213
Views
0
CrossRef citations to date
0
Altmetric
Research Article

Searching for a recipe for success: environmental citizen petitions under free trade agreements

ORCID Icon
Received 29 Aug 2023, Accepted 21 Apr 2024, Published online: 28 Apr 2024

ABSTRACT

Submissions on enforcement matters (SEMs) allow civil society members to assert that one party to a free trade agreement (FTA) is failing to enforce its domestic environmental laws. Submissions that survive every step of the SEM process result in a ‘factual record’ prepared by a secretariat on enforcement matters. Relying on qualitative comparative analysis and an original dataset compiling the 158 SEMs submitted under the framework of US FTAs, I investigate what conditions make submissions more likely to succeed in leading to a factual record. I find that the existence of previous submissions dealing with the same facts, submissions against developing countries, and the presence of at least one non-governmental organization as a submitter contribute to a submission’s success, but only in conjunction with other conditions and for a limited number of cases. This result provides overall evidence that secretariats’ decisions are unbiased by the factors examined in this paper.

Introduction

Preferential trade agreements (PTAs) increasingly include public participation provisions in their environmental chapters. While these provisions are often vague and poorly enforceable, one procedure is more elaborate: the submission on enforcement matters (SEM) process. SEMs are written documents filed by non-governmental organizations (NGOs) or citizens asserting that one of the PTA’s parties is failing to enforce its environmental laws. Submissions are compiled and assessed by a secretariat and may lead to the publication of a factual record if the secretariat considers it warranted and the PTA’s parties agree to its production and publication. Factual records consist of an investigative report documenting the environmental, legal, or public health aspects of the breach that the submitters allege.

As the final step of the SEM process, I consider the publication of a factual record to indicate that a given submission is ‘successful.’ This conception of success, labeled process success, is more easily trackable and measurable than other forms of policy success such as legitimacy, efficiency, or popularity. In this procedural sense, the vast majority of SEMs are not successful and are dismissed by secretariats. Relying on an original dataset compiling the 158 SEMs submitted between 1995 and 2022 under the framework of PTAs concluded by the United States (US), I investigate under which conditions SEMs are more likely to succeed. Factual records may provide governments with ‘incentives to act’ on environmental law enforcement (Raustiala Citation2003, p. 260, Kong Citation2021, p. 283). Finding the conditions under which SEMs are most likely to result in a factual record thus provides lessons on how to improve civil society participation in environmental governance. This is critical to ensure that state environmental commitments are implemented, which could contribute to reinforcing their legitimacy, as well as government accountability and transparency.

I use qualitative comparative analysis (QCA) to test the effect of the following conditions and their various combinations: the existence of a previous submission dealing with the same alleged facts, the government targeted by the submission, the identity of the submitters, and the nature of the environmental issue. I find that the existence of previous submissions on the same facts, submissions against developing countries, and the presence of at least one NGO as a submitter contribute to a submission’s success, but only in conjunction with other conditions. The solution term is highly consistent but only covers 27% of the cases examined. This result suggests that secretariats on enforcement matters are not biased toward specific environmental issues, governments, or submitters.

The rest of this article proceeds as follows: First, I briefly review the literature on public participation in global environmental governance and explain the functioning of the SEM process. Next, I introduce the four categories of conditions expected to contribute to the success of a submission. I then describe the data and methodology used to assess the effect of the said conditions. Last, I turn to the presentation and discussion of the QCA results before concluding on opportunities to improve the SEM process and avenues for future research.

Participatory environmental governance and the SEM process

Public participation is defined by Macnaghten and Jacobs as ‘the involvement of ordinary citizens in both decisions about and the implementations of social and economic change’ (Citation1997, p. 6). The concept has gained significant attention from policymakers and scholars working on environmental governance since the 1992 Rio Declaration on Environment and Development (Le Prestre Citation2020, p. 181). Principle 10 of the Rio Declaration acknowledges that ‘environmental issues are best handled with the participation of all concerned citizens, at the relevant level.’

Various strands of literature investigate public participation in environmental governance. For instance, scholars working on green democracy (e.Smith Citation2003, Eckersley Citation2004) and ecological citizenship (Dobson Citation2006, Hayward Citation2006, MacGregor Citation2014) offer theories about individual values and institutional characteristics that could help society better respond to environmental challenges. These normative accounts, however, do not aim to explain the successes and failures of participatory processes. Moreover, they typically focus on participation in environmental decision-making rather than participation in the implementation or enforcement of state environmental commitments. The latter has received more attention from legal scholars (e.g. Malone and Pasternack Citation2005, Siedenfeld and Nugent Citation2005, Kravchenko et al. Citation2011). In contrast with this paper, however, legal studies do not examine citizen enforcement mechanisms in a causal way and usually fail to consider all existing SEM processes together.Footnote1

Public participation obligations in global environmental governance take many forms. Numerous environmental treaties, such as the Paris Agreement,Footnote2 the Stockholm Convention,Footnote3 and the Espoo ConventionFootnote4 include broad requirements to enhance public participation. Some of them also create more formal stakeholder committees, such as the UN Convention to Combat Desertification’s civil society organization panel.Footnote5 Environmental treaties typically do not involve citizens and NGOs in the enforcement of state environmental commitments. Two notable exceptions include the 1998 Aarhus Convention, whose conference of the parties created a compliance mechanism through which members of the public may make communications concerning a Party’s compliance with the convention,Footnote6 and the more recent 2018 Escazú Agreement.Footnote7

The advent of liberal environmentalism in the early 1990s has turned international trade agreements into another major forum of environmental governance (Bernstein Citation2001, McCarthy Citation2004). Recent PTAs include full-fledged environmental chapters that are sometimes more enforceable than environmental treaties (Jinnah and Morin Citation2020). Among a vast variety of environmental clauses, PTAs increasingly include civil society participation provisions. To cite but one example, the 2012 EU – Colombia – Ecuador – Peru Trade Agreement provides that ‘the Sub-committee on Trade and Sustainable Development shall convene once a year … a session with civil society organisations and the public at large, in order to carry out a dialogue on matters related to the implementation of this Title.’Footnote8 Recent databases allow researchers to observe that public involvement in the enforcement of state environmental obligations is more frequent in PTAs than in environmental treaties and consists of an elaborate citizen complaint mechanism.Footnote9 The process, formally called ‘submissions on enforcement matters,’ was originally created under the North American Free Trade Agreement’s (NAFTA) side agreement on the environment: the North American Agreement on Environmental Cooperation (NAAEC). It later diffused to other PTAs concluded between the US and several Latin American partners: the 2004 US – Central America Free Trade Agreement – Dominican Republic (CAFTA – DR), the 2006 US – Peru Free Trade Agreement, the 2006 US – Colombia Trade Promotion Agreement, and the 2007 US – Panama Trade Promotion Agreement.

