More than mateship: exploring how Australian male expatriates, longer-term and frequent travellers experience social support

ABSTRACT

Purpose

Those travelling overseas for work or leisure including male expatriates, longer-term and frequent travellers (ELoFTs) may be at heightened risk for a range of health and wellbeing issues. Social support may mediate this risk. However, from a public health perspective, little is written about how ELoFTs access health information and support and the role of their social networks in facilitating health and wellbeing outcomes. This research was part of a study examining social network processes of Australian male ELoFTs travelling, living, or working in Southeast Asia (SEA).

Methods

Symbolic Interactionism and Grounded Theory were the conceptual framework and methodology supporting semi-structured, in-depth interviews (n = 25) conducted in Australia and Thailand with Australian male ELoFTs to SEA, aged 18 years or older.

Results

Findings highlight supports that assist ELoFT transition and adjustment to country of destination or manage their transnational experience. Influential places, people, and points in the migration journey mediated engagement with social support.

Conclusions

ELoFT social networks and the support provided within them may provide a mechanism for intervention across a range of public health issues. Findings may support the development of policy and practice across industries charged with supporting successful ELoFT adjustment.

KEYWORDS:

• Men
• social support
• social networks
• expatriates and travellers
• public health

Introduction

Population mobility is complex, significant in scope, and its impact has myriad implications for public health (Crawford et al., 2016). The 2022 World Migration Report suggests that there are now more than 280 million migrants globally (International Organization for Migration, 2021). Population mobility is influenced by a complex interplay of push and pull factors (Castelli, 2018). Economic opportunities, leisure prospects, and family and political instability are among the motivations that drive people to move across borders (Hofmann et al., 2020). The 2018 Lancet Commission on Migration and Health argued that migration is a critical and contemporary global health priority (Abubakar et al., 2018), and increasingly, is viewed as a determinant of health (Wickramage, 2018). In Australia, as in other high-income countries, for example, the United Kingdom (Rice et al., 2012) and Canada (Boggild et al., 2014), individuals travelling overseas for work or leisure including expatriates, frequent and long-term travellers (ELoFTs) including to countries in Southeast Asia may be at heightened risk for a range of health concerns, including infectious diseases (Crawford et al., 2016). Migration can act as a catalyst for various health conditions, exacerbating existing risk factors and increasing individual vulnerability (Gushulak et al., 2010). Further, the level of control an individual has over their mobility can significantly impact their health outcomes. Recognising these influential factors and levels of control is crucial to tailor interventions and policies that address the unique health needs of mobile populations.

As suggested by Portes and Bach, migration may be viewed “as a process of network building, which depends on and, in turn, reinforces social relationships across space”. (Portes & Bach, 1985, p. 10). Previous research suggests Australian ELoFTs in Southeast Asia (SEA) are highly socially connected and have networks with significant peer influence which may influence health practices (Brown et al., 2014; Crawford et al., 2016, 2018). The literature also suggests a gendered experience of migration (Wandschneider et al., 2020) and of connection to a socially constructed, national identity, often predicated on norms around Australian masculinity and a culture of “mateship” and “a fair go” (Bode, 2006; Mahalik et al., 2007; Murrie, 1998). Significant transnational ties, spaces (Beaverstock, 2011) and practices (Levitt & Schiller, 2004) are reported, conceptualized as “transnational living” (p1), among those “neither migrants nor non-migrants” (p1) (Carling et al., 2021). ELoFTs may therefore be described as existing in a liminal state (Turner, 1969), between countries of origin and destination, past and present, and place and home (Bell, 2015). Consequently, there may be significant geographic, economic, or socio-cultural barriers and facilitators to providing and receiving social support. However, from a public health perspective, little is written about how male ELoFTs access health information and support and the role of their social networks in facilitating health and wellbeing outcomes.

Social support needs and availability are variously defined. Langford et al. (1997) frame social support as assistance and protection, while Barnes and Duck (1994) suggest it is everyday action that may signal care or value. Cutrona and Suhr (1992) posit both directive and non-directive support: emotional (affection, encouragement, listening), informational (advice and feedback), social network (actions to promote belonging), esteem (validation, compliments), and tangible (physically providing resources—financial, emotional, services) (Ko et al., 2013). Social climate and social networks are important antecedents to social support (Langford et al., 1997; Bennett, 2010). Increased social support may contribute to coping, better adjustment and embedding by supporting emotional, tangible, or other specific needs (Sterle et al., 2018). It may also enhance levels of social capital (Adler & Seok-Woo, 2002). Shared norms, rules, values, attitudes and beliefs, openness, trustworthiness, and reciprocity are dominant facets (Putnam, 2000). Bonding social capital is highly relevant to ELoFT social networks as it denotes close ties between individuals within a social group. It has been argued that such networks are associated with strong trust and group norms, and solidarity (Aartsen et al., 2017; Granovetter, 1973; Kavanaugh et al., 2005; Putnam, 2000; Rademacher & Wang, 2014). Capital may lead to greater connectedness to social networks and acceptance in destination countries. It may also aid the speed of integration and successful embedding in an ELoFT’s new life (Farh et al., 2010; Shumaker & Brownell, 1984). Availability and type of social support and the social capital within ELoFT networks are salient considerations for any country trying to understand social support processes, in particular, to amplify responses to public health issues in migration contexts. As suggested by Perkins et al. (2015), from a public health perspective, it is critical to identify network features and function that might impact on health-related knowledge, attitudes, and practices. Critically, for example, individuals with few informal social connections and no access to other formal support sources may be more vulnerable to poor health outcomes or social isolation. Accordingly, in the context of population mobility, a more sophisticated understanding of ELoFT behavioural and cultural is critical. This means better knowledge about the individual, their knowledge, social and environmental contexts, networks, attitudes, and practices in country of origin and destination (Cassels et al., 2014).

