Exploring differences in Black heterosexual and queer women’s sexual experiences through a Black queer feminist lens

Abstract

The purpose of this study was to expand the empirical research on Black women’s sexualities by exploring differences in heterosexual and queer Black women’s sexual experiences including sexual pleasure, orgasms, masturbation, number of sex partners, and sexual desire through a Black queer feminist lens. This study used survey data from n = 295 Black cisgender women from phase one of the triphasic Big Sex Study. Results showed that Black queer women had more sexual partners and reported masturbating at earlier ages compared to heterosexual women. Black queer women also reported higher pleasure ratings in sexual activities, sexual intimacy, and sexual intercourse. Finally, there were differences in correlates of sexual desire between heterosexual and queer women; however, no factors were correlated with desire to engage in sexual intercourse for power and control for both groups of women. Implications for advancing sex positive research on sexually diverse Black women are included.

LAY SUMMARY

Black women’s sexology has often focused on sexual risks and heterosexual women. This study focuses on sex positive aspects including sexual pleasure, orgasms, and desire among Black heterosexual and queer women. Results showed that queer women were more likely to have higher pleasure rankings and had different correlates of desire.

Keywords:

• Black women
• Black queer feminism
• orgasm
• sexual pleasure
• desire

Introduction

Over the last decade, and much to the credit of Black queer feminist writings (e.g. Clarke, 1981; Clarke & Smith, 1983; Combahee River Collective, 1977; Lorde, 1984; Walker, 1982), Black researchers have shifted the empirical research on Black women’s sexualities from deficit-based to sex-positive (Gilbert, 2021; Hargons et al., 2021; Stewart, 2013; Thorpe et al., 2021a; 2021b; Townes et al., 2021). As a result, there is greater emphasis on Black women’s sexual pleasure, agency, and wellness rather than sexual deficits (e.g. rates of sexually transmitted infections, sexual risk behaviors) and the impact of oppression on their sexual selves. Additionally, this research has provided insight into how Black women transcend sexual stereotypes and gendered-racial oppression embedded in Western views of their sexualities (Thorpe et al., 2021a). While these contributions are meaningful, most of this research has been conducted using majority heterosexual samples; thus, Black queer¹ women remain understudied. The sexual experiences of Black women are not monolithic and become more nuanced when accounting for sexual minority status (Bowleg, 2008). Therefore, more research is needed to comparatively highlight the different sexual experiences of Black queer women and heterosexual women. This study adds to existing sex-positive literature by comparing queer and heterosexual Black women’s orgasm frequency, pleasure ratings, and sexual desire. By studying these positive components of sex, this study provides directions for improving queer and heterosexual Black women’s sex lives.

Black queer feminism and sexuality

As an extension of Black feminism, some scholars consider Black queer feminism a political critique of power and oppression’s impact on Black women based on their race, gender, class, and sexuality (Cohen, 2019 Johnson et al., 2005). Others conceptualize it as a creative space for understanding (and honoring) the complexities of Black queer women’s expressions, beliefs, and values (Harris, 1996; Smalls & Powell, 2019; Sullivan, 2021). Two factors bridging these interpretations of Black queer feminism are using its principles to liberate all Black women (Combahee River Collective, 1977) and an emphasis on Black women’s pleasure (Jones, 2021; Lorde, 1984).

To be clear, Black lesbian scholars and activists have always been at the forefront of Black queer feminism. They advanced early resistance of the politics of silence (Hammonds, 1994; Higginbotham, 1992) and a culture of dissemblance (Hine, 1989) by discussing Black women’s sexualities. For example, Lorde (1984) wrote about the uses of the erotic and urged Black women to transform silence into action. Hammonds (1994) argued that although sexual invisibility and politics of silence have been used as historical and political strategies to manage Black women’s sexualities, Black women must release restrictions caused by these tools of oppression and explore the possibilities of sexual agency and pleasure. Additionally, Hammonds encouraged Black feminist theorists to reclaim sexuality by creating counternarratives that explore relationships between different groups of Black women: in this study’s case, heterosexual and queer women (Hammonds, 1994). Thus, understanding the nuances of Black women’s sexualities provides necessary context of the unique needs and desires Black women may have and works to the benefit of both heterosexual and queer Black women’s sexual liberation.

At the center of Black queer feminism is Black women’s pursuit of pleasure, including sexual pleasure, as a means of negotiating power and desire, a proclamation often absent in White feminist ideals (Harris, 1996). According to Harris, White feminism minimizes and erases the possibilities of pleasure for Black women by focusing only on gender oppression, negating Black women’s race and class. Of importance, Black feminism emerged to account for these missteps of feminism and assert how race, gender, and class work together to limit Black women’s pleasure (Collins, 2020; Cooper, 2018; Nash, 2018). Black queer feminism forwards this assertion by creating space for Black women’s engagement with the perverse, disrespectability (i.e. the subversion of oppressive strategies that minimize or erase Black women’s sexualities), or illicit eroticism (Carney, 2019; Jones, 2021; Lane, 2016). For instance, Miller-Young (2014) details how Black women confront and use sexual stereotypes like hypersexuality to their benefit. Black women may engage in hypersexuality literally and play the stereotype, refuse it, or remix it in a way they find pleasurable and marketable (Miller-Young, 2014).