The SEM process is carried on by an environmental secretariat established by the PTA and proceeds in five main steps (see ). First, the secretariat assesses whether the submission meets minimal requirements related to language, identification of the submitter(s), and sufficient documentary evidence. Second, if the secretariat determines that the submission is compliant, it then decides whether the submission merits requesting a response from the government allegedly failing to enforce its domestic environmental laws. In making this second decision, the secretariat must ensure that: (1) the submission alleges harm to the submitter(s); (2) the submission raises matters whose further study would advance the goals of the PTA’s environmental provisions; (3) private remedies available under the concerned party’s law have been pursued; and (4) the submission is not drawn exclusively from mass media reports. Third, if the submission survives the first two steps, and in light of the submission and the government’s response, the secretariat determines whether a factual record is warranted. At this stage, the secretariat decides whether the government’s response leaves open central questions that a factual record could shed light on. If the government advises the secretariat that ‘the matter is the subject of a pending judicial or administrative proceeding,’ the process is put to an end. Fourth, if the secretariat considers a factual record is warranted, and only if the council of parties instructs it to do so by vote,Footnote10 the secretariat prepares a factual record. A factual record is an ‘investigative report that includes technical, scientific, and legal information as well as interviews with government officials and analysis from independent experts. It documents the environmental, legal, and/or public health aspects of the situation.’Footnote11 Last, the council decides whether to make the factual record available by a final vote.Footnote12

Figure 1. Schematization of the SEM process.

Figure 1. Schematization of the SEM process.

The SEM process of the NAAEC has been studied widely in the legal scholarship. However, existing studies tend to focus on the numerous procedural limitations of the process (e.g. Wold et al. Citation2004, Knox and Markell Citation2012, Davidian Citation2015, Hester Citation2015, Welts Citation2015) rather than investigating conditions for success.Footnote13 They also typically discuss a limited number of submissions rather than the full population.

Moreover, while the trade-environment politics scholarship has extensively investigated the determinants (e.g. Morin et al. Citation2018, Jinnah and Morin Citation2020) and consequences (e.g. Bastiaens and Postnikov Citation2017, Brandi et al. Citation2020) of environmental provisions in PTAs, these studies have largely overlooked public participation provisions, including the SEM process. Yet, as Markell (Citation2010, p. 427) puts it: ‘successes and challenges of the process should be of special interest to those interested in governance mechanisms intended to advance government transparency and accountability and opportunities for citizen involvement.’ The next section presents theoretical expectations about the conditions for success of the SEM process.

Directional expectations for success

Explaining policy success is not an easy task. For one thing, ‘success will always be contested to some degree’ (Marsh and McConnell Citation2010, p. 575). For another thing, success is multi-dimensional. Marsh and McConnell (Citation2010) usefully distinguish process success (i.e. the legitimacy, functioning, sustainability, and innovation of the policymaking process), programmatic success (i.e. the implementation, outcomes, and resource efficiency of the policy), and political success (i.e. the policy’s popularity). Existing studies on SEMs have investigated these three dimensions. For instance, Knox and Markell (Citation2012) assess the ‘performance’ of the SEM procedure according to the extent to which citizens are using it (political success), whether procedural justice is guaranteed (process success), the effectiveness of environmental law enforcement (programmatic success), and deeper civic engagement (programmatic success).

This paper focuses on process success by investigating the conditions under which a submission is more likely to survive the entire SEM process, i.e. to reach the publication stage in . Understandably, programmatic success in the sense of improved enforcement of environmental laws is more important to submitters than the publication of a record that is not binding on the targeted government. However, the causal chain explaining better enforcement of environmental laws is much more indirect and uncertain than the one explaining the publication of a factual record. Indeed, improved enforcement may have little to do with a given submission. Hence, examining the conditions for process success is a more prudent analytical step. In addition, the publication of a factual record may send a signal to petitioners that their voices are heard, which they may consider as a first meaningful step toward achieving their more ambitious goal of improved environmental protection.

I adopt the underlying assumption of causal complexity to investigate the conditions under which a submission is more likely to succeed. Causal complexity consists of three interlinked features: equifinality, conjunctural causation, and causal asymmetry (Lieberson Citation1985, Ragin Citation1987). Equifinality indicates that various, mutually non-exclusive factors can explain the publication of a factual record. Conjunctural causation suggests that the impact of a single condition on the outcome (i.e. the publication of a factual record) depends on its combination with other conditions. Finally, causal asymmetry means that the absence of a factual record is not necessarily caused by the absence of the conditions that lead to its presence. In other words, different causal factors may explain the occurrence and the non-occurrence of the outcome (Schneider and Wagemann Citation2012, p. 78).

Since the literature on the SEM process does not provide sound theoretical foundations about combinations of conditions for the success of a submission, I take an inductive approach. I examine four main categories of conditions for the success of a submission: the existence of a previous submission dealing with the same alleged facts, the government targeted by the submission, the identity of the submitters, and the nature of the environmental issue.