This research aimed to examine the provision and recipient of social support among Australian male ELoFTs to SEA and explores types and sources of support and motivations for giving and receiving support. Findings are relevant to determining how social support may contribute to adjustment, connectedness, and social network and capital development. We aim to contribute insights that may benefit public health responses to a range of health conditions and behaviours among this group or other priority populations.

Materials and methods

This research was part of a broader Grounded Theory study that examined the role of social network processes of Australian male ELoFTs in SEA to support peer education and social influence public health interventions to reduce transmission of HIV and other STIs and BBVs. The overall study made use of multiple data sources, which strengthened the credibility and trustworthiness of its design and findings (Corbin & Strauss, 2008), specifically (1) a review of the literature, (2) in-depth interviews, (3) online forum data, (4) observational field trips, and (5) stakeholder consultation. Study components contributed to the development of an explanatory conceptual model, (1) as it relates to the development of social networks, and (2) as it relates to the use of the networks for intervention with reference to the broader literature. This article reports specific findings from in-depth interviews relating to one process of the model, social support. The Curtin University Research Ethics Committee granted ethical approval (SPH132012). All participants provided written, informed consent prior to interview commencement.

Research team and setting

The team was composed of a mixed-gender group of researchers with experience in public health practice and qualitative and participatory research methods. Members had significant experience working with marginalized and vulnerable populations and with HIV, other STIs, and BBVs. We collected data in Australia and Thailand (Bangkok, Pattaya, and Phuket). All team members had spent time in SEA in a research capacity.

Theoretical perspective and methodology

Symbolic Interactionism (Blumer, 1969) provided the study’s theoretical framework, while an adapted form of Grounded Theory (Corbin & Strauss, 2008; Glaser, 1998; Glaser & Strauss, 1967) guided selection and use of data sources, sampling, and data collection and analysis. Symbolic Interactionism and Grounded Theory, as theoretical perspective and methodology, have been applied previously in HIV and related social research focused on peer interactions and social influence (Brown & Maycock, 2005; Brown et al., 2014; Klunklin & Greenwood, 2006).

Sampling and recruitment

We used purposive sampling to recruit Australian males (born or citizen) who were aged 18 years or older and ELoFTs to SEA. We sought a diverse sample based on age and experience (for example, time in SEA, relationships, employment status, etc.), recognizing that ELoFTs came from a wide range of backgrounds and were not necessarily born in Australia, but may have been long-term residents. An initial key informant, who participated in a previous study, provided early contacts in SEA to facilitate recruitment of study participants for in-depth interviews. We employed snowball sampling, used extensively with “hard-to-reach” groups, including those unlikely to participate without referral from another network member (Brown et al., 2005; Gray et al., 2018; Magnani et al., 2005; Maycock & Howat, 2007). We also recruited participants using fliers and advertising material distributed via sexual health organizations, expatriate and travel forums, expatriate blogs and websites, and mining and resources companies. These avenues were chosen in consultation with the research team and advice from previous research.

Interviews

Semi-structured, in-depth interviews focused on domains of inquiry to support a flexible approach that could develop through theoretical sampling (Corbin & Strauss, 2008). Domains of inquiry were guided by the relevant literature and theory, discussions with stakeholders and were viewed through the lens of the Symbolic Interactionist perspective which allowed for a deep exploration of the way in which meaning was constructed through interactions (Blumer, 1969). Initial domains were as follows: demographics, travel motivation, social support, identity, culture and socialization, constructions and perceptions of home, personal practices and behaviours, risk, community, networks, and norms. We conducted interviews face to face (in Australia or SEA) or via videoconference over several rounds of data collection. Data collection continued until saturation was achieved (n = 25). Over the study, small iterations were made to domains to enable the exploration of emerging themes. Domains were piloted with a key informant to assess the flow and sequencing of questions. Each interview, one to 4 h in duration (average one and half hours), was conducted face to face or via Skype. Two interviews were held in Australia with an initial key informant who provided further contacts for interviews and perspectives on ELoFT life in SEA. Approximately one-third of the interviews were conducted in Thailand.

Data analysis

Interviews were digitally recorded, transcribed verbatim and exported to NVivo 10 software (QSR International Pty Ltd). Data analysis broadly followed methods that Corbin and Strauss (2008) and Miles and Huberman (1994) espoused. Symbolic Interactionism provided conceptual framing to the analysis. Concepts (e.g., mind, self, society, action, interaction) helped refine themes as they became progressively more theoretical. We used constant comparison to analyse interviews (Charmaz, 2006; Corbin & Strauss, 2008; Glaser & Strauss, 1967); however, not all data were compared and analysed concurrently due to pragmatic fieldwork considerations (Timonen et al., 2018). The nature of the initial SEA fieldwork and the significant amount of activity performed therein often precluded immediate transcription or significant analysis of interview data until returning to Australia. To support analysis in situ, intensive team reflection and discussion occurred after each interview along with a review of the audio recording and the capture of extensive e-memos, diagrams, and field notes. The team also spent time discussing data collection and analysis in-field after each interview to commence our capture and explanation of context and social processes. This process facilitated constant comparison of interview data (Charmaz, 2006; Corbin & Strauss, 2008; Glaser & Strauss, 1967) and enabled theoretical sampling. Emerging conceptual and theoretical data guided sampling of additional participants who could provide relevant perspectives that could verify data or address gaps in knowledge. For example, as the interviews progressed, the use of online ELoFT spaces was described by participants as locations of support and information. This led us to explore the use of online spaces more fully in later interviews and to the analysis of posts on one of these online forums. Data collection continued until saturation, which was achieved after 25 in-depth interviews supported by three observational field trips (120 h), analysis of 500 posts from five Australian males in one online ELoFT forum, and stakeholder and informal discussions (n = 10).