Similarly, Morgan (2015) extends Miller-Young’s discussion by telling readers how Black Feminism may position Black women as “allergic to pleasure” (p. 36) and entrenched in stereotypes. Instead, Morgan proposes a politics of pleasure that encompasses the many components of Black women’s erotic maps, which can include “non-heteronormative submissiveness, hyper­masculinity, aggression, exhibitionism, and voyeurism” (p. 39). Black women often counter dominant discourse about their sexualities in these ways, yet existing empirical research has only begun to examine the behavioral expression of these resistances. Moreover, Black queer women have maintained this practice for years since they often operate in difference from heteronormativity (Sullivan, 2019, 2021), thus arriving at the pursuit of pleasure with lived experience in disrespectability (see Cooper, 2017). This process reiterates Hammonds’ assertions and informs how we hypothesize orgasm, pleasure, and desire may occur similarly and differently for heterosexual and queer Black women.

Sex positive components: orgasm, pleasure, and desire

Orgasm

The sensory experience of orgasm often accompanies the height of sexual excitation or climax. Tension built up in the body from sexual stimulation can trigger a “release” or series of muscle contractions experienced as pleasurable (Saron, 2016). While orgasm is a neurophysiological response, the human experience of orgasm during sex is influenced by social context. Extant research on orgasm focuses broadly on the meaning of orgasm for women. Some women view orgasm as a required performance (e.g. moaning, making noises) (Potts, 2000; Roberts et al., 1995), while others consider orgasming one component of sexual pleasure (Thorpe et al., 2022). Performing orgasm may be particularly stressful for heterosexual women whose male partners may view sex as a failure, unpleasurable, or assume the woman has sexual dysfunction when orgasm does not occur (Mahar et al., 2020; Ware et al., 2020). On the contrary, the absence of women’s orgasm during heterosexual sex typically results from a lack in the male partner’s technique, which may pressure women to comfort the man’s ego verbally or through faking orgasm (Jackson & Scott, 2007). Therefore “doing orgasm” (Jackson & Scott, 2007) may require that heterosexual women put in considerable emotional labor to produce a performance (whether they orgasmed or faked it) that seems authentic and is appreciated by their partner.

Women who typically fake orgasms have a higher desire to please their partner or protect their partner’s ego (both heterosexual and queer women respectively; Opperman et al., 2014; Fahs, 2014), greater feelings of sexual abnormality (Muehlenhard & Shippee, 2010), and more difficulty communicating with male partners (Salisbury & Fisher, 2014). For example, in one qualitative study, heterosexual women believed that asking their partners for clitoral stimulation would hurt their partner’s feelings (Salisbury & Fisher, 2014). Poor sexual communication could result in women not reaching orgasm as often as they desire because their partners have not learned the techniques to help them achieve orgasm. Additionally, since sex is often penis-centered (i.e. the coital imperative; McPhillips et al., 2001), heterosexual women’s pleasure and orgasm are often forgotten or undervalued, resulting in fewer orgasms.

There is little research on faking orgasms within same-sex encounters. However, one study showed that women fake more with male partners than female partners (Fahs, 2014). When women faked orgasms with female partners, it was typically an act of love (Fahs, 2014). For instance, previous research on majority white samples have shown that lesbian and bisexual women often fake orgasms to validate their partner’s (both male and female) feelings because they felt that their partner’s orgasm was more important, to reinforce their partner’s sexual skills, and due to fears of being seeing abnormal if they did not orgasm (Fahs, 2014).

Few studies have explored Black women’s experience of orgasm, orgasm frequency, or faking orgasm. To date, there have been two empirical articles on Black women’s orgasm frequency (Thorpe et al., 2021; Townes et al., 2021), and both centered heterosexual Black women. Thorpe and colleagues (2021) found that 62% of heterosexual Black women in relationships for three months or longer reported having orgasms more than half the time when they had sex. Townes and colleagues (2021) found an orgasm gap between Black women ages 18–92 and their sex partners, although the gap began to close later in life. Of interest, neither of these studies included a sample of queer Black women. Moreover, the applicability of existing research on orgasm and pleasure to Black women is questionable, considering Black women do not always equate sexual pleasure to orgasm (Thorpe et al., 2022). Therefore, more research is needed to understand Black women’s experiences with orgasm.