First, I expect a submission to more likely result in a factual record if another submission dealing with the same facts has already been assessed by the secretariat in the past. I consider submitters as boundedly rational actors with incomplete information at hand and a limited capacity to process new information (Simon Citation1972). Therefore, while first-time submitters may already have enough resources and knowledge to succeed on their first attempt, I expect it to be the exception rather than the rule. The dismissal of a submission provides important information to submitters, such as the criteria that failed to be met or the counterarguments of the targeted government. If the initial submitters are willing to try the process again, or if other submitters want to take up a dismissed case, the new information about the failure of the previous submission may help them better prepare. For instance, in the ALCA-Iztapalapa case,Footnote14 the secretariat determined that the submission did not contain sufficient information and did not allow the identification of the alleged violated laws.Footnote15 A few months after the secretariat’s determination, the submitter argued that ‘a lack of resources prevented him from amending his original filing in the time provided.’Footnote16 Therefore, he submitted a new submission to the secretariat. This time, the secretariat considered that his submission about the pollution generated by a footwear factory affecting his family’s health met the minimum requirements. The secretariat further considered that ‘although Mexico [had] undertaken some inspection and oversight activities, the fact that the Submitter [asserted] that alleged environmental violations [continued] despite those activities, compounded with the history of complaints and inspections against [the company] and the penalties thereon since 1994, [persuaded] the Secretariat that a factual record [was] warranted.’Footnote17

Second, I expect SEMs against developing countries to be more numerous and more likely to result in factual records than SEMs against Canada or the US. In the case of the NAAEC, which represents 61% of the SEMs, the development of a factual record needs to be instructed by at least two parties among Canada, Mexico, and the US. Moreover, the SEM process was created to ensure that developing countries trading with the US would enforce their domestic environmental laws more consistently (Knox Citation2001, p. 54). The higher bargaining power of Canada and the US makes it less likely that a factual record is instructed if one of these countries is implicated in the alleged violation of environmental laws. In addition, the US and Canada have much more financial and technical resources than developing countries to provide satisfactory responses to the secretariat. Last, developing countries have fewer or less efficient domestic legal avenues to use as an alternative to the SEM process, which makes submissions against them more likely (Bailey Citation2004, Knox and Markell Citation2012, p. 520, Peña Citation2023, p. 6).

Third, I expect SEMs submitted by NGOs to more likely result in a factual record. Submitters can be NGOs, citizens, firms, or a coalition of several types of submitters.Footnote18 While submissions by firms are very rare, 30% are submitted by citizens only, 46% are submitted by NGOs only, and 19% are submitted by both citizens and NGOs. The SEM process requires sufficient information to allow the secretariat to review a submission, including ‘documentary evidence’ that should not be ‘drawn exclusively from mass media reports.’Footnote19 In addition, the process has often been described by legal scholars and submitters as costly, lengthy, and unduly burdensome (Mitchell Citation2006, p. 312, Knox and Markell Citation2012, p. 521, Welts Citation2015, p. 125). Delgado Gutiérrez (Citation2022, p. 10323) finds that the average time between the initial submission and the publication of a factual record is 4.5 years. Therefore, NGOs are expected to be more successful in the SEM process than citizens alone. NGOs, even small ones, are typically more coordinated and knowledgeable about environmental laws and the SEM process than citizens. NGOs’ presence on the ground may even confer them with more experience and expertise than governments in the implementation of domestic environmental laws (Bernauer and Betzold Citation2012, p. 63). Such knowledge and resources better the odds that the SEM is compliant with the PTA’s requirements and that the submitters are able to push through the whole SEM process.Footnote20

Fourth, I expect the nature of the environmental issue at stake to influence the production of factual records. SEMs address a wide variety of environmental issues, such as hazardous wastes, water pollution, the protection of biodiversity, and environmental impact assessments of construction projects. Some issues may be easier to document and evaluate for submitters, and some are more readily experienced by human beings than others. For instance, in the Río Magdalena case, the pollution of the waters of the Magdalena River caused direct harm to the river’s users: ‘fruit trees [had] been found to have irreversible rotting in their roots’ and ‘the results of bacteriological analyses […] showed a high number of fecal coliforms in several agricultural samples.’Footnote21 Therefore, the discharge of wastewater without prior treatment, in contravention of Mexican environmental law, was arguably not challenging to establish for the submitter. Given that the measures mentioned in the Mexican government’s response did not ensure that the wastewater discharges met the necessary conditions to prevent the pollution of the river, the secretariat recommended the preparation of a factual record.

Deriving precise directional expectations about environmental issues is challenging because their interaction with the other abovementioned conditions may lead to different outcomes. Moreover, a single submission may concern several environmental problems. For instance, the Villa Veranda Housing Project,Footnote22 West Bay Roatán,Footnote23 Cuyamel II,Footnote24 and Dixon Cove BayFootnote25 cases under the CAFTA – DR agreement, which all led to a factual record, dealt with both the impact assessment of a construction project and the protection of the local biodiversity. The next section presents a method to identify the combinations of conditions that are sufficient for a submission to result in the publication of a factual record.

Data and method

I rely on a new dataset compiling the 158 submissions received between 1995 and 2022 under the framework of PTAs concluded by the US (see ). I retrieved the data on submissions from the websites of each secretariat on environmental enforcement matters.Footnote26 This database represents the full universe of SEMs. In total, 105 submissions have been received by NAFTA’s environmental secretariat, 43 by the CAFTA-DR secretariat, 5 by the Panama-US secretariat, and 5 by the Peru – US secretariat. In the analysis, I exclude 11 withdrawn or suspended casesFootnote27 and 18 open submissions because they have not had a chance to go through the whole process. This brings the final number of cases investigated to 129. The respective secretariats determined that: 45 did not meet the minimum requirements to proceed (stage 1 in ), 13 did not merit a response from the implicated government or dealt with a matter subject to a pending proceeding (stage 2), and a factual record was not warranted for 30 of them considering the government’s response (stage 3). The respective councils of parties did not instruct the preparation of a factual record for 7 submissions (stage 4). The remaining 34 submissions resulted in the publication of a factual record (stage 5), indicating that, to date, councils have never prevented the publication of a report.

Figure 2. Numbers of SEMs and factual records (1995–2022).

Figure 2. Numbers of SEMs and factual records (1995–2022).

Because of the causal complexity assumption, I consider QCAFootnote28 to be the most appropriate methodological option. QCA allows the identification of conditions that are individually or jointly necessary or sufficient for the outcome to occur. A (combination of) condition(s) is necessary if whenever the outcome is present, the (combination of) condition(s) is also present. A (combination of) condition(s) is sufficient if whenever it is present, the outcome is also present. These set relationships do not need to be perfect. Two parameters of fit, ranging between 0 (worst) and 1 (perfect), allow researchers to assess the degree to which a necessity or sufficiency claim is in line with the data. Consistency assesses the degree to which the cases sharing a given combination of conditions display the outcome, i.e. how closely a perfect subset relation is approximated (Ragin Citation2008, p. 44). The conventional minimum consistency score is 0.75 for sufficiency (Ragin Citation2008, p. 46, Schneider and Wagemann Citation2012, p. 129) and 0.9 for necessity (Schneider and Wagemann Citation2012, p. 143). Coverage, for its part, assesses the degree to which a combination of conditions accounts for instances of an outcome, i.e. the empirical relevance or importance of the said causal combination. There is no minimum threshold for coverage. As Ragin explains (Citation2008, p. 45): ‘just as it is possible in correlational analysis to have a significant but weak correlation, it is possible in set-theoretic analysis to have a set relation that is highly consistent but low in coverage.’