Analysis involved open and axial coding and integration. Open coding involved line-by-line analysis of transcripts to chunk and split data into meaningful segments. Transcripts were imported into NVivo. Nodes were created using descriptive labels (e.g., cheap and warm). Firstly, around 150 nodes were developed with some data coded multiple times. Codes were then grouped (e.g., cost of living) and a working definition was developed (e.g., living in Thailand provided affordable access to a more “luxurious” life—housing, food, relationships) which provided interpretation and identification. Coding categories were discussed with the research team as the data were reduced to receive feedback on concept development. Open codes guided theoretical sampling where concepts were compared to explore similar and diverse properties (Emmel, 2013), for example, comparing cost of living with better life. Coding became less descriptive as data were reduced and grouped together (e.g., quality of life) and as more abstract ideas and relationships became apparent. An expansive approach to axial coding (Corbin & Strauss, 2008) was used to reassemble data to look for relationships. In particular, context and interactions were explored (Creswell & Poth, 2018) for one category of interest at a time (e.g., place, home, risk). This step was used broadly to avoid limiting the emergence of theory through an overly prescriptive approach to analysis (Benaquisto 2008) which has been a criticism of axial coding by some, including Glaser (1992). Theoretical coding continued until each category was fully described and saturation achieved. Integration was the final component of analysis in which categories were brought together in the development of the “story” (Creswell & Poth, 2018).

Results

Most participants (n = 25) identified as heterosexual (88%; n = 22), had a current partner (76%; n = 19), and were aged over 45 years (68%; n = 17). A third worked in hospitality (bars, guesthouses) (36%; n = 9) and just under a third worked in technical or trades professions (engineering, web design, logistics, advertising) (32%; n = 8). The remainder worked in higher education or were retired.

Participants had travelled to SEA multiple times; more than half had spent less than 10 years there. Participants articulated a range of pathways to SEA generally motivated by a transformational event (relationship breakdown, personal revelation, job offer, change in life circumstances). Pathways were generally one of four categories: self-initiated, assigned, encouraged, or opportunistic.

Most participants experienced migration as self-initiated and encouraged by others. Some undertook migration via a traditional expatriate pathway (travel due to work opportunities). Experiences differed depending on the type of work undertaken and the level of control or choice related to the country of destination. For professional ELoFTs, much of the transition occurred via a third-party intermediary; the workplace brokered many elements around living and working arrangements, income, and support to navigate customs and culture. Those whose experience was assigned appeared less likely to stay in SEA over the longer term and may have been less likely to make meaningful local connections.

Conversely, those whose pathway was self-initiated, opportunistic, or encouraged appeared more likely to experience a desire for local connection and local integration. For those whose pathways were more circuitous (those who travelled back and forth between Australia and SEA, for example), community and networks served to determine the extent of permanence of travel and the degree of support to make relocating to the country of destination final. Building a community provided a way to imagine a future life and self and provided an opportunity to trial the ELoFT experience. For more direct pathways (migrating for work, for example), support and networks aided the process of embedding and adjustment.

Social Support

Social support emerged around the anchoring theme of “being a mate”. This theme reflects how male Australian relationships are often culturally framed in the literature (Bell, 2015; Bode, 2006) and extends to considerations of strategic mateship related to social embeddedness (Czernek-Marszałek, 2020). Subordinate themes are described as Giving support (types of support and support provision themed as helping as a source of advantage and helping for its own sake) and Receiving support (time and trust, influential people, and on- and offline) were evident. Cutrona and Suhr’s (1992) categorization of social support is used to consider the findings. Pseudonyms are used alongside age, employment category, relationship status, and time in SEA when providing participant insights.

Giving support

Support provided to other ELoFTs, colleagues or friends was primarily tangible, informational, or social network support. Most informational support was advice regarding transport, safety, and “do’s and don’ts”, “Every single day. How much the rent, how much this, what do you pay to buy a bar? Same old s**t” (Tom, 44, hospitality, single, 5 years in SEA). Dylan (56, retired, partner, 5 years in SEA) suggested a range of activities from dispensing information online, “I give advice on websites such as Thai Visa”, to showing “newbies” around and introducing them to people and places, “I pick up friends from airports, orient them and take them on tours, accompany aged friends to hospital etcetera”.

Participants frequently cited tangible support, generally framed as a willingness to help “someone like them”. Support was described as navigating local life through day-to-day assistance with household duties, such as shopping, checking in, socializing, and mentoring. Tangible support was provided by some as financial support. Tom explains, “ … Z, well, he’s got no money, so X buys him a ticket to England and he’ll send $1,000 to his brother to look after him when he gets there”. This generosity was lauded by many, though this kind of action appeared restricted generally to wealthy ELoFTs, often business owners, which may suggest an extrinsic motivation for this kind of action. Social network support presented as providing access to others in ELoFT social networks or providing direct companionship (in pairs, small groups, and larger friendship groups) to increase social connection or reduce social isolation. As Derek (45, hospitality, divorced, 9 years in SEA) suggested, “ … like we’ve got a good network with X and all the guys from the [Bar]. There’s a heap of us around”. This form of social support suggested the presence and development of core and peripheral social networks, which were noted by most participants as necessary to their early experiences of the country of destination and assisted ELoFTs in navigating their transnational identity and reducing the perceived distance between their country of origin and destination.