Pleasure

Sexual pleasure is a multifaceted term for the joy and satisfaction derived from sexual encounters (Brown, 2019). Black women are aware of what sexual experiences they find pleasurable and report experiencing “extreme pleasure” during their most recent sexual encounter (Townes et al., 2021). Like other women (Fahs & Plante, 2017; Goldey et al., 2016), sexual pleasure is more than an orgasm for Black women (Thorpe et al., 2022). Black women value intimacy, specifically emotional intimacy, with their partners (Dogan et al., 2018) and believe that emotional connection provides a platform for their pleasure (Hargons et al., 2018). Thorpe and colleagues (2022) provided a construction of heterosexual and queer Black women’s pleasure (i.e. pleasure mountain) that consisted of three foundational dimensions of pleasure (e.g. emotional, mental, and physical) as well as unique factors such as liberation, ecstasy, transcendence. Queer women often experience more pleasure because they engage in diversie sexual activities, focus more on clitoral stimulation, and use pleasure enhancing tools (e.g. lubricant, sex toys) during sex (Schick et al., 2015). While current literature elucidates gendered components of sexual pleasure, few studies investigate how Black women’s pleasure may differ based on sexual orientation.

Desire

Sexual desire is a multifaceted construct that includes psychological well-being, power, conflict management, and intimacy (Chadwick et al., 2017; Mark et al., 2014; van Anders, 2012). There are many reasons women may desire to have sex, including intimacy, stress reduction, eroticism, and to gain power and control (Chadwick et al., 2017). The complexities of sexual desire are evident in the social pressure some women navigate to engage in sex, such as fulfilling their partner’s sexual urges and desires over their own (Bowleg et al., 2004). Additionally, women often report non-erotic motivations for engaging in sexual intercourse, including love, intimacy, relationship growth, pleasing one’s partner, feeling sexually desirable, and emotional closeness (Mark et al., 2014; Meston & Buss, 2007; Thorpe & Kuperberg, 2021). Although these studies show that women desire sex for relational and emotional closeness, women also desire sex for erotic and non-relational reasons like sexual pleasure, to boost their sexual self-esteem, and boredom (Chadwick et al., 2017; Thorpe & Kuperberg, 2021). However, little research has examined specifically why Black women desire sex or differences in desire between Black heterosexual and Black queer women. As a result, Black women’s decisions to engage in sexual intercourse have gone unnoticed.

Purpose statement

This study aimed to investigate the differences in sexual experiences between Black heterosexual and queer women. Components of orgasm, pleasure, and desire were examined based on gaps in previous literature. This exploratory study will help us expand our knowledge of the sex-positive aspects of Black women’s sexualities and expand the sex-positive empirical literature on Black queer women. Two research questions inform this study: (1) what are the differences in sexual experiences, orgasms, pleasure, and desire among Black heterosexual women and Black queer women? (2) Are there differences in correlates of sexual desire scores by sexual orientation?

Methods

Participants and procedures

The Big Sex Study is a tri-phasic, mixed-methods, #HotGirlScience (Hargons & Thorpe, 2022) participatory action research project (Fine et al., 2021). In addition to the research team members at the University of Kentucky, eight community partners with expertise in Black sex education and sexology joined the team in one of two capacities: research team member or consultant. Following approval from the institutional review board, the research team and community partners shared the study flyer and survey link with their respective networks to promote participant recruitment. In phase one, from which this manuscript’s data were drawn, 512 Black people participated in an online Qualtrics survey with demographic, open-ended, and scaled questions during February and March of 2021. The current study is limited to participants who identified as cisgender women (N = 295). Although we aimed to have a gender diverse sample and recruit Black transgender women, only cisgender women completed the survey. Regardless of sexual identity, most participants identified as African American, were between the ages of 25–35, lived in the Southeast US, and had a bachelor’s degree or higher (Table 1). In this study, we combined people who did not identify as heterosexual into a queer category. Among the queer women in the sample, the majority identified as bisexual (51.2%), followed by queer (21.2%), lesbian (8.8%), and asexual (8.8%). More Black heterosexual women reported being single, married, and divorced. While more Black queer women were reported committed dating, polyamorous, and widowed than heterosexual women.

Table 1. Demographics.

	Heterosexual	Queer
	N = 195	N = 80
	N (%)	N (%)
Ethnicity
African American	166 (85.1)	72 (90.0)
African	16 (8.2)	3 (3.8)
Afro-Caribbean	19 (9.7)	5 (6.3)
Afro-Latinx	7 (3.6)	2 (2.5)
Prefer to self-describe	4 (2.1)	1 (1.3)
Age
18–24	35 (17.9)	9 (11.3)
25–35	93 (47.7)	40 (50.0)
36–45	49 (25.1)	21 (26.3)
46–55	13 (6.7)	8 (10.0)
56 and up	5 (2.6)	2 (2.5)
Relationship status
Single	80 (41.0)	28 (35.0)
Situationship	22 (11.3)	8 (10.0)
Dating committed	36 (18.5)	19 (23.8)
Dating committed, but I have a side partner my	1 (0.5)	2 (2.5)
main partner doesn’t know about
Dating not committed	12 (6.2)	5 (6.3)
Married	40 (20.5)	12 (15.0)
Married, but I have a side partner my spouse	2 (1.0)	3 (3.8)
doesn’t know about
Cohabitating	6 (3.1)	6 (7.5)
Divorced	10 (5.1)	2 (2.5)
Widowed	0 (0)	2 (2.5)
Polyamorous/ethically non-monogamous	2 (1.0)	8 (10.0)
Other	5 (2.6)	3 (3.8)
Sexual orientation
Heterosexual	195 (100)	–
Lesbian	–	7 (8.8)
Bisexual	–	41 (51.2)
Asexual	–	7 (8.8)
Demisexual	–	4 (5.0)
Queer	–	17 (21.2)
Pansexual	–	1 (1.2)
Heteroflexible	–	2 (2.5)
Education
High diploma/GED	1 (0.5)	6 (7.5)
Some college	24 (12.3)	14 (17.5)
Technical school	2 (1.0)	–
Bachelor’s degree	66 (33.8)	20 (25.0)
Graduate/professional degree	102 (52.3)	40 (50.0)
Region of the US
Northeast	42 (21.5)	14 (17.5)
Midwest	15 (7.7)	8 (10.0)
West	10 (5.1)	6 (7.5)
Southeast	118 (60.5)	39 (48.8)
Southwest	9 (4.6)	10 (12.5)
Outside the US	1 (0.5)	3 (3.8)