The outcome of interest, success (suc), indicates whether a given submission resulted in the publication of a factual record. Given the binary nature of the outcome and the conditions, I employ the crisp-set variant of QCA (Rihoux and De Meur Citation2009).

The first condition examined is the existence of a previous submission (pre). 21 submissions in the data deal with the same alleged facts as one previous submissionFootnote29 and four submissions deal with the same alleged facts as two previous submissions.Footnote30 The second QCA condition indicates whether the submission concerns an alleged environmental law violation by the US or Canadian governments (usc). The third condition, ngo, indicates whether at least one NGO features among the submitters.

Regarding the environmental issue concerned, I consider three conditions: bio indicates whether the submission deals with the protection of natural habitats or biodiversity; pol indicates whether the submission concerns air, water, soil, or hazardous product pollution; and aut indicates whether the submission concerns the environmental authorization or impact assessment of a project. Two main reasons explain this choice of conditions regarding environmental issues. First, while other subjects exist, such as environmental justice and food contamination, 94% of the cases deal with at least one of these three environmental issues. Second, QCA performs better with a limited set of conditions (Marx and Duşa Citation2011). The method analyzes all possible combinations of conditions, which means that each additional condition increases the number of potential combinations exponentially. As the number of conditions increases, the combinations not matched by empirical cases – called logical remainders – become more numerous, which is problematic for the explanatory power of the method (Mross et al. Citation2022, p. 4). presents the frequency of each causal condition for the occurrence (suc) and non-occurrence (~ suc) of the outcome.

Table 1. Frequency table.

Results and discussion

A standard QCA practice is to first test whether individual conditions are necessary for the outcome. presents the results of the necessity analysis. As expected, none of the conditions (or their absence) reaches the minimum consistency threshold of 0.9 (columns 2 and 5). The condition that comes closest to the threshold is the absence of a previous submission (~pre), which is almost necessary for the absence of the outcome (~suc). In other words, in 88% of the cases where the submission failed to lead to a factual record, no previous case on the same facts had been examined by the secretariat.

Table 2. Necessity analysis for the (non-)occurrence of the outcome.

I then turn to the sufficiency analysis, which first consists in the creation of a truth table (see ). Each truth table row represents one of the logically possible combinations between the conditions (Schneider and Wagemann Citation2012, p. 92). The frequency cutoff is 1, meaning that a possible combination of conditions appears in the truth table if at least one of the 129 cases matches this configuration. The consistency cutoff is set at the conventional 0.75 level, which signifies that only configurations with a consistency score (‘Incl’) higher than 0.75 are considered sufficient for the outcome and have a score of 1 in the column ‘OUT.’ Three configurations have a consistency score of 0.86 or higher. This result indicates that at least 86% of cases with the respective configuration are also members of the outcome. in the Appendix presents the truth table for the non-occurrence of the outcome. 12 configurations are found sufficient for the latter, which suggests that the causal configurations explaining the absence of a factual record are much more numerous and varied than those that contribute to the presence of a factual record. One plausible explanation is the high number of criteria submissions need to meet to lead to a factual record, i.e. a low threshold for process failure (see ).

Table 3. Truth table for the outcome (SUC).

The second step of the sufficiency analysis is the logical minimization of the truth table. Minimization relies on Boolean algebra to remove logically redundant conditions from the truth table and obtain a simpler sufficient configuration of conditions (Schneider and Wagemann Citation2012, p. 105). Here I report and discuss the parsimonious solution, which includes all logical remainders and is considered to be the most robust solution (Tobin Citation2017, p. 37, Baumgartner and Thiem Citation2020, Ide et al. Citation2021, p. 575).Footnote31 The solution presented in provides two pathways for the success of a submission.

Table 4. Parsimonious solution term.

The first pathway is the simultaneous presence of a previous case and a concern for both biodiversity and pollution (PRE*BIO*POL → SUC). This pathway has a perfect consistency of 1, which indicates that every time this pathway was present, the submission resulted in the publication of a factual record. However, the coverage of this pathway is 9%, denoting that only 3 submissions that led to a factual record are explained by this configuration. Among these are the Lake ChapalaFootnote32 and Sumidero CanyonFootnote33 cases. Both cases deal with pollution and the protection of biodiversity in Mexico. In the Lake Chapala case, submitters described serious water imbalance, water pollution, and risks for the habitat the lake provides for migratory birds. In the Sumidero Canyon case, the submitters asserted that the operations of a quarry were located within a designated protected natural area and that the Canyon had been “severely damaged with cracks.” They also claimed that the quarry operations were impairing the air quality in a neighboring community and generated noise pollution.

Both the Lake Chapala and Sumidero Canyon cases also followed a preceding submission. In the Lake Chapala case, the Mexican government’s response explained that the governmental environmental agency Profepa had issued a response to a popular complaint pointing out that Lake Chapala was not in a situation warranting declaring an emergency. Since the secretariat was unable to confirm with the submitters whether their assertions remained in light of this new information from the Mexican government, it could not proceed further with the submission and determined not to recommend the preparation of a factual record. Three years later, a broader group of citizens and NGOs denounced the pollution of Lake Chapala again. This time, the secretariat considered that ‘the information in Mexico’s response explaining the actions it [had] taken to protect the environmental integrity of the watershed [left] open central questions regarding its enforcement of the relevant environmental law.’Footnote34 It thus recommended the preparation of a factual record to the council.