Helping out as a source of advantage

Some participants described support provided as having personal rewards. Motivation to provide support appeared extrinsic, partly because such support had external benefits for the giver. For example, Peter (54, technical and trades, divorced, 20 years in SEA) noted that power and authority were given as part of his role and seniority, “I can go up to students, from back in 1992 and they would show me respect”. Peter received esteem support from these encounters via respect and confidence from others in his abilities. Marty (43, technical and trades, married, 15 years in SEA) also talked about helping others in terms of being liked, to get ahead, “My students love me. That is very key. It was very important for me, in my business, to get them to identify with me. You have to make yourself liked”.

For Derek, the owner of a guesthouse, providing support was framed as a quid pro quo business strategy to stand out from other providers and encourage repeat custom:

There’s that much accommodation here, you need someone that they come back to visit. I’m not saying I’m the be all and end all of this business, but people will come back to see you, they’ll come in and say “Oh where’s Derek?”. So, you need to have that presence in a business over here, especially people that come here first time. They try and talk to a Thai, and they’re smiling, they’re happy, and they’re friendly, but what they try and get across isn’t the advice I’d give to you.

Here, he delineates the support that he provided from that provided by locals, indicating its legitimacy by focusing on protecting others from local hazards. While this support was not novel, it was pertinent in two respects. It positioned Derek as a “good bloke” looking out for the interests of others like him and built rapport and credibility with clientele. Declan (58, semi-retired, married, 8 years in SEA), who helped a friend who was a local travel agent, also suggested the provision of informational support such as “the best areas in Phuket to stay in or the pitfalls of jet skis and all that sort of things … ” which was beneficial for repeat business. For him, as for others who were semi-retired, this type of support provision also enabled ELoFTs to keep “a finger in” work, providing avenues for income and social connection. Stewart (52, technical and trades, divorced with partner, 3 years in SEA) aspired to be a “go-to” person. This framing appeared predicated on his desire to get ahead:

I’ve got colleagues approaching me, “Look while you’re there I want you to try and source this for me. I want you to try and source that for me”?” I want to be a Thai specialist for Australian companies, businessman wanting to do business in Thailand. I want to … know the culture inside out and be fluent in the language.

Helping for its own sake

Some participants described themselves (or others) altruistically as “helpers”. These participants appeared intrinsically motivated, with actions tied to a sense of self, background, and values. These acts of support were often framed as an “Australian” way of being. Jim (52, hospitality, divorced with partner, 20 years in SEA), noted:

I’m the sort of person that will help anybody. That’s the way I was raised. I was raised in the country. Christian upbringing. Raised to help people when needed and the belief it will all come back to you someday. Treat others as you would have them treat you, not f**k everyone before they f**k you … .

Providing support was also seen as something that may have a positive karmic outcome later. Gavin (35, technical and trades, partner, 6 years in SEA) spoke of advice and support he provided to friends and travellers. This appeared to be in the form of a “reality check”:

I think I give the more cynical side of Thailand. Like, one of the guys will say, “my God, I just went through X in Bangkok. My God, there’s all these women, they’re all over me.” …Maybe I’m so desensitised. They’re all after you, but they’re not here because they think you’re Brad Pitt. The moment the money runs out, they don’t want to know you. I tell everyone that … single males, families, I tell them places to visit to do the tourist stuff because they won’t be frequenting the bars by themselves.

Daniel (45, higher education, single, 20 years in SEA) noted not actively seeking out opportunities to be a helper, suggesting it was just something he did from time to time because of his relationships and networks, this was often provided to those who may have been part of broader peripheral networks or sponsored by those in core networks:

… I will get a phone call from an acquaintance or a friend of a friend who’d say, you know, “I’ve heard this might be happening. Do you know anybody I can talk to”, I’d say “give this person a call here”.

This was echoed by other EloFTs who used a range of fora, including social media, to provide advice and information to others, often reporting no personal, external benefit. For Kyle (52, higher education, divorced, and married, 20 years in SEA), support was mainly attached to his professional status, a view that as a professor, the role of support was implicit:

I’m like this with everybody. … Half my students come to me for advice on their career, so I help, that’s why I’m a teacher. … foreigners come to me for friendship or advice, connections, or they want references, help on some practical thing.

Receiving support

Most participants had received or sought social support upon arrival in SEA, describing information-seeking or advice. Support was vital in understanding the new environment and influenced speed of transition and adaptation to host communities and new social networks, reducing social isolation and decreasing the perceived social distance from country of origin. Participants highlighted a range of barriers posed by loneliness, lack of friendships and family, culture shock, lack of language skills and hierarchical workplace structures. Responding to these required leaning on others in a variety of ways. In contrast, the importance of personal experiential learning was also highlighted by several participants in fostering a sense of autonomy and freedom which elicited an ability to take control over their new circumstances. Factors including authenticity, sponsorship, and previous experience were critical in determining whether support would be sought or well received. Personal experience and pragmatism qualified sources of support, suggesting that support uptake was often conditional.

