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Research Article

Television Campaigns in the Chilean Constituent Elections: The Negative and Anti-system Discourse in the Success of the Social Movement La Lista Del Pueblo and its Electoral Base

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Pages 256-273 | Published online: 08 May 2024
 

ABSTRACT

The People’s List (Lista del Pueblo) was a group of independent candidates united on its anti-party sentiment that successfully participated in the Chilean elections to choose the constituents in charge of writing a new constitution. Based on the framework of negative political campaigns and through a deductive methodology and content analysis, this research looks at the strategy used in their televised spots (N = 357). Likewise, and through the study of the electoral database of this election, made up of 345 boroughs, the electoral bases of the People’s List are established to explore relationships between the television campaign and its results according to political, socioeconomic, and sociodemographic aspects. The findings indicate that this group used the public television spot as a tactic based on an anti-establishment message, which had the purpose of channeling the demands of the social outbreak of October 2019 by promoting anger against the political and economic institutions.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Notes

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16. Freidenberg; Krauze; Mudde and Rovira.

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18. Pytlas.

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22. Ibid.

23. See note 18 above.

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25. Manuel Guerrero and Marco Arellano. Campañas negativas en 2006: ¿Cómo afectaron el voto? (México: Universidad Iberoamericana, 2012); Yeli Pérez, “Las campañas negativas en las elecciones de 2000 y 2006 en México,” Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Políticas y Sociales 59 (2014): 87–116.

26. Ariel Alejandro Goldstein, Bolsonaro y la estrategia política de polarización: de la campaña a la presidencia (Brasil: Universidad Federal Fluminense, 2020).

27. Alberto López-Hermida Russo and Pedro Fierro-Zamora, “Campañas políticas y desafección ciudadana: aproximación desde Chile a los efectos de las actividades electorales en el proceso democrático,” Palabra Clave, 19, no. 2 (2016): 365–97. doi:10.5294/pacla.2016.19.2.2.

28. Ernesto Laclau, La razón populista (México: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 2005).

29. Nic Newman with Richard Fletcher, Craig T. Robertson, Kirsten Eddy, and Rasmus Kleis Nielsen, “Reuters Institute Digital News Report 2021,” Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism (2021).

30. Enrique Núñez-Mussa, “Cómo verificar sin expertos y llegar a las grandes ligas: Fact checking universitario del debate presidencial de Chile en 2017,” Obra digital 18 (2020): 85–101. https://raco.cat/index.php/ObraDigital/article/view/368423; Edwin Cohaila, “Framing en el debate presidencial de las elecciones peruanas de 2016 en redes sociales,” Revista mexicana de opinión pública 26 (2019): 33–50.

31. García Beaudoux and D’Adamo, “Propuesta de una matriz de codificación para el análisis de las campañas negativas.”

32. García-Beaudoux and D’adamo, “Comunicación política y campañas electorales.”

33. William Benoit, “The Functional Approach to Presidential Television Spots: Acclaiming, Attacking, Defending 1952–2000,” Communication Studies 52, no. 2 (2001): 109–26. doi:10.1080/10510970109388546.

34. Montaugue Kern, 30 Second Politics: Political Advertising in the Eighties (New York: Praeger, 1989).

35. Ronald Faber, Albert R. Tims and Kay G. Schmitt, “Negative Political Advertising and Voting Intent: The Role of Involvement and Alternative Information Sources,” Journal of Advertising, 22, no. 4 (1993): 67–76; Robert McClure and Thomas Patterson, “Television News and Political Advertising: The Impact of Exposure on Voter Beliefs,” Communication Research 1 (1974): 3–31. doi:10.1177/009365027400100101.

36. See note 31 above.

37. Flavia Freidenberg, and Luis González Tule. “Estrategias partidistas, preferencias ciudadanas y anuncios televisivos: un análisis de la campaña electoral mexicana de 2006,” Política y gobierno 16, no. 2 (2009): 269–320.

38. Concepción Virriel, “Elecciones 2003: spots políticos y cultura política,” Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Políticas y Sociales 46, no. 190 (2004): 139–60.

39. El Mostrador, “Estudio del CNTV revela que el 37% de quienes vieron la franja presidencial-parlamentaria dicen que le ayudó a decidir su voto,” December 1, 2021, https://www.elmostrador.cl/elecciones-2021/2021/12/01/estudio-del-cntv-revela-que-el-37-de-quienes-vieron-la-franja-presidencial-parlamentaria-dicen-que-le-ayudo-a-decidir-su-voto/.

