (Estoire des Engleis, ll. 1839–1842.)]⁸

Yet, after Cynewulf and his bodyguards were killed, it is clear that Osric, Wigferth, and Cynewulf’s other men did know about the king’s whereabouts. Since nobody (except one gravely wounded Briton hostage) was left to deliver a message after the first fight of the entry for 755, it stands to reason that the king’s rendezvous was, in fact, not a secret.

But even if Cynewulf’s visit was not widely known, “wifcyþþe” does not necessarily imply sexual immorality. In this respect, D. G. Scragg acquits Cynewulf of sexual misconduct, asserting that the “wif” in question is merely his wife since no direct evidence points to an extramarital intercourse (Scragg 180). Due to the general obscurity of West Saxon royal women from the mid-eighth to the mid-tenth century (Stafford 7), the anonymous “wif” might well be the king’s wife, if not queen, to whom the annalist calls no more attention.⁹ In other words, it is unreasonable to categorically assign a derogatory meaning to the word “wifcyððe.” In any event, given the narration of the entry for 755 per se, it would be unthinkable that Cynewulf’s men would have been hell-bent on following their lord, had he virtually committed sexual misconduct or anything wrong.¹⁰

If Cynewulf’s visit to a woman was not necessarily a sexually immoral secret rendezvous with a mistress, that leaves room for a more positive characterization of Cynewulf. Hence, this note will contend that Cynewulf is represented as a king partaking of sapientia et fortitudo, which is in no way a never-before-seen topos within the literary works in early medieval England.¹¹ Cynewulf also resembles those kings who, in Alfred’s preface to the Old English Cura Pastoralis, once maintained the peace (sibbe), morality/good conduct (sido) and authority (anwald) internally and enlarged the territories externally.¹² All of these features are discernible in the entry for 755. Before Sigeberht was demoted, Cynewulf had already consulted the “witan” (OE assembly of the wise). The consultation with the “witan” and the seeking of counsel are often associated with wisdom or sapientia in early medieval England. Asser commends the “nimia clementia et prudenti consilio” (Lat great forbearance and wise counsel) of king Æthelwulf who prevented the kingdom of Wessex from plunging into internal strife following the rebellion of his son, Æthelbald. (De Rebus Gestis Ælfredi, c.13)¹³ The deed of Æthelwulf bears remarkable resemblance to that of Cynewulf. Initially, Cynewulf, along with the witan, did not choose to banish Sigeberht forthwith and still left him in charge of Hamptonshire (Hamtunscire) with an ealdorman, Cumbra.¹⁴ Cynewulf showed his forbearance and mercy as well,¹⁵ and kept the peace within the kingdom as opposed to infighting, for all that Sigeberht was accused of many “unryhtum dædum” (OE unrighteous deeds). It was only after the murder of Cumbra that a condign penalty of exile was meted out to the violator of law, Sigeberht.

As regards fortitudo, the entry for 755 mentions that Cynewulf often fought against the Britons (Cornishmen),¹⁶ expanding the boundaries of Wessex. Besides, after Cynewulf was cornered by Cyneheard’s men, he defended himself “unheanlice” (OE adequately),¹⁷ despite the numerical disadvantage; this was a quite marked demonstration of his fortitudo. A parallel can be found in the Old English Orosius, which also originates from the court of King Alfred. It tells of Alexander the Great’s conquest of India; when this Macedonian king was in the land of India, he came across a stronghold and decided to climb over the wall to scout it out. As soon as he leapt inside, he was surrounded by the enemies and isolated from his followers. Alexander the Great kept defending himself until his followers eventually came to his aid. At this point, the translator of Old English Orosius inserts his comment:

Nyte we nu hwæðer sie swiþor to wundrianne, þe þæt, ‘hu’ he ana wið ealle þa burgware hiene awerede, þe eft þa him fultum com, hu he þurh þæt folc geþrang þæt he ðone ilcan ofslog þe hiene ær þurhsceat, þe eft þara þegna angina þa hie untweogend[lice] wendon þæt heora hlaford wære on heora feonda gewealde, oððe cuca oððe dead, þæt hie swaþeah noldon þæs weallgebreces geswican, þæt hie heora hlaford ne gewræcen, þeh þe hie hiene meðigne on cneowum sittende metten.[I do not know which is more remarkable, that he alone defended himself against all the people in the fortress, or that when help reached he thrust through the crowd and killed the one who had shot him before, or the commitment of the soldiers when they were certain that their lord was in control of their enemies, either alive or dead, but refused to give up the assault on the wall to avenge their leader, though in fact they found him resting on his knee and exhausted.] (Old English Orosius, III. viii.)¹⁸