Time and Trust

The time an ELoFT had been in the destination country and their perceived influence were central factors in determining whether they were deemed to provide effective support:

Well, if you knew them for a while … you would have built up trust. Other ones, that will take a little while. If someone passed a comment, I thought was inappropriate, then I’d soon move on. Also, I ask them “how long have you been here?” and if they’re just off the boat, then obviously you discount.

Trust and credibility emerged as fundamental. Depending on the source, support was wanted or trusted. Marty explained the impact of being in a relatively small community with a small network, “And that’s interesting cos it is a small place … it’s word of mouth … because if I trust you and you tell me that G [primary researcher] is trustworthy, I’ll trust her”. Implicit is the belief that “newbies” are of lesser value regarding social support as they lack the lived experience (of the country of destination or the relevant social networks) to give them legitimacy. Whether an individual was afforded respect and credibility appeared for some to be a function of time and willingness to help, as described by Derek, “We get a lot of people coming in asking advice. And X’s been here a long while, from [Bar], you know, well for 16 years or something. So he’s really good. Very well respected”. Support timing was also germane. There were specific points where participants indicated it would have more utility. While generally, participants appeared less impressed with unsolicited advice, early support freely given rather than sought was framed as “survival”. For example, Bruce (56, higher education, partner, 13 years in SEA), who experienced a high level of culture-shock on arrival in SEA, indicated difficulty accessing early support:

It was very challenging to … deal with the physical discomforts… And then there it was a lot to adjust to you know where to shop and each kind of food…I’m hopeless at languages … .For the first while, I was very much by myself with no support. With my supervisor in Australia and hardly any contact. And that was challenging because I was lonely. I had no one to advise me. It was kind of awkward developing support from the people I was supervising.

Key individuals

Certain people were identified as playing a central role in support provision, most commonly informational. As noted by Ivan (55, retired, married, 10 years in SEA), “there’s always a go-to person or persons, in most places you go who’s reliable”. Support was often contingent on perceived authority, honesty, and trustworthiness and the ability to locate, identify, or navigate credible information and advice when and in a format that was required. This was cited by Tom:

Well, everyone has their own opinion of how everything works. [Who do you believe?] Mainly X. [How did you know he was a good guy?] Gut feelings. Most people spin bullshit. He’s always been the straight ambassador. X will bend over backwards for anyone.

Perceived level of influence in social networks and institutions was an important criterion. For example, some participants shared that cautionary tales were more likely to resonate when shared by a credible figure in law enforcement or business. The boundary spanning potential of key individuals who could cross from core to peripheral networks was also important as well as their ongoing connection to country of origin (maintaining a specific sense of Australia-ness). For example, participants cited the owner of a particular well-known bar as pivotal in provision of support to new ELoFTs, “Z’s always got a titbit of information … He is always a good point of contact”. Attributes included his wide social network in country of origin and destination across different socioeconomic demographics.

Friends, and colleagues were vital. These reflected transnational relationships between country of origin and destination. For Craig (48, technical and trades, divorced, 1 year in SEA), this support was provided to ameliorate a perceived lack of guidance from his workplace, “I learned it all from other expats. The company was useless”. But for Marty, both other ELoFTs and colleagues were important:

I wanted to get a better career. So, it was a chance to work for hotel as a manager. The beauty is the hotel will take care of a lot of things for you being an expat. They’ll look after you … set you up with the stuff you need… Also, there’s lots of other expats and they know how things go. So, they tell you, they give you advice.

Few participants described that social support provided by key individuals related to esteem (messages that promote intrinsic value) and emotional (i.e., caring, sympathy) support (Cutrona & Suhr, 1992; Ko et al., 2013). Stewart, one of the few who had received these forms of support, suggested it had occurred via peers in his core network who provided friendship and who brokered access to events where he could connect with like-minded individuals:

I’ve got some great mentors around me and two guys I work for at the moment who are great business mentors. One is a very close friend I’ve known since I was 13. I’ve got some lovely friendships-a lot of guys that I’m close to …

Online/Offline

Support was delivered face to face, online (communities, websites, blogs) and via written media (books, newsletters, newspapers). For some, support was received only in one mode, while each appeared to serve a unique function for others. Support received offline often appeared to be augmented by online support and served for some to amplify the strength of their relationships, blurring the liminal lines of community and network. This variety of sources appeared critical. Information was consumed and processed, and a value judgement was made in part related to perceived timeliness, credibility, and whether it was consistent with past experiences and world views.

Online support was common. Sources were generally highlighted as destinations for credible information, reducing the likelihood of “mistakes”, increasing the speed of embedding into the destination country. As Jim articulated, “you’re looking for advice, you go online, you start searching to see what other people have found”. This often appeared to be informational or network support (places to eat, property, business, relationships). As Dylan described, websites and forums provided opportunities “to study wider opinion, to read complex matters I’m not familiar with, to learn about costs and seek bargains”.

Jackson (27, technical and trades, single, 5 years in SEA) had sexual encounters he believed may have made him vulnerable to HIV infection, consequently seeking support online. He used information to calculate infection odds and determine whether he should seek post-exposure prophylaxis (PEP):

I l looked at HIV rates in Thailand. I think in freelance sex workers it’s quite high, as high as 1 in 10, 1 in 7 whereas in commercial sex establishments it’s about 4%. After the first trip I caught a little nasty. I found it (PEP) online. I crunched the numbers and went I can’t be taking those pills once a year just because a condom broke, it’s not doing good things for my insides, my liver. After that, I did a bunch of reading.