In the Sumidero Canyon case, the first submission of the Comité Pro-Mejoras de la Ribera Cahuaré, an NGO based in the Chiapas region, was found ineligible by the secretariat for it failed to identify the allegedly violated environmental laws.Footnote35 A year later, the NGO submitted a second submission. This time, the secretariat found that some provisions cited in the submission did not conform to the NAAEC’s definition of ‘environmental law’ and that the assertion regarding their lack of effective application deserved clarification by the petitioner.Footnote36 The NGO then submitted a revised version of the second submission within the delay of 60 working days prescribed by article 6.2 of the Guidelines for Submissions on Enforcement Matters.Footnote37 The secretariat found this revised version admissible and, in light of Mexico’s subsequent response, recommended the preparation of a factual record.Footnote38

The second pathway is the combination of the absence of the US or Canada as the targeted government, the presence of at least one NGO as a submitter, and facts about the authorization of a construction project without an emphasis on pollution (~USC*NGO*~POL*AUT → SUC). This second pathway has a high consistency score (0.86) and a low coverage score (0.18). Cases covered by this pathway of the QCA solution include the West Bay RoatánFootnote39 and Dixon Cove BayFootnote40 cases, which both deal with the legality of the authorizations of construction projects in Honduras: a hotel complex and a cruise terminal port. The main concern of submitters was that the Honduran government did not request environmental impact assessments for these projects despite potential or reported harm to fragile and sensitive ecosystems. Both cases were also defended by the Instituto de Derecho Ambiental de Honduras, which, at the time, was one of the few NGOs in Latin America and the Caribbean with the capacity to regularly finance lawyers in defense of citizen rights (Bonine et al. Citation2007, p. 427).

Overall, the results confirm the expectations that the existence of previous submissions on the same facts, submissions against developing countries, and the presence of at least one NGO as a submitter contribute to a submission’s success, but only in conjunction with other conditions and for a limited number of cases. Submissions against developing countries represent 70% of the cases, which may partly explain why this condition is included in the QCA solution. Nevertheless, this condition is only present in one of the two pathways, and the latter has a low coverage of 18% of the cases. Therefore, the effect of unequal power dynamics among signatory countries leading to more SEM success in cases brought against (less powerful) developing countries should not be overstated. Regarding the model’s fit, the parsimonious solution term has a very high consistency of 0.90 but a low coverage of 0.27. The low coverage score implies that 63% of the cases are not explained by the solution, which importantly limits the generalizability of the results. In fact, the solution term only covers submissions sent to the secretariats created by NAFTA and CAFTA-DR. This is not surprising given that both PTAs represent 61% and 23% of the cases, respectively. Unlike other PTAs creating a SEM process, NAFTA and CAFTA-DR involve more than two parties, which may influence voting strategies in the council. The findings, therefore, are not generalizable to submissions under bilateral PTAs, which remain unexplained by the QCA solution.

One possible explanation for the number of cases not explained by the solution is that secretariats’ assessments of submissions are generally unbiased by the factors examined in this study. In other words, the government targeted and the identity of the submitters only play a minor role in secretariat determinations. The results of the QCA analysis also suggest that, in the majority of cases, the nature of the environmental problem does not influence secretariat decision-making. This indicates that secretariats treat all failures to enforce domestic environmental laws equally, regardless, for instance, of the saliency of the issue for the general public.

The absence of bias observed in this paper contrasts with the findings of existing literature on environmental treaties. Previous researchers have argued that, behind a ‘veil of legitimacy,’ secretariats actually perform key functions, such as knowledge brokering, negotiation facilitation, and capacity building, which confer them a crucial role in environmental governance (Depledge Citation2007, Jinnah Citation2014). Environmental treaties’ secretariats have been described as ‘hardly passive’ and seeking to find the ‘delicate balance’ between activism to influence treaty outcomes and the risk of being castigated as an unruly agent (Bauer Citation2006, p. 74). The secretariat of the United Nations Convention to Combat Desertification, for instance, has occasionally been accused of clientelism (Bauer Citation2009, p. 308). By contrast, secretariats on enforcement matters created by PTAs have a much narrower range of functions and powers. Their main function, beyond providing administrative and technical support to the council, is to assess submissions based on strict legal rules, and they seem to do just that. My results thus corroborate the argument put forward in early legal studies about the NAAEC that ‘the Secretariat’s decisions appear to be consistently grounded on carefully reasoned legal interpretations of the [NAAEC] Agreement rather than on fear of adverse reactions by, or the desire to carry favor with, either states or submitters’ (Knox Citation2001, see also Wold et al. Citation2004, p. 421, Knox and Markell Citation2012, p. 524).

Conclusion

While the recent trade-environment politics literature often investigates environmental provisions in PTAs as a package, this paper takes a different approach by zooming in on a specific type of provision: public participation in the enforcement of environmental laws. The SEM process is one of the most advanced civil society participation mechanisms in environmental governance. It is more elaborate and precise than the vast majority of participation provisions included in environmental treaties and PTAs alike. It is also more transparent: all submissions, government responses, secretariat determinations, and factual records are easily accessible online. More than 50 SEMs have been submitted in the last 10 years, suggesting that environmental NGOs and citizens still find a use for the procedure three decades after the conclusion of NAFTA.

The SEM process is not exempt from limitations. For instance, environmental secretariats are not required to state that a government has failed to enforce its domestic environmental laws, nor can they compel a government to undertake enforcement actions. Nevertheless, the process is not costless either, as it requires in-depth investigation from the secretariat and responses from the parties. SEMs can also ‘cast an international spotlight on a given state’s failure to enforce its environmental laws’ (Kong Citation2021, p. 283). In addition, some procedural shortcomings of the SEM process frequently deplored by legal scholars have been addressed during the renegotiation of NAFTA.The USMCA now provides shorter timelines for secretariats to review submissions and make decisions.Footnote41 It also creates an Environment Committee,Footnote42 which ‘may provide recommendations to the Council on whether the matter raised in the factual record could benefit from cooperative activities’ and to which the parties shall provide updates on final factual records.Footnote43 These changes suggest that the production of a factual record will now be followed by monitoring activities on environmental law enforcement in North America.Footnote44 Still, some scholars remain pessimistic about the changes made in the USMCA, arguing that they ‘do virtually nothing to address the most serious flaws in the SEM process, the most prominent of which is the built-in conflict of interest that parties face as both targets and (through the Council) active manipulators and overseers of the process’ (Garver Citation2021, p. 48).