Measures

Demographics

Participants reported their ethnicity by checking all options that applied. Participants also had the option to self-describe their ethnicity if it was not listed. Participants also reported their sexual orientation and the region of the United States that they live in by checking the most applicable response option. A dichotomous variable was made for those that were not heterosexual (queer) (1) and those that were heterosexual (0). Age was a categorical variable consisting of five groups: 18–24, 25–35, 36–45, 46–55, 56 and up. Finally, participants were also asked to pick the relationship status that was most applicable to them. A dichotomous variable was created for participants that were coupled (1) versus those that were single (0).

Sexual experiences

Participants reported age of first sexual experience, age when they first masturbated, and total number of sex partners over their lifetime. Of note, sex was not defined for participants because we wanted participants to be able to define what sex meant to them and provide the opportunity for a broad definition.

Orgasms

Participants responded to four questions about orgasms. First, participants were asked if they had ever had an orgasm (1 = yes, 0 = no). Second, participants who reported having an orgasm in their lifetime were asked “do you experience orgasms as often as you would like?” which we conceptualized as desired orgasm frequency. Response options were yes, no, and not sure. Third, participants reported if they have ever faked an orgasm in their life. Response options were yes = 1 and no =0. Finally, participants who stated that they faked orgasms were asked “how often do you fake orgasms?” Response options were almost never, sometimes, almost always.

Pleasure

Sexual pleasure was measured using the Pascoal et al. (2016) Sexual Pleasure Scale. The scale consists of three questions: “I find sexual intercourse…, I find sexual activities…, and I find sexual intimacy.” Response options were on a 7-point Likert scale of (1) not pleasurable to (7) pleasurable. This scale was originally validated on cisgender and heterosexual women. The Cronbach alpha for our sample was .57. For the purposes of this study, we looked at participants’ scores on each individual question instead of the full scale due to the low reliability. Higher scores indicate more pleasure. Pleasure worthiness was measured by asking participants “how much do you think you are worthy of receiving pleasure.” Response options were not at all (1), a little (2), a moderate amount (3), a lot (4), and a great deal (5).

Desire

Sexual desire was measured using the 65-item Sexual Desire Questionnaire (DESQ, Chadwick et al., 2017). The scale consisted of 8 subscales: intimacy (21 items; α = .95), eroticism (12 items; α = .77), stress relief/relaxation (8 items; α = .79), sexual self-esteem (5 items; α = .75), partner focus (3 items; α = .73), power/control (3 items; α = .69), fantasy experience (3 items; α = .63), and thrill seeking (3 items; α = .66). Higher scores reflect higher levels of desire for engaging in sex for that specific reason (subscale).

Analysis

Descriptive statistics including means,frequencies, and chi-square analyses were calculated using SPSS version 27 software. Additionally, we conducted independent sample t-tests to explore if there were any mean differences in total desire scores and subscale scores by sexual orientation. Finally, we conducted a split wise correlation investigate differences in correlates of sexual desire by sexual orientation.

Results

Descriptives

Regardless of sexual orientation, most participants were African American and between the ages of 25–35 (see Table 1). Heterosexual women were single (n = 80; 41.0%) followed by married (n = 40; 20.5%), dating committed (n = 36; 18.5%), and in a situationship (n = 22; 11.3%). In a study on Black college women’s relationships, situationships were defined as relationships with no strings attached or emotional or sexual bonds without a couple title (Douglas, 2018). Queer women were single (n = 28; 35.0%), followed by dating committed (n = 19; 23.8%), married (n = 12; 15.0%), situationship (n = 8; 10.0%), and ethnically non-monogamous. (n = 8; 10.0%). Among those that were not heterosexual, a little over half identified as bisexual (n = 41; 51.2%) followed by queer (n = 17; 21.2%).