Some concerns were reported about the quality of online information or about experiences participating in online social networks. Kyle, for example, noted that online sources were “a last resort” after experiencing frustrations “in real life”:

… I couldn’t get a straight answer from anyone, even lawyers, each one gives me a different story. So I looked up Thai government websites trying to get answers. I came across three or four blogs where foreigners talk about life in Thailand. I didn’t hang out on those sites, and I don’t participate in them, but I’ve looked at them. Most of it is half-brained rumour mongering.

For these participants, offline support remained important and was provided via personal connection or written materials, including newspapers (from country of origin and destination), books, or newsletters.

Discussion

This study explored social support perspectives and practices of Australian male ELoFTs to SEA. Support frequency and type were dependent on the level of need, degree of independence and pathway and motivation to migrate or travel to SEA. Support provision occurred within an overarching social climate (Sun et al., 2016) generated by social network participation that shaped perceptions and experiences of support. We found a reciprocal relationship between level of support given and received and speed of adjustment and embeddedness.

ELoFT migration pathways suggested the creation of new networks in the liminal space between country of origin and destination. Narratives suggested that “friction” (the degree of difficulty attached to the pathway to country of destination) may have influenced requirements for social support. For example, those doing “lifestyle migration” (Benson & O’Reilly, 2016) with a high degree of intentionality and control over their journey may have experienced relatively “frictionless” migration. Such ELoFTs built networks to extend amenability (e.g., those based in high-density bar locations and transposed an Australian life to SEA). In our research, those who experienced a greater level of friction in their journey (e.g., those seeking escape and second chances in a permanent move to SEA) may have been more disposed to community or network creation that provided a higher degree of social support. However, other research has suggested that lower levels of perceived control may reduce the likelihood of accessing available support, leading to poorer acculturation and lower levels of health and quality of life (Jetten et al., 2018). ELoFTs assigned and motivated by security often migrated to improve or maintain financial resources. Accordingly, they created wide networks as they were often interested in developing relationships with those who could further business interests or assist them to financially benefit. Provision of support here was more than mateship; instead, it appeared purposeful and often transactional. Supportive or supported actions often appeared to be about “getting ahead”.

Cutrona and Suhr (1992) codify social support as action-facilitating or nurturant. In this research, the most common form of support described was action-facilitating or instrumental support (informational, network and tangible). Nurturant support was less evident, consistent with gendered experiences of support suggested in other research (Taylor, 2012). All forms of network support were evident. There were examples of emotional support related to encouragement and empathy, though no broader examples (e.g., physical affection or prayer). Action-facilitating support appeared to play a role in assisting with social climate and networks, fundamental to enhancing connectedness to the country of destination (Shumaker & Brownell, 1984). This has been found in other research, linking expatriate adjustment with the perception of greater availability of instrumental support (Farh et al., 2010; Sterle et al., 2018).

Support provision appeared intrinsically and extrinsically motivated. This highlights what Putnam (2000) has described as the norms of specific reciprocity, “tit for tat”, and of generalized reciprocity, “the kindness of strangers”. For some, provision of support seemed strategic, directed, or conditional, provided to those who were “worthy”. Some participants reported that their support expectations were contingent on fulfilling certain expectations with the support provider. Others viewed support as altruistic, linked to a perception of self as a “good guy” or a “good mate”. Support provision was passive (e.g., given when asked but not actively communicated) and active (e.g., self-initiated or provided freely and often). ELoFTs engaged in purposeful (seeking out others who served a particular function) and ad-hoc (occurring as part of daily living) support. In general, giving and receiving support appeared to be about fitting in, gaining acceptance, developing networks and friendships, and (re)establishing or maintaining an “Australian” connection. Whilst there appeared to be evidence of all categories of Berry’s acculturation model (Berry, 1997), our findings suggest that those whose focus was generally on integrating valued aspects of culture and identity from both country of origin and destination may have experienced more positive outcomes of social support for health and wellbeing. An overarching feeling of being “in the same boat” meant that help and advice may have been directed to acquaintances and close members of core networks. Support provision had a spatial and temporal dimension identified in other literature (e.g., Bayraktar, 2019). Support appeared to be more widely accepted by people who had been in-country for some time. Provision of support may not have had an immediate effect but were later used by recipients. This would appear to be the case for those engaged with online sources of information, which for some were accessed before or at the beginning of their ELoFT experience. Receiving and giving support online and offline provided a way to extend the reach of support and strengthen online and offline sociation. This has been found in other research which examined the role of online platforms as a complementary source of social support for expatriates (see, for example, Canhilal et al., 2022).

Urry (2007) suggests that successful embedding likely requires significant network capital. As ELoFTs participated in social support activities, they also built social capital (Abbott, 2010; D’Ambrosio et al., 2019). Trust is a critical component of social capital (Nooteboom, 2007). ELoFTs attached substantial trust and credibility to the support of influential sources and individuals. Direct social connections (e.g., family, friends, or colleagues) became principal avenues for support and the first step in creating more specific social networks. Social support from sponsored, but indirect social connections (e.g., friends of friends), also contributed to broader social networks. ELoFTs demonstrated boundary spanning activities between core and peripheral networks (including between SEA and Thailand and between “Westerners” and locals). This required individuals to access and sustain a range of relationships with “different groups of insiders and outsiders” (Osman-Gani & Rockstuhl, 2008, p. 41) and members of core and peripheral networks, in Australia and in SEA. This finding that ELoFTs utilized different network members for different types of social support has been found in other studies, for example, research with self-initiated expatriates which suggested that both strong and weak ties in networks may be beneficial to support and adjustment (Kubovcikova & van Bakel, 2022).