This paper has found that there is no single recipe for SEM success. Helpful ingredients include the existence of previous submissions dealing with the same alleged facts, submissions against developing countries, and the presence of at least one NGO as a submitter. However, these conditions alone do not guarantee the production of a factual record. While the absence of a discernable pattern across cases does not allow the formulation of straightforward recommendations to policymakers and civil society members, this finding sheds light on the absence of bias of secretariats when assessing SEMs. This provides an argument in favor of the diffusion of the SEM process to new or renegotiated PTAs. Nevertheless, two key improvements seem advisable beforehand: 1) removing the structural bias that allows governments to narrow the scope or refuse the production of factual records, and 2) providing better technical assistance to submitters. These improvements would help fill the accountability and procedural justice gaps raised by scholars and submitters (Davidian Citation2015, p. 38). They could also contribute to appeasing the ‘green backlash’ PTAs have been facing in recent years (Nguyen Citation2022; Laurens et al. Citation2024).

Several research avenues beyond the scope of the present study will be worth exploring in the future. First, future research should investigate other forms of policy success than process success. For instance, although the effects of the SEM process on government decision-making and on the ground are more difficult to capture, these alternative forms of success likely matter more to submitters and researchers (Peña Citation2023, p. 8). Second, future research could usefully pay more attention to the politics of votes in the councils and the relative power of each government on the decision to instruct the preparation of a factual record. Third, further data collection efforts should be conducted to assess the extent of monitoring activities of compliance with factual record recommendations. Last, conducting interviews with secretariat officials would allow researchers to delve more into the question of their apparent lack of bias toward the factors examined in this paper.

Supplemental material

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Supplementary material

Supplemental data for this article can be accessed online at https://doi.org/10.1080/09644016.2024.2347162

Additional information

Funding

The work was supported by the Swiss National Science Foundation [Sinergia Project Number 205796].

Notes

1. To my knowledge, the only exception is Delgado Gutiérrez (Citation2022).

3. Convention on Persistent Organic Pollutants, Article 10, http://chm.pops.int/theconvention/overview/textoftheconvention/tabid/2232/default.aspx.

4. Convention on Environmental Impact Assessment in a Transboundary Context, Article 2.6, https://unece.org/DAM/env/eia/documents/legaltexts/Espoo_Convention_authentic_ENG.pdf.

5. United Nations Convention to Combat Desertification, Decision 5/COP9, https://www.unccd.int/sites/default/files/sessions/documents/2019-08/5COP9_0.pdf.

6. Aarhus Convention on Access to Information, Public Participation in Decision-making and Access to Justice in Environmental Matters, Decision I/7, article VI, https://unece.org/DAM/env/pp/documents/mop1/ece.mp.pp.2.add.8.e.pdf.

7. Regional Agreement on Access to Information, Public Participation and Justice in Environmental Matters in Latin America and the Caribbean, https://treaties.un.org/doc/Treaties/2018/03/20180312%2003–04%20PM/CTC-XXVII-18.pdf.

8. EU – Colombia – Ecuador – Peru Trade Agreement, Article 282, https://eurlex.europa.eu/legal-content/EN/TXT/PDF/?uri=CELEX:22012A1221(01)&from=EN/

9. The TRend and ENvironment Database (Morin et al. Citation2018) contains all references to public participation in the implementation of environmental provisions included in PTAs; Laurens and Morin (Citation2019) have coded all references to public participation in the implementation of international environmental agreements.

10. The council comprises representatives of each party. Under the NAAEC and the US – Mexico – Canada Agreement (USMCA), the council may instruct the preparation of a factual record by a two-thirds vote. Under other US agreements creating a similar process, the vote of any party is sufficient to instruct the preparation of a factual record.

11. Commission for Environmental Cooperation, http://www.cec.org/submissions-on-enforcement/.

12. Under the NAAEC, the council made the final factual record publicly available by a two-thirds vote. Under the USMCA, the secretariat now makes the factual record publicly available unless at least two members instruct it not to do so. Under other US agreements creating a SEM process, the secretariat makes the factual record publicly available if any member of the council instructs it to do so.

13. As an exception, Gladstone et al. (Citation2021) find that NAFTA’s institutions increased public participation and engagement in Mexico-US border environmental issues.

18. The NAAEC states that submitters may be ‘any non-governmental organization or person’ (article 14.1). NAFTA’s successor, the USMCA, now stipulates that ‘any person of a Party may file a submission’ (article 24.27, 1). This updated wording is in line with older PTAs concluded with Colombia, CAFTA – DR, Peru, and Panama.

19. NAAEC, article 14, 1(c); CAFTA – DR, article 17.7, 2(c); Colombia – US, article 18.8, 2(c); Peru – US, article 18.8, 2(c); Panama – US, article 17.8, 2(c); USMCA, article 24.7, 2(c).

20. To be sure, there is important variation across NGOs in terms of financial resources, capacity to hire environmental lawyers, and level of knowledge of environmental laws and the SEM process. This may explain why some NGOs have been more successful than others. However, the lack of reliable data on these factors prevented me from analyzing them in a systematic way.

26. CAFTA – DR: http://www.saa-sem.org/en/caso/; NAFTA: http://www.cec.org/submissions-on-enforcement/registry-of-submissions/; Panama – US: https://sala-seem.org/en-us/submissions-factual-records.html; Peru – US: https://www.saca-seem.org/en/review-submissions/. The 2006 agreement between the US and Colombia also created an SEM process. However, the secretariat had not received any submissions at the end of 2022: https://uscolombiasalaseem.org/en/solicitudes-presentadas/.

27. Cases may be withdrawn or suspended for several reasons. In the Species at Risk case (SEM-06-005), the submitter withdrew its submission after the council limited the scope of the factual record. In other cases, withdrawal occurred after the targeted government initiated enforcement activities or after the company stopped its offending practice. The latter scenario, if it can be attributed to a given submission, can be considered as programmatic success.

28. The QCA analysis was performed with the QCA (Duşa Citation2019) and the SetMethods (Oana and Schneider Citation2018) R packages.

29. The official names of these submissions include the Roman numeral ‘II’, e.g.: Noise Pollution II, Cuyamel II, Sumidero Canyon II.

30. The official names of these submissions include the Roman numeral ‘III’: Cytrar III, Oldman River III, Ex Hacienda El Hospital III, Omoa III.

31. The conservative and intermediate solutions cover the exact same cases. They are presented, respectively, in and in the Appendix. Legewie (Citation2013) describes the three types of solutions as follows: ‘The complex solution does not allow for any simplifying assumptions to be included in the analysis. As a result, the solution term is often hardly reduced in complexity and barely helps with the data analysis, especially when operating with more than a few causal conditions. The parsimonious solution reduces the causal recipes to the smallest number of conditions possible. The conditions included in it are “prime implicants,” i.e. they cannot be left out of any solution to the truth table. […] Finally, the intermediate solution includes selected simplifying assumptions to reduce complexity, but should not include assumptions that might be inconsistent with theoretical and/or empirical knowledge.’