Age of sexual debut was approximately age 17 for both heterosexual and queer women (see Table 2). Queer women masturbated at earlier ages (M = 13.79; 3–40) than those that were heterosexual (M = 16.37; 5–50). However, it should be noted that regardless of sexual identity, some women engaged in masturbation for the first time at older ages (e.g. 40–50 age group). Queer women had twice as many sex partners as heterosexual women, 25.79 and 12.28 respectively. More queer women reported having an orgasm in their lifetime compared to heterosexual women, 93.8% versus 91.3% respectively. Only nine women had never had an orgasm. Black queer women reported that they did not experience orgasms as often as they liked more than heterosexual women (47.2% and 41.4%, respectively). There were no differences in the frequency of faked orgasms between heterosexual and queer women.

Table 2. Sexual experiences, orgasm, pleasure, and desire.

	Heterosexual (n = 195)	Queer (n = 80)
Age of first sex	17.57 ± 2.88 (12–32)	17.06 ± 3.44 (10–31)
Age of first masturbation	16.37 ± 7.28 (5–50)	13.79 ± 5.83 (3–40)
Number of sex partners	12.28 ± 16.43 (1–200)	25.79 ± 32.67 (1–200)
Ever had an orgasm
Yes	178 (91.3)	75 (93.8)
No	7 (3.6)	2 (2.5)
Experience orgasms as often as you would like
Yes	77 (53.1)	25 (47.2)
No	60 (41.4)	25 (47.2)
Not sure	8 (5.5)	3 (5.7)
Ever faked an orgasm
Yes	141 (72.3)	58 (72.5)
No	54 (27.7)	22 (27.4)
Frequency of faked orgasms
Almost never	63 (44.7)	29 (50.0)
Sometimes	57 (40.4)	22 (37.9)
Almost always	21 (14.9)	7 (12.1)
Pleasure worthiness
A little	4 (2.1)	0 (0)
A moderate amount	9 (4.6)	7 (8.8)
A lot	25 (13.3)	9 (11.3)
A great deal	156 (80.0)	64 (80.0)
Sexual intercourse is pleasurable
Slightly pleasurable	21 (11.1)	10 (12.7)
Moderately pleasurable	63 (33.2)	17 (21.5)
Extremely pleasurable	91 (47.9)	47 (59.5)
Sexual activities are pleasurable
Slightly pleasurable	16 (8.4)	3 (3.8)
Moderately pleasurable	54 (28.3)	17 921.5)
Extremely pleasurable	118 (61.8)	57 (72.2)
Sexual intimacy is pleasurable
Slightly pleasurable	12 (6.2)	2 (2.5)
Moderately pleasurable	21 (11.0)	9 (11.4)
Extremely pleasurable	152 (79.6)	66 (83.5)
Desire
Partner focus	3.34 ± .55 (1.67–4.00)	3.41 ± .55 (2.00–4le.00)
Power and control	2.23 ± .63 (1.00–4.00)	2.54 ± .68 (1.00–4.00)
Fantasy and experience	2.43 ± .58 (1.00–4.00)	2.67 ± .68 (1.00–4.00)
Thrill seeking	2.97 ± .58 (1.33–4.00)	3.14 ± .63 (1.67–4.00)
Sexual self-esteem	3.04 ± .57 (1.40–4.00)	3.18 ± .57 (1.40–4.00)
Stress relief	2.47 ± .52 (1.25–4.00)	2.69 ± .52 (1.13–3.75)
Eroticism	3.27 ± .39 (1.83–4.00)	3.37 ± .36 (2.42–4.00)
Intimacy	2.93 ± .58 (1.33–4.00)	3.04 ± .54 (1.76–3.95)

Rankings in pleasure worthiness were similar regardless of sexual orientation with 80% of heterosexual and queer women stating that they were worthy of pleasure a great deal. Queer women reported that sexual intercourse (59.5%, 47.9%), sexual activities (72.2%, 61.8%), and sexual intimacy (83.5%, 79.6%) were extremely pleasurable more frequently than their heterosexual counterparts. Regardless of sexual orientation, participants’ reasons for desire to engage in sexual intercourse were ranked similarly: (1) partner focus, (2) eroticism, (3) sexual self-esteem, (4) thrill seeking, (5) intimacy, (6) stress relief, (7) fantasy and experience, (8) power and control. However queer women had slightly higher desire scores on all subscales compared to heterosexual women.

Desire correlates

The results of the desire correlations are presented by factors that are significant to solely queer women, solely heterosexual women, and those that were significant for both queer and heterosexual women. The subscales are presented in the following order: partner focus, fantasy experience, thrill seeking, sexual self-esteem, stress relief, eroticism, and power and control.

Queer women desire correlates

For queer women, the desire to engage in sex for partner focus was not correlated with any sexual experience, orgasm, or pleasure variables. Their desire to engage in sex for fantasy and experience was positively correlated with higher sexual activities (r = .28, p = .01) and sexual intimacy (r = .24, p = .04) pleasure rankings. Their desire to engage in sex for thrill seeking was positively correlated with higher sexual activities pleasure rankings (r = .23, p = .049). Their desire to engage in sex to boost their sexual self-esteem was negatively correlated with age of sexual debut (r = −.24, p = .046) and age of first masturbation (r = −.24, p = .04) and positively correlated with sexual intercourse (r = .32, p = .01), and sexual intimacy (r = .26, p = .002) pleasure rankings. Their desire to engage in sex for stress relief was positively correlated with faking orgasms (r = .23, p = .047) and negatively correlated with ever having an orgasm (r = −.27, p = .03). Finally, their desire to engage in sex for eroticism was positively correlated with pleasure worthiness (r = .30, p = .01).