The comment invites its readers to recall the well-nigh similar scene in the entry for 755, wherein the fortitudo of Cynewulf and the determination of his retainers to revenge are both writ large. The Old English translator admits that the deeds of Alexander the Great and his followers are to be admired (to wundrianne). This Alfredian parallel may, to some extent, serve as an evidence that Cynewulf’s self-defense and his fearless attack on Cyneheard should not be considered as recklessness from an Alfredian perspective. Cynewulf withstood the hostile siege “unheanlice,” albeit heavily outnumbered, and managed to wound Cyneheard severely (miclum gewundode) upon sighting him.

On the whole, sapientia et fortitudo can be a useful interpretive framework whereby we may gain new insight into the characterization of Cynewulf; and it further prompts us to think about the extent to which the entry for 755 typifies the combination of classical topoi and Germanic (oral) storytelling within the larger Alfredian context. One might ask the reasons why Cynewulf needs to be presented positively. The answer thereto is clear; the “Common Stock” of the Chronicle revolves around the West Saxons. It is not hard to see that Wessex before the 9th century is overshadowed by Northumbria and Mercia, and takes no center stage in the historical writing of this age. The editorial interpolation of the 755 episode shows that Wessex was still a prominent presence before the 9th century in spite of the scant documentation by other prior historians such as Bede. More importantly, the oppression by contemporaneous foreign rulers notwithstanding, Cynewulf shows that there was nevertheless one virtuous king who defied the high-handed power such as Offa of Mercia and led West Saxons to fight, and whom his followers remained unshaken in following.¹⁹ Such an example from the 8th century must have resonated with the gravest situation of the following ages, when Wessex was in the throes of ceaseless military campaigns and Alfred was almost single-handedly grappling with both external and internal problems. The annalist might well have born this in mind.

Acknowledgments

I am unreservedly grateful to Thijs H. Porck, Randy C. Bax, Leonard Neidorf, Chenyun Zhu, and Manxi Zhang for many fruitful discussions and insightful feedback on the earlier drafts of this note. My thanks are also owed to ANQ’s anonymous reviewer(s) for the helpful comments. This study is funded by the China Scholarship Council (CSC) and the Centre for the Arts in Society, Universiteit Leiden (LUCAS).

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.

Additional information

Funding

This work was supported by the China Scholarship Council [202106190043].

Notes

1. On the latest study of the background of the “Common Stock” of Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, or the “Alfredian Chronicle”; cf. Stafford (39–51). The text of the entry for 755 (757) is cited throughout from the edition of Bately, The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle MS A (36–38).

2. See for example, Bell, “Cynewulf and Cyneheard in Gaimar” (42–46); Magoun, “Cynewulf, Cyneheard and Osric” (361–376); Moorman, “The ‘A.-S. Chronicle’ for 755” (94–98); Lancaster, “Kinship” (230–250); Towers, “Thematic Unity” (310–316); Battaglia, “The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle for 755” (173–178); Waterhouse, “Theme and Structure” (630–640); Wrenn, “A Saga of the Anglo-Saxons” (208–215); Kleinschmidt, “The Old English Annal” (209–224); O’Brien O’Keeffe, “Heroic Values” (107–125); Bremmer, “Germanic Context” (445–465); Niles, “The Myth of the Feud” (163–200); Leneghan, “Alfredian Context” (71–104).

3. On its analogues in Old English and Old Icelandic literature, see Hill, Warrior Ethnic (74–92); McTurk, “Icelandic Sagas” (81–127); Heinemann, “Landnámabόk” (57–89). For relevant comments on the divided loyalty, see O’ Brien O’Keeffe, “Heroic Values” (110–111). Recent discussion of divided loyalty in the High Middle Ages, see Peters, “‘Gespaltene Treue’” (283–347). On the gloss “wifcyþþe”, see Scragg, “Wifcyþþe” (179–185).