Key people validated the ELoFT experience and positive or negative reinforcement of behaviours and attitudes. Outcome expectancies influenced the provision and uptake of support and may have reinforced existing group norms and behaviours, including permissive behaviour. Reciprocity in giving and receiving support ensured that the ELoFT was more trusted or indispensable. Putnam (2000) has argued that “trustworthiness lubricates social life” (p21); this attribute may be viewed as characteristic of being a mate. Putnam suggests that such norms of reciprocity facilitate mutual benefit or function-based social capital. In ELoFT social interaction, this may have sped up network integration by creating shared experiences, often with positive outcomes. Taking on a support role and building reciprocity, trust, and credibility may have earned the ELoFT a certain degree of latitude regarding any faux pas during initial adjustment.

Implications

This research suggests key people, places, and points in the migration journey were instrumental in relation to social support.

Peer influence has been effective when driven by members of the community and supported by broader health promotion strategies (Brown et al., 2014). This may be a more difficult proposition due to the relatively large ELoFT diaspora and the disparate nature of their transnational networks. Using opinion leaders has demonstrated utility in previously established public health peer influence interventions (Fujimoto et al., 2015). Research to identify key actors who may act as opinion leaders would be helpful in recognizing and capitalizing on the influence of others on the knowledge and practices of the individual and between the individual and the environment. Further examination of the role of these individuals and their credibility, authority, and power could determine whether, when and how they may provide support and information relating to health, including capability and willingness to help (Farh et al., 2010). This is critical as our findings suggest it is unlikely that resources, information, or skills would be viewed as meaningful from some sources. Further research could expand findings to a social network analysis for a deeper understanding of the way in which ELoFT networks function (both online and offline), including cohesion, density, and homophily and relationships between social ties (Wright, 2000). This may assist in understanding the network processes which may act on ELoFT social support and on health-related attitudes, behaviours, and outcomes (Perkins et al., 2015). Consideration of actor-network theory in any applied research interventions may assist in understanding how ideas of support circulate through ELoFT networks (Salazar, 2012). The theory may be used to show how everyday ELoFT practices in the country of origin and destination are transmitted throughout the network, leading to social change and the channels by which actor-networks are formed and sustained (Duim, 2005; Latour, 2005).

Given the identified situational nature of support, examining spatial and temporal factors related to support and adjustment (Hippler et al., 2015) is critical. Further exploring the contingent nature of support is recommended and the role of trust and reciprocity within social networks. Understanding pathways, processes, venues, and mediums used by ELoFTs for social support and the role, type, timing, frequency, level, and quality of social support may provide policymakers, practitioners, and clinicians with insights to enhance the effectiveness of social support activities (Latkin et al., 2013). Examining mechanisms to enhance social capital and the links between these and health and risk knowledge, beliefs, norms, and practices would be helpful. This includes the positive and negative aspects of social networks that may be health enhancing or harming as well as and existing levels of self-rated health, perceived support and social isolation/exclusion. It may be valuable to examine the role of minority influence or the potentially negative impact of bonding capital and strong ties which may exacebate social control and exclusion (Uphoff et al., 2013). ELoFTs with higher levels of social capital in the network may have greater control over their circumstances, perceived support, and social isolation/exclusion, which may lead to more positive health outcomes (Eriksson, 2011). As reported in previous work with people living with HIV, it may be that increasing perceived levels of social support and the quality of support is more influential than the size of the support network (McDowell & Serovich, 2007). Strategies to increase support should be tailored to the level of support required; this is consistent with findings from Melrose et al. (2015) who suggest that recipients must identify a need for support for that support to be helpful. As with our findings, giving support when it is not needed or unwanted or providing support that does not match needs may have the unintended effect of reducing perceptions of support (Melrose et al., 2015; Sterle et al., 2018). Interventions to amplify levels of [positive] social capital may be effective in reducing social isolation experienced by some, particularly in the early stages of their migration journey. Such strategies could improve resource access (information, support) to increase personal control and reduce health-harming risk practices, beliefs, and knowledge (Eriksson, 2011). Health-promotion organizations could work directly or indirectly with those who hold key positions within online and offline networks to disseminate timely and accurate information and advice and leverage positive norms around health.

Our findings reinforce the enduring and unique relationship ELoFTs have with country of origin and destination and with place which influences identity and acculturation. Consequently, interventions must pay attention to the way in which culture and place shape identity, norms, and practice. Accordingly, further work is needed to understand the range of individuals who become ELoFTs and their collective and individual identities both before, during and after the migration experience. Future research and interventions could consider the wealth of literature regarding expatriates and travellers in geography, tourism, and place which is of great relevance to public health and mobility (see, for example, work by Benson and O’Reilly (2016)). Interventions that can account for transnational practices and social spaces (Beaverstock, 2011) both online and offline (in countries of origin, destination, and in-between) may have greater ability to provide desired social support when, how and if needed. For example, exploring opportunities to embed strategies in the third space may be valuable including the potential of bars and other local settings. Findings also highlight opportunities to optimize support online, particularly given the liminal, transnational status and identity that ELoFTs hold. Online networks and spaces may be used to complement or extend the reach of public health interventions. Harnessing networks via the range of online spaces that ELoFT frequent, such as forums, may be a powerful way to correct misinformation, provide online communities of support and challenge norms and assumptions. Broader social media platforms may also provide adjuvant strategies, however may be less directly tailored to health risks. However, as demonstrated by this and other research, individuals delivering strategies must be well connected to the networks in which they are conducted (Hallett et al., 2007).