Heterosexual women desire correlates

For heterosexual women, partner focus was positively correlated with ever masturbating (r = .19, p = .10) and all three measures of sexual pleasure, including sexual intercourse (r = −.24, p = .001), sexual activities (r = .22, p = .003), and sexual intimacy (r = .25, p < .001) pleasure rankings. Coupled relationship status (r = −.16, p = .03) was negatively correlated with fantasy and experience. The desire to engage in sex for thrill seeking was positively correlated with sexual intimacy pleasure rankings (r = .18, p = .02). A history of faking orgasms was positively correlated with the desire to have sex to boost their sexual self-esteem (r = .18, p = .02). The desire to engage in sex for stress relief was positively correlated with desired orgasm frequency (r = −.28, p = .001). For heterosexual women, eroticism was positively correlated with desired orgasm frequency (r = .20, p = .025), pleasure worthiness (r = .15, p = .048) and sexual intimacy (r = .21, p = .008).

Similar correlates regardless of sexual orientation

For queer women and heterosexual women, the desire to engage in sex for power and control was not correlated with any sexual experience, orgasm, or pleasure variables.Next we discuss similarities for queer and heterosexual women respectively. Participants’ desire to engage in sex for eroticism was correlated with higher sexual intercourse pleasure rankings (r = .45, p < .001; r = .18, p = .02) and sexual activities pleasure rankings (r = .48, p < .001; r = .30, p < .001). Lastly, their desire to engage in sex for intimacy was positively correlated with coupled relationship status (r = .26, p = .04; r = .16, p = .04) and sexual intimacy pleasure rankings (r = .36, p = .003; r = .28, p < .001).

Discussion

The purpose of this paper was to examine similarities and differences in sexual experiences, including orgasm frequency, desires for sex, and sexual pleasure between queer and heterosexual Black women. Most Black women in this sample, regardless of sexual identity, experienced an orgasm across their lifespan in either solo and/or partnered sexual encounters. Queer women in our sample masturbated at earlier ages, although they had the same sexual debut age of 17 as heterosexual women. This difference in age of masturbation debut between queer and heterosexual Black women may be related to an openness to exploring their bodies and sexuality despite dominant discourse that discourages sexual curiosity and pleasure among Black women (Thorpe et al., 2022). Queer Black women may engage in masturbation earlier in life as they seek to explore their bodies and sexual interests that resist White, cissexist, heteronormative stereotypes, stigmas, and expectations that place them at intersectional margins. In our sample some women reported that thier first time masturbating was over the age of 40, even up to age 50 for heterosexual women.Black heterosexual women in our sample may have had sexual awakenings later in life by becoming more open to discovering new or underdeveloped sexual desires as they age, based on some reports of later masturbation debut (Rose, 2004).

As the literature calls for more research on sexual desires among LGBT + people (Nimbi et al., 2020), we examined differences in the motivating desires to have pleasurable sex among our sample of sexually diverse Black women in the different categories of: stress/relief, sexual self-esteem, partner-focus, fantasy experience, eroticism, intimacy, and thrill-seeking. Whereas fantasy was positively correlated with sexual activities and sexual intimacy among queer Black women, coupled relationship status was negatively correlated with desiring sex for fantasy among heterosexual women. Embodying sexual fantasies may serve as an empowerment tool to build sexual arousal and agency among queer Black women (Smith, 2014). However, heterosexual women in relationships may have learned to de-emphasize their sexual fantasies. For example, prior sex research focused on fantasy among heterosexual women suggests women who have satisfying sex lives are able to engage with sexual fantasies in their daydreams and during masturbation compared to women who have distressed sex lives (Meuwissen & Over, 1991). Additionally, previous research has shown that heterosexual women often fantasize during masturbation to help them achieve orgasm due to desire discrepancy between them and their male partner (Vowels et al., 2020; Vowels & Mark, 2020). Women who were not sexually satisfied typically suppressed their sexual fantasies and felt guilty about having these fantastical thoughts (Meuwissen & Over, 1991).

Similarly, thrill-seeking was positively correlated with the desire to engage in pleasurable sexual activities among queer women; however, thrill-seeking was only positively correlated with the desire for sexual intimacy among heterosexual women. This difference highlights queer Black women may desire sex for excitement and heterosexual women may desire sexual novelty to foster intimacy with a partner. In this case, thrill-seeking for queer Black women seems to be self-focused and thrill-seeking for heterosexual women seems to be other-focused. In wanting differing outcomes from sexual experiences, experimentation for queer women may entail exploring forbidden fantasies and taboo practices (e.g. kink, BDSM, fetishes) compared to heterosexual Black women who are more focused on receiving pleasure from an emotional connection developed through sexual experimentation. Overall, fantasy and thrill-seeking may be more celebrated among queer women because they are encouraged to expand their ideas of sex beyond penile-vaginal intercourse for sexual arousal, satisfaction, and pleasure compared to heterosexual women (Ekholm et al., 2021; Goldey et al., 2016).