4. See Sheppard (32–38); Bredehoft (39–60); Yorke, “Representation” (141–159); Leneghan, “Alfredian Context” (71–104).

5. Yorke (158); On the Alfredian preoccupations with the editing; cf. Bredehoft (39–60).

6. “Postea ab illo obsidetur clitone, nam nunciatum est ei cum quadam meretrice morando in loco qui dicitur Merantune. [Afterwards he was besieged by that prince, for he (the king) was reported to him (the prince) to be staying with a certain loose woman in a place called Merton.]” Cf. Campbell (23).

7. See, for example, Niles, “The Myth of the Feud” (194); White, “Kinship and Lordship” (2); Hill, Warrior Ethic (81).

8. For the translation, see Short (102).

9. Bremmer raises another hypothesis that she might be a woman “who bore the brunt of male conflicts, falling prey to the conspiracy of men thirsting for power”, see Bremmer, “Germanic Context” (456).

10. My thanks to Dr. Thijs H. Porck at the Center for the Arts in Society, Universiteit Leiden for offering me this point of view.

11. See Kaske, “Sapientia et Fortitudo” (423–456); Hill, “The Crowning of Alfred” (471–476). A typically binary topos in the European literature from the Late Antiquity onwards. See Curtius (183–184).

12. “Hu þa kyningas þe ðone anwald hæfdon ðæs folces Godes & his ærendwrecum hirsumedon; & hu hi ægðer ge hiora sibbe ge hiora sido ge hiora anwald innanbordes gehioldon, & eac ut hiora oeðel rymdon; & hu him ða speow æðer ge mid wige ge mid wisdom… [and how the kings who had power over the nation in those days obeyed God and his ministers; and they preserved peace, morality, and order at home, and at the same time enlarged their territory abroad…]” see Sweet (1).

13. On translation, see Keynes and Lapidge (70–71).

14. The ealdorman Cumbra is probably one of those standing in the witness list of King Cuthred’s charters. In S 257, there is a certain “Combran” who acted as “præfectus regis” of Cuthred, Sigeberht’s predecessor. See https://esawyer.lib.cam.ac.uk/charter/257.html.

15. A quality that is highly recommended in one of Alcuin’s letters addressed to king Æthelred of Northumbria, Cynewulf’s near-contemporary, see Dümmler (50–51), : “Bona vero sunt opera, per quae ascendere in caelum possumus…misericordia in homines…Regis est omnes iniquitates pietatis suae potential obprimere; iustum esse in iudiciis, pronum in misericordia – secundum quod ille miseretur subiectis, miserebitur ei Deus…” [The good works through which we can ascend to heaven are…mercy toward men…It is for the king to crush all injustices by the power of his goodness, to be just in judgments, quick to mercy (for God will have mercy on him as he has mercy on his subjects)…] For the translation, see Allott (21–22).

16. Based on one of the charters (S 262) given by Cynewulf to the church of Wells, this West Saxon king complains about the “vexatione inimicorum nostrorum Cornubiorum gentis” (Lat harassing of our enemies, the race of the Cornish men). It can be thus inferred therefrom that these Britons mentioned in the 755 entry are primarily Cornish people. For the translation, see Whitelock (516); For comments on this charter, see Finberg (117).

17. Noticeably, “unheanlice” is a word in rare application. Another appearance of this is in the text of Old English Dialogs of Gregory the Great. In Prose 5: “Soþlice þæt þæt ic nu secgean wille, ic geleornode of gesegene sumes bisceopes mines efenhadan, se on munuchade manega gear lifode on Anchonitana þære byri 7 þær his eawfæste lif unheanlice adreah. [Truly I will tell now that I learnt from the conversation of a certain co-bishop of mine, who lived many years in monastic order in the town Acona. There he adequately led a devout life.]”. Even though the precise meaning of “unheanlice” differs in two different texts, but this word can hardly deliver any derogatory meanings; cf. Hecht (43).

18. The Old English text is based on Bately, Old English Orosius (73); For the translation, see Godden (197).

19. In historical context, it is borne out that Cynewulf was a ruler who displayed his power, consolidated the kingdom of Wessex, and checked the extension of Mercian over-lordship, whereas other kingdoms such as Sussex and Kent were stepwise reduced to subordination by king Offa of Mercia. Cf. Keynes, “King Alfred and the Mercians” (2); Reynolds, “Anglo-Saxon Execution Cemetery” (245–275).