37. Guidelines for Submissions on Enforcement Matters under Articles 14 and 15 of the North American Agreement on Environmental Cooperation, http://www.cec.org/files/documents/publications/10838-guidelines-submissions-enforcement-matters-under-articles-14-and-15-north-en.pdf.

38. Although the council voted in favor of the preparation of a factual record, it reduced the scope of investigations to allegations of noise pollution (see Hester Citation2015, p. 51).

41. USMCA, articles 24.27 and 24.28, https://ustr.gov/sites/default/files/files/agreements/usmca/24_Environment.pdf. Compliance with the process deadlines by the secretariat and the parties has been a longstanding issue, which shorter timelines may prove ineffective to solve, as shown by the SEM Compliance Tracker (http://www.cec.org/submissions/sem-compliance-tracker/).

42. USMCA, article 24.26.

43. USMCA, article 24.28, paragraphs 7 and 8.

44. The CAFTA – DR (article 17.8, paragraph 8), Colombia – US (article 18.9, paragraph 8), Panama – US (article 17.9, paragraph 8), and Peru – US (article 18.9, paragraph 8) PTAs already provide that ‘The Council shall, as appropriate, provide recommendations to the Environmental Cooperation Commission related to matters addressed in the factual record, including recommendations related to the further development of the Party’s mechanisms for monitoring its environmental enforcement.’