Strengths and limitations

We conducted this study with Australian male ELoFTs. The primary researcher was a non-ELoFT woman. This status presented some challenges as an “outsider”, found in other studies (Bell, 2015; Minkler, 2004; Smith & Braunack-Mayer, 2014); however, researchers were reflexive and became “inside” the research topic over time. The sample was predominantly Caucasian, heterosexual, Australian-born men, though consistent with the WA profile of those acquiring HIV overseas (Department of Health Western Australia, 2019). Recruitment relied on voluntary participation, potentially attracting a particular type of participant (Boughner, 2010). Social desirability bias may have influenced narratives (Latkin et al., 2016). Practical consideration meant constant data comparison was not always immediately possible when in the field, consistent with later perspectives on Grounded Theory (Timonen et al., 2018). The following strategies enhanced the rigour of the study and addressed fieldwork delays related to analysis: extensive memos and field notes, diagrams, journalling, review of audio in situ, intensive meetings after each interview in SEA with other researchers, observational inquiry. Grounded Theory facilitated creative and substantial examination of an emerging public health issue and, used with Symbolic Interactionism, considered how participants developed social capital through their social networks, interactions with others and their environments.

Conclusions

This study sought to understand social support among Australian male ELoFTs in SEA. Findings highlight supports that assisted ELoFTs to transition and adjust to their country of destination or cope with their transnational experience. Spatial and temporal aspects of support emerged as central factors. Participants pointed to specific and influential places, people, and points in the migration journey, which mediated engagement with social support. We suggest that the availability of social support encourages the development of social networks, and reciprocally, the presence of social networks is an essential antecedent for social support. Such networks and the support provided within them may provide a mechanism for intervention across a range of public health issues relevant to ELoFTs living and working in and travelling to and from SEA.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.

Additional information

Funding

The work was supported by the Department of Health, Government of Western Australia [N/A]; Northern Territory Government [N/A].

Notes on contributors

G Crawford

Gemma Crawford has 20 years of experience in the practice, advocacy, teaching, and research of health promotion and public health. She is currently Course Coordinator for postgraduate health promotion and public health programs and a Senior Teaching and Research Academic in the Curtin School of Population Health where, with colleagues, she leads the development of Odyssey, a multidisciplinary hub conducting public health applied and social research on population mobility and migration. A proud pracademic, her practice and research experience spans injury and physical activity, youth health and peer education, capacity building and workforce investment for health promotion and prevention, alcohol and other drugs, mental health, sexual health, and BBVs. Gemma has previously worked within large organisations in state government, the resources, tertiary and not-for-profit sectors. Gemma is the current national President of the Australian Health Promotion Association (AHPA) and Director of FoxPollardConsulting and was recently awarded as AHPA’s youngest Life Member.

R Lobo

Roanna Lobo is an experienced health promotion researcher, educator, and consultant. She is dedicated to making research relevant, disseminating and translating research into practice and policy, and making research more practice-based by engaging practitioners and policymakers in shaping the research agenda to address gaps in evidence. Roanna is currently a Senior Research and Teaching Academic in the Curtin School of Population Health, where she teaches undergraduate students and supervises postgraduate coursework and higher degree research students. She has held previous roles in the community services sector, supporting monitoring and evaluation of service delivery. She is the project manager for the Sexual Health Applied Research and Evaluation Network (SiREN) project in Western Australia, which is funded by the WA Department of Health. An experienced researcher, Roanna manages a range of collaborative, applied, intervention and social research and grants related to sexual health, sexually transmitted infections, bloodborne viruses Aboriginal Health, mental health, drug use, and migrant health.

B Maycock

Bruce Maycock is an honorary professor at the University of Exeter. He is currently on the Expert Panel and Advisory Board for two large multinational, multidisciplinary project on Oceans and Human Health. He is an experienced public health researcher and executive manager with experience in higher education, government, and the non-government sector. Bruce held previous roles as a senior leader and teaching and research academic at Curtin University in the School of Public Health including as Head of School. Other positions included Professor (Health Promotion and Public Health), Director and Discipline Lead-Health Promotion and Sexology, Director-Collaboration for Evidence, Research and Impact in Public Health and Co-Director-WA Centre for Health Promotion Research. He is also Secretary General of the Asia Pacific Academic Consortium for Public Health (APACPH). Bruce specialises in the design, delivery, and evaluation of community interventions. As the Secretary General of APACPH, he represented 84 regional universities including all the Asia Universities in the top 100 in the ARWU rankings.

G Brown

Graham Brown is Director of Research and Evaluation at the University of New South Wales Centre for Social Impact. Graham has been working in and researching community-led health promotion, social change, and evaluation for more than 25 years. He is passionate about research that enables communities to mobilise and lead social change. Graham’s early work in social impact and community mobilisation was in the Australian HIV response. Graham has a long history of collaborative research and advocacy with marginalised or underserved communities and their organisations. Previously Graham headed the Social Responses to HIV and Viral Hepatitis Program at the Australian Research Centre in Sex, Health and Society, leading the application of systems approaches and complexity theory to support community, health, and social services identify outcomes and demonstrate impact. He has led various projects spanning evaluation research, participatory action and co-creation research, implementation research, development and validation of social impact indicators, policy research, and social and behavioural research.