40. Hansen and Treul.

41. Centro de Estudios Públicos, Estudio Nacional de Opinión Pública, Centro de Estudios Públicos 84 (2019).

42. La Tercera, “Gobierno decreta estado de emergencia tras violentas protestas que colapsaron Santiago,” October 19, 2019, https://kiosco.latercera.com/reader/19-10-2019-la-tercera?location=2.

43. Gabriel Negretto, “Deepening Democracy? Promises and Challenges of Chile’s Road to a New Constitution,” Hague Journal on the Rule of Law, 13 (2021): 335–58. doi:10.1007/s40803-021-00158-2; Julieta Suarez-Cao, “Reconstructing Legitimacy after the Crisis: The Chilean Path to a New Constitution,” Hague Journal on the Rule of Law, 13 (2021): 253–64. doi:10.1007/s40803-021-00160-8.

44. La Tercera, “Más de un millón de voces gritan en Plaza Italia,” October 25, 2019, https://kiosco.latercera.com/reader/26-10-2019-la-tercera?location=2

45. France 24, “Chile: nuevas protestas contra el Gobierno acaban con 63 detenidos en la capital,” March 7, 2021, https://www.france24.com/es/américa-latina/20210307-chile-protestas-gobierno-decenas-detenidos.

46. Aldo Mascareño, Rodrigo Cordero, Pablo Henríquez and Gonzalo Ruz. Comunidades semánticas y distinciones políticas en el discurso de los convencionales constituyentes, Centro de Estudios Públicos (2021), https://www.cepchile.cl/cep/site/docs/20210803/20210803122732/pder581_c22.pdf.

47. La Tercera.

48. Servicio Electoral de Chile, “Resultados definitivos elecciones de convencionales constituyentes,” Servicio Electoral de Chile (2021), https://www.servel.cl/resultados-definitivos-elecciones-de-convencionales-constituyentes-gobernadores-regionales-alcaldes-y-concejales/.

49. Scott Mainwaring and Timotty Scully, Building Democratic Institutions. Party Systems in Latin America (Stanford University Press, 1995); Mark Payne, Daniel Zovatto and Mercedes Díaz, La política importa: democracia y desarrollo en América Latina (México: BID/Instituto Internacional para la Democracia y la Asistencia Electoral, 2003).

50. Centro de Estudios Públicos, Estudio Nacional de Opinión Pública.

51. Mauricio Morales, “Chile’s Perfect Storm: Social Upheaval, COVID-19 and the Constitutional Referendum,” Contemporary Social Sciences 16 (2021): 556–72. doi:10.1080/21582041.2021.1973677.

52. Ibid.

53. The videos analyzed are hosted on the Consejo Nacional de Televisión of Chile website and can be accessed at: https://cntv.cl/franjas-electorales/videos-franja-convencionales-constituyentes/.

54. See note 31 above.

55. Laurence Bardin, Análisis de Contenido (España: AKAL, 2001); Guido Stempel and Bruce Westley, Research Methods in Mass Communication (United States: Prentice Hall, 1989).

57. Klaus Krippendorff, Metodología y análisis de contenido (España: Paidós, 1990); Stephen Lacy, Brenda Watson, Daniel Riffe and Jeanette Lovejoy, “Issues and Best Practices in Content Analysis,” Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly 92, no. 4 (2015): 791–811. doi:10.1177/1077699015607338.

58. Senado de Chile, La ley reforma la franja electoral para candidatos independientes a la Convención (Chile: Senado de Chile 2021), https://www.senado.cl/noticias/elecciones/a-ley-reforma-a-franja-electoral-para-candidatos-independientes-a-la.

59. See note 31 above.

60. Fuentes.

61. Andrew Gelman, David Park, Stephen Ansolabehere, Phillip Price, and Lorraine Minnite, “Models, Assumptions and Model Checking in Ecological Regressions,” Journal of the Royal Statistical Society: Series A (Statistics in Society), 164, no. 1 (2001): 101–18.

62. See note 31 above.

63. Paula Catena and Cristóbal Fuentes, “De 27 a ninguno. Por qué ya no existe la Lista del Pueblo en la Convención,” La Tercera (April 22, 2022), https://www.latercera.com/la-tercera-sabado/noticia/de-27-a-ninguno-por-que-ya-no-existe-la-lista-del-pueblo-en-la-convencion/RITG7F5XTJFR3EHCA2MRANBXEQ/).

64. See note 60 above.

65. Morales.

66. See note 31 above.

Additional information

Funding

The authors received funding from Chile’s National Agency for Research and Development (ANID) through the Millennium Science Initiative Program - NCS2021_063.

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