https://orcid.org/0000-0003-0492-3585
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ABSTRACT
Industrial timber plantations and their processing have been promoted by the Lao People’s Democratic Republic (PDR) government to generate rural employment and reduce economic reliance on the agriculture sector. Using a comparative case-study approach at two wood-processing factories, this paper seeks to understand the existing roles of women in wood processing and how they compare with men in terms of employment, compensation and developmental opportunities, as well as the broader socio-economic factors that enable their employment. Findings show that women were well-represented in the workforce in both cases because management valued purported gendered attributes such as patience [ot-thon] and attention to detail [la-iat]. Demand for employment by rural women of all ages reflects the broader forces of agrarian transition in Lao PDR, including the desire for regular off-farm income to meet the expectations of a contemporary lifestyle. Gender balance in the factory workplace was found to be enhanced by mechanisation, which increased the roles under which women may be employed, and by access to certified markets by companies, which required adherence to international labour standards, including conditions such as maternity leave and carer’s leave. The prominent role of women in wood processing in Lao PDR contrasts with that in Australia because extended families can provide unpaid childcare and other domestic support to working families that ameliorates inflexible work practices, which exist in both countries.
Acknowledgments
We gratefully acknowledge the support of students and staff at the Faculty of Forest Science, National University of Lao PDR, who assisted us in the field research. The time and assistance of those who agreed to be interviewed for the field research is appreciated. Finally, we express thanks to our ACIAR colleagues Hilary Smith and Peter Kanowski, who contributed greatly to the improvement of the original manuscript.
Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).
Notes
1 We initially use quotation marks to highlight that such attributes are purported – they represent a socially constructed, essentialised and stereotypical but quite generalised view of the gendered attributes that either are or ought to be possessed by women.
2 This is particularly true of ethnic Lao (situated within the Lao-Tai language family), who comprise about 53% of the total population (LSB Citation2016) and are concentrated in the lowlands. Compared with ethnic groups of upland areas (e.g. Khmu and Hmong), which may be marginalised or have limited access to education, the language abilities and broad cultural affinities of the ethnic Lao can more easily adapt to workplaces in Vientiane (the Lao capital) or Thailand.
3 Bouté refers here to rural Lao people of all ethnicities, rather than just the ethnic Lao.
4 The domestic market supplied by the Paklay factory does not require that timber is certified as meeting minimum labour standards but only evidence that the timber has been harvested legally under Lao law. For a review of timber legality in Thailand, see Forest Trends (Citation2021).
5 Workers received a daily wage only when they turned up for work and received no other benefits such as sick leave or maternity leave. Even though employment was casual, both the company and workers had an expectation of long-term commitment.
6 Data at 3 April 2018, as collected by Ling and Chanthapith (Citation2018), in a study of a teak value chain in Luang Prabang and Sayaboury.
7 In this sense, unskilled means that no formal skills or qualifications were required to gain employment because workers were trained on the job, including in machine operation.
8 As calculated by the authors from age-specific average fertility rates given in the 2015 census data for all Lao women at 2.6 for women aged 34 years and 1.7 for women aged 28 years.
9 An analysis of the cultural beliefs and practices surrounding pregnancy in Lao women and the social value attached to their reproductive roles, including in relation to the ‘womb’ [mot luuk], is given in Sychareun et al. (Citation2016).
10 Wages were paid in Thai baht at the Paklay mill and in Lao kip at the Hin Heup mill. Figures in USD are calculated using the exchange rate at the time of survey, being July 2020 (Paklay) and July 2021 (Hin Heup). The wage figure for men is presented in Chaisy (Citation2021)
11 Paklay mill management reported that, initially, social insurance was offered to workers, but there was little interest among workers in taking up the scheme because it requires worker co-contributions. The factory does not promote it anymore.
12 The Lao Federation of Trade Unions is ‘a mass organisation in the political system of people’s democracy led by the Lao Revolutionary Party, presenting to protect the legitimate rights and interests of the trade union members, workers and employees’ (Article 2 of the amended Lao Trade Union Law No. 071/NA, 15 November 2017).
13 Supervisors were not interviewed for this study.
14 Also translated as cosmetics.
15 Saduak (convenient) and sabay (comfortable) are commonly used words in Lao to express an ‘optimal status quo’ that extends to ‘physical wellness, tranquillity, happiness, contentment’ and even inner peace.
16 4th Population and Housing Census, 2015 (LSB Citation2016).
17 The FSC Chain of Custody standard (FSC-STD-40-004-v3–1), which includes the elimination of discrimination in employment and occupation and respect for the freedom and right of workers to associate and engage in collective bargaining.
18 In this case, the Viet Nam General Confederation of Labour, which is also a mass organisation under the Party-State system in Viet Nam (see Do Citation2022).
19 Excluding the Green Triangle (the border area between Victoria and South Australia) and Melbourne.