Although desiring pleasurable sex for stress relief was positively correlated with orgasm wantedness for heterosexual women, desiring pleasurable sex for stress relief among queer women was negatively correlated with having an orgasm and positively correlated with faking orgasms. This finding is somewhat counterintuitive for queer women, as research recommends sex as a stress-relieving and pleasure amplifying practice (Bowman, 2014). For heterosexual Black women, partnered sex can be used to decompress and buffer stress with orgasm as the intended end goal. Prior research suggests women of different sexual identities enjoy solo sex because they can have autonomy to explore what is sexually pleasurable to them (Goldey et al., 2016). Further, our sample of queer Black women reported having more sexual partners but less satisfaction with the number of orgasms they experienced compared to heterosexual women. Thus, solo sex among queer women may be more stress relieving and result in authentic orgasms because they can have total control over their sexual experiences, including an ability to orgasm (Meiller & Hargons, 2019).

Faking orgasms was also positively correlated with sexual self-esteem among heterosexual women, which misaligns with prior research that suggests driving functions behind faking orgasms were only to appease a partner’s ego (Barnett et al., 2019). In our sample, heterosexual Black women faked orgasms to boost their own sexual self-esteem, which could occur for several deficit-focused reasons including alleviating fears of being sexually dysfunctional, feeling insecure about providing pleasure to their partner, and ending sex abruptly (Barnett et al., 2019). However, another plausible rationale is that some heterosexual women may outwardly fake orgasms to increase their own sexual arousal and boost their chances of orgasming (Barnett et al., 2019). Whereas literature typically highlights partnered-focused reasons for faking orgasms among heterosexual women, this particular study indicates women also fake orgasms for self-focused reasons, including to increase their sexual pleasure. For queer women, their desire to engage in sex to boost their sexual self-esteem was negatively correlated with their age of sexual debut and first masturbation. Further, sexual desire for sexual self-esteem among queer women was positively correlated with sexual intercourse and intimacy. Masturbation and sex at an earlier age for queer women likely provided more opportunities for exploration of their bodies and sexual desires, thereby increasing their perceived pleasure worthiness and sexual confidence over time. Additionally, partnered sex that allows queer women to be vulnerable, trusting, and emotionally close likely increases their reports of the experience being pleasurable. Providing their partner with pleasure gives some women a sense of empowerment, achievement, and control, which can all elevate one’s sexual self-esteem (Goldey et al., 2016).

A major finding of this paper is that Black queer and heterosexual women desire sex primarily for eroticism and intimacy, albeit for varying reasons. For queer women, eroticism was positively correlated with pleasure worthiness, sexual activities, and sexual pleasure. Additionally, for heterosexual women, eroticism was positively correlated with orgasm wantedness, pleasure worthiness, sexual activities, sexual intercourse, and sexual intimacy. Only pleasure worthiness was significantly correlated with eroticism for queer and heterosexual women alike. Eroticism, or sexual impulses, dreams, and thoughts that lead to sexual arousal, seemed to be especially important to our sample of women to maintain their sexual curiosity, vitality, and pleasure. Black eroticism allows women to reclaim their sexual identity and explore their personal agency in subverting gendered-racial stereotypes about sexual expression, desires, and relationships (Adams-Santos, 2020). In other words, being erotic allows Black queer and heterosexual women to no longer associate sexuality with controversial sin, but instead with reparative pleasure. Stated by the Black lesbian feminist poet Audre Lorde, Black women assert their power by embracing their eroticism to better understand and honor themselves and make long-lasting changes in an “anti-erotic” world (Lorde, 1984, p. 91).

Sexual pleasure has often been tied to partnered and gendered sexual experiences (Goldey et al., 2016). This knowledge base supports our findings that desiring sex for intimacy was positively correlated with coupled relationship status and sexual pleasure among queer and heterosexual Black women. Of note, the only time that coupled relationship status was significant for queer women was when they desired to have sex to foster intimacy with a partner. In many ways, eroticism and intimacy fuel each other (Goldey et al., 2016). The ability to be excited, playful, and connected with a sexual partner encourages eroticism and builds sexual intimacy that can create pleasurable sex.

Limitations

Despite this study expanding the current knowledge surrounding sexual desire, pleasure, and orgasms among heterosexual and queer Black women, there are several important limitations to consider. First, the sample of heterosexual Black women is nearly twice the size of the sample of queer Black women, which may lead to potential Type 1 error, or false positive results (Rusticus & Lovato, 2014). Second, categorizing all participants who hold a sexually marginalized identity into a single category of “queer” may not capture specific lived experiences across identities or other differences in sexual desire and pleasure across different sexual identities. Third, queer-identified women were not asked to differentiate whether they experienced faking an orgasm more frequently with partners of one gender over another. For instance, it is possible that Black queer women in this sample, most of whom identified as bisexual, may report faking orgasms solely with male partners.Regarding the pleasure scale used in this study, sexual intercourse, activities, or intimacy was not defined for participants and the reliability scale score was low for this sample compared to other previously used samples (Chadwick et al., 2017). This highlights the importance of having culturally relevant measures of sexual pleasure for Black samples. As a result, these terms were left for participants to interpret and define. Last, reliability scores for the Sexual Desire Questionnaire among our sample were lower than anticipated, particularly when measuring power and control, fantasy, and thrill seeking. This is likely due to this measure not being validated in a sample of Black women.