References

  • Bailey, K.M., 2004. Citizen participation in environmental enforcement in Mexico and the United States: a comparative study. Georgetown International Environmental Law Review, 16 (2), 323–358.
  • Bastiaens, I. and Postnikov, E., 2017. Greening up: the effects of environmental standards in EU and US trade agreements. Environmental Politics, 26 (5), 1–23. doi:10.1080/09644016.2017.1338213.
  • Bauer, S., 2006. Promoting good governance through the implementation of the UNCCD. In: P.-M. Johnson, K. Mayrand, and M. Paquin, eds. Governing global desertification: linking environmental degradation, poverty and participation. Aldershot: Ashgate, 73–88.
  • Bauer, S., 2009. The desertification secretariat: a castle made of sand. In: F. Biermann and B. Siebenhüner, eds. Managers of global change: the influence of international environmental bureaucracies. Cambridge: MIT Press, 293–317.
  • Baumgartner, M. and Thiem, A., 2020. Often trusted but never (properly) tested: evaluating qualitative comparative analysis. Sociological Methods and Research, 49 (2), 279–311. doi:10.1177/0049124117701487.
  • Bernauer, T. and Betzold, C., 2012. Civil society in global environmental governance. The Journal of Environment & Development, 21 (1), 62–66. doi:10.1177/1070496511435551.
  • Bernstein, S., 2001. The compromise of liberal environmentalism. New York: Columbia University Press.
  • Bonine, J.E., 2007. Barreras e incentivos para la participación ciudadana en la aplicación de la legislación ambiental. In: V. Durán Medina, et al., eds. Institucionalidad e instrumentos de gestión ambiental para Chile del bicentenario. 2nd ed. Santiago de Chile: Universidad de Chile, 419–436. https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1076786
  • Brandi, C., et al., 2020. Do environmental provisions in trade agreements make exports from developing countries greener? World Development, 129, 104899. doi:10.1016/j.worlddev.2020.104899
  • Davidian, G., 2015. Should citizens expect procedural justice in nonadversarial processes? Spotlighting the regression of the citizen submissions process from NAAEC to CAFTA–DR. In: H.L. Kong and L.K. Wroth, eds. NAFTA and sustainable development: history, experience, and prospects for reform. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 37–74. doi:10.1017/CBO9781316157763
  • Delgado Gutiérrez, D., 2022. Trade agreements and environment in Latin America. Environmental Law Reporter, 52, 10311–10330.
  • Depledge, J., 2007. A special relationship: chairpersons and the secretariat in the climate change negotiations. Global Environmental Politics, 7 (1), 45–68. doi:10.1162/glep.2007.7.1.45.
  • Dobson, A., 2006. Ecological citizenship: a defence. Environmental Politics, 15 (3), 447–451. doi:10.1080/09644010600627766.
  • Duşa, A., 2019. QCA with R. A comprehensive resource. Springer. doi:10.1007/978-3-319-75668-4.
  • Eckersley, R., 2004. The green state: rethinking democracy and sovereignty. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. doi:10.7551/mitpress/3364.001.0001
  • Garver, G., 2021. Trade and environment in NAFTA’s replacement: an old gas guzzler gets a paint job. Golden Gate University Environmental Law Journal, 13 (1), 39–61.
  • Gladstone, F., et al., 2021. NAFTA and environment after 25 years: a retrospective analysis of the US-Mexico border. Environmental Science & Policy, 119, 18–33. doi:10.1016/j.envsci.2020.10.017
  • Hayward, T., 2006. Ecological citizenship: justice, rights and the virtue of resourcefulness. Environmental Politics, 15 (3), 435–446. doi:10.1080/09644010600627741.
  • Hester, T.D., 2015. Designed for distrust: revitalizing NAFTA’s environmental submissions process. Georgetown Environmental Law Review, 28 (1), 29–74.
  • Ide, T., et al., 2021. Pathways to water conflict during drought in the MENA region. Journal of Peace Research, 58 (3), 568–582. doi:10.1177/0022343320910777.
  • Jinnah, S., 2014. Post-treaty politics: secretariat influence in global environmental governance. Cambridge: MIT Press.
  • Jinnah, S. and Morin, J.-F., 2020. Greening through trade: how American trade policy is linked to environmental protection abroad. Cambridge: MIT Press.
  • Knox, J.H., 2001. A new approach to compliance with international environmental law: the submissions procedure of the NAFTA environmental commission. Ecology Law Quarterly, 28 (1), 1–122.
  • Knox, J.H. and Markell, D.L., 2012. Evaluating citizen petition procedures: lessons from an analysis of the NAFTA environmental commission. Texas International Law Journal, 47 (3), 505–540.
  • Kong, H.L., 2021. The submissions on enforcement matters process: changes in law and theory. Vermont Law Review, 46 (2), 268–293.
  • Kravchenko, S., et al., 2011. Giving the public a voice in MEA compliance mechanisms. In: L. Paddock, ed. Compliance and enforcement in environmental law. Cheltenham: Edward Elgar Publishing, 83–110.
  • Laurens, N. and Morin, J.-F., 2019. Negotiating environmental protection in trade agreements: a regime shift or a tactical linkage? International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics, 19 (6), 533–556. doi:10.1007/s10784-019-09451-w.
  • Laurens, N., Winkler, C. and Dupont, C., 2024. Sweetening the liberalization pill: flanking measures to free trade agreements. Review of International Political Economy, 1–18. doi:10.1080/09692290.2024.2337193.
  • Legewie, N., 2013. An introduction to applied data analysis with qualitative comparative analysis. Forum Qualitative Sozialforschung/Forum: Qualitative Social Research, 14 (3), 1–45. doi:10.17169/fqs-14.3.1961.
  • Le Prestre, P., 2020. Participation. In: J.-F. Morin and A. Orsini, eds. Essential concepts of global environmental governance. 2nd ed. London: Routledge, 181–183. doi:10.4324/9780367816681
  • Lieberson, S., 1985. Making it count: the improvement of social research and theory. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.
  • MacGregor, S., 2014. Ecological citizenship. In: H.A. Van der Heijden, ed. Handbook of political citizenship and social movements. Cheltenham: Edward Elgar Publishing, 107–132.
  • Macnaghten, P. and Jacobs, M., 1997. Public identification with sustainable development: investigating cultural barriers to participation. Global Environmental Change, 7 (1), 5–24. doi:10.1016/S0959-3780(96)00023-4.
  • Malone, L. and Pasternack, S., 2005. Defending the environment: civil society strategies to enforce international environmental law. Washington, DC: Island Press.
  • Markell, D., 2010. The role of spotlighting procedures in promoting citizen participation, transparency, and accountability. Wake Forest Law Review, 45 (2), 425–467.
  • Marsh, D. and McConnell, A., 2010. Towards a framework for establishing policy success. Public administration, 88 (2), 564–583. doi:10.1111/j.1467-9299.2009.01803.x.
  • Marx, A. and Duşa, A., 2011. Crisp-set qualitative comparative analysis (csQCA), contradictions and consistency benchmarks for model specification. Methodological Innovations Online, 6 (2), 103–148. doi:10.4256/mio.2010.0037.
  • McCarthy, J., 2004. Privatizing conditions of production: trade agreements as neoliberal environmental governance. Geoforum; Journal of Physical, Human, and Regional Geosciences, 35 (3), 327–341. doi:10.1016/j.geoforum.2003.07.002.
  • Mitchell, R.E., 2006. Environmental actions of citizens: evaluating the submission process of the commission for environmental cooperation of NAFTA. The Journal of Environment and Development, 15 (3), 297–316. doi:10.1177/1070496506291152.
  • Morin, J.F., Dür, A., and Lechner, L., 2018. Mapping the trade and environment nexus: insights from a new data set. Global Environmental Politics, 18 (1), 122–139. doi:10.1162/GLEP_a_00447.
  • Mross, K., et al., 2022. Identifying pathways to peace: how international support can help prevent conflict recurrence. International Studies Quarterly, 66 (1), 1–14. doi:10.1093/isq/sqab091.
  • Nguyen, Q., 2022. The green backlash against economic globalization. International Studies Review, 24 (2), viac020. doi:10.1093/isr/viac020.
  • Oana, I.E. and Schneider, C.Q., 2018. SetMethods: an add-on R package for advanced QCA. The R Journal, 10 (1), 507–533. doi:10.32614/RJ-2018-031.
  • Peña, P., 2023. Could a trade agreement strengthen the enforcement of domestic environmental laws? Envisioning the impacts of the US–Peru environmental submissions mechanism. Review of European, Comparative & International Environmental Law, 32 (3), 1–8. doi:10.1111/reel.12500.
  • Ragin, C.C., 1987. The comparative method: moving beyond qualitative and quantitative strategies. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.
  • Ragin, C.C., 2008. Redesigning social inquiry: fuzzy sets and beyond. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. doi:10.7208/chicago/9780226702797.001.0001
  • Raustiala, K., 2003. Citizen submissions and treaty review in the NAAEC. In: D.L. Markell and J.H. Knox, eds. Greening NAFTA: the North American commission for environmental cooperation. Palo Alto, CA: Stanford University Press, 256–273.
  • Rihoux, B. and De Meur, G., 2009. Crisp-set qualitative comparative analysis (csQCA). In: B. Rihoux and C.C. Ragin, eds. Configurational comparative methods: qualitative comparative analysis (QCA) and related techniques. Thousand Oaks and London: Sage, 33–68. 10.4135/9781452226569
  • Schneider, C.Q. and Wagemann, C., 2012. Set-theoretic methods for the social sciences: a guide to qualitative comparative analysis. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. doi:10.1017/CBO9781139004244
  • Siedenfeld, M. and Nugent, J.S., 2005. The friendship of the people: citizen participation in environmental enforcement. The George Washington Law Review, 73 (2), 269–316.
  • Simon, H.A., 1972. Theories of bounded rationality. Decision and Organization, 1 (1), 161–176.
  • Smith, G., 2003. Deliberative democracy and the environment. London: Routledge.
  • Tobin, P., 2017. Leaders and laggards: climate policy ambition in developed states. Global Environmental Politics, 17 (4), 28–47. doi:10.1162/GLEP_a_00433.
  • Welts, L., 2015. Form over substance. Procedural hurdles to the NAAEC citizen submission process. In: H.L. Kong and L.K. Wroth, eds. NAFTA and sustainable development: history, experience, and prospects for reform. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 123–146. doi:10.1017/CBO9781316157763
  • Wold, C., et al., 2004. The inadequacy of the citizen submission process of articles 14 & (and) 15 of the North American Agreement on environmental cooperation. Loyola of Los Angeles International and Comparative Law Review, 26 (3), 415–444.

Appendix

Table A1. Truth table for the non-occurrence of the outcome (~suc).

Table A2. Conservative solution term for the outcome.

Table A3. Intermediate solution term for the outcome.