Future directions

There is a need to expand further on the research pertaining to Black women’s sexualities, particularly around Black women’s pleasure, desire, and orgasm. For future studies, we recommend focused studies that expand on Black women’s sexual orientation, more in-depth questions, and adding qualitative questions to add the voices of these varying Black women. Additional studies should focus on the breakdown of queer and non-queer identities. For instance, instead of comparing queer women (and lumping many sexualities together) and heterosexual women, there should be more comparisons between Black women; possibly using the Kinsey Scale for self-identification and seeing the differences between varying degrees of sexuality or expanding on queer sexualities, such as naming lesbianism, bisexuality, queerness, heteroflexibility, pansexuality, etc. This means that recruiting efforts would have to be focused on recruiting a large number of Black women in these differing sexual orientations. In addition, there should be more in-depth questions about whom these sexual women felt their pleasure and desire for and whom they fake orgasms with during a sexual experience. This would help us get a better idea of how eroticism plays out in Black women’s lives. And lastly, having Black women’s voices in a qualitative design will help us to have a better idea about how this orgasm gap is maintained and how Black women see how they feel empowered in their own sexuality.

Conclusion

A unique contribution of this study is the examination of similar and different sexual desires among Black queer and heterosexual women. Our results highlighted the importance of using an intersectional framework grounded in Black queer feminism to heighten the visibility of Black women’s sex-positive lives. Specifically, we showed that while heterosexual Black women tend to desire and prioritize sex for stress relief, pleasing their partner, and increasing their sexual self-esteem, queer Black women desire sex for fantasy, thrill-seeking, intimacy and eroticism. Taken together, our paper shows that Black women’s sexual pleasure fosters a sense of agency and liberation that has long been discouraged and stigmatized in broader society. Black women are not monolithic, and by investigating their sexualities regarding pleasure, desire, and orgasms through this lens, we can acknowledge and attend to their unique and diverse sexual experiences in existing sexology literature.

Acknowledgements

The RISE² Research team would like to acknowledge our community partners for all of their hard work and assistance during Phase 1 of the Big Sex Study: Tanya Bass, MEd, PhD, CHES, CSE, Robin Wilson Beattie, M. Nicole Coleman, PhD, Yarneccia Dyson, PhD, MSW, Tracie Q. Gilbert, PhD, Jasmine Johnson, MSW, MA, LCSW, & Omisade Burney-Scott, & Marla Renee Stewart, MSW.

Disclosure statement

The authors have no conflicts of interest to disclose.

Additional information

Notes on contributors

Shemeka Thorpe

Shemeka Thorpe, PhD is a postdoctoral research fellow in the Department of Educational, School, and Counseling Psychology at the University of Kentucky. Her research focuses on the sexual well-being of Black women using sex-positive and intimate justice frameworks.

Natalie Malone

Natalie Malone, MS is a counseling psychology doctoral student at the University of Kentucky, Department of Educational, School, and Counseling Psychology. Her research interests include social justice topics and love, sex, and spirituality among Black folk.

Jardin N. Dogan

Jardin N. Dogan, MEd, EdS, is a fifth-year doctoral candidate in Counseling Psychology at the University of Kentucky. Her research interests connect to race-related trauma, and drug and sexual health-related disparities. Jardin hopes to explore coping strategies to combat the impact of racism, substance use, and incarceration on the functioning of Black couples and families.

Marla R. Cineas

Marla R. Cineas is a Lecturer in the Department of Interdisciplinary Studies at Clayton State University teaching Women’s and Gender Studies and Sociology. Her research interests include Black sexualities with regards to alternative relationship and sexual modalities, as well as providing research analysis for policing in Black communities. As a certified sexologist, her current work revolves around educating and empowering young and older adults with workshops and coaching through her company Velvet Lips and the Sex Down South Conference.

Kasey Vigil

Kasey Vigil, MA is a first-year doctoral student in Counseling Psychology at the University of Kentucky. Her broad research interests include sexual pleasure and the impact of shame on the sexual experiences of women and individuals that identify as LGBTQ+.

Candice N. Hargons

Candice N. Hargons, PhD is an award-winning associate professor in the counseling psychology program at the University of Kentucky, where she studies sexual wellness and healing racial trauma – all with a love ethic.

Notes

1 For the purposes of this study, queer is used as an umbrella term to capture Black women that do not identify as heterosexual and can include pansexual, bisexual, demisexual, lesbian, or gay, among other non-heterosexual orientations.