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Review Symposium on William Pietz's The Problem of the Fetish

Slavery and the fetish

 

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Notes

1 Michel de Certeau, ‘The Return of the Repressed in Psychoanalysis,’ in Michel de Certeau, Heterologies: Discourse on the Other, trans. Brian Massumi (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1986), 4.

2 See Charles Stewart, ‘Creolization, Hybridity, Syncretism, Mixture,’ Portuguese Studies 27, no. 1 (2011): 48–55. On Portuguese colonization, see Peter Mark, ‘The Central Upper Guinea Coast in the Pre-Contact and Early Portuguese Period, Fifteenth to Seventeenth Centuries: The Dynamics Of Regional Interaction.’ Paideuma: Mitteilungen Zur Kulturkunde 67 (2021): 113–44; Filipa Ribeira da Silva, Dutch and Portuguese in Western Africa: Empires, merchants and the Atlantic system, 1580–1674 (Leiden: Brill, 2011).

3 José Ligna Nafafé, Colonial Encounters: Issues of Culture, Hybridity, and Creolisation (Peter Lang, 2007); Mark, Peter. ‘The Evolution of ‘Portuguese’ Identity: Luso-Africans on the Upper Guinea Coast from the Sixteenth to the Early Nineteenth Century.’ The Journal of African History 40, no. 2 (1999): 173–91; José da Silva Horta, ‘Evidence for a Luso-African Identity in ‘Portuguese’ Accounts on ‘Guinea of CapeVerde’ (Sixteenth-Seventeenth Centuries),’ History in Africa 27 (2000): 99–130 ; Peter Mark and José da Silva Horta, The Forgotten Diaspora: Jewish Communities in West Africa and the Making of the Atlantic World (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011); John Thornton, ‘Afro-christian Syncretism in the Kingdom of Kongo,’ The Journal of African History 54, no. 1 (2013): 53–77.

4 See Toby Green; Philip Havik, and Felipa Ribeiro da Silva, African Voices from the Inquisition, vol. 1, The Trial of Crispina Peres of Cacheu, Guinea Bissau (1646-1668), British Academy (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2021); for Brazil, see James Sweet, Domingos Alvares, African Healing, and the Intellectual History of the Atlantic (Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina Press, 2013).

5 Homi Babha, The Location of Culture, 2nd edition (London: Routledge, 1994), on which reams have been written that I cannot cite for lack of space. For a recent and concise account of Babha’s third space, see Berhard Giesen, ‘Inbetweenness and Ambivalence,’ in Breaking Boundaries: Varieties of Liminality, edited by A. Horvath, B. Thomassen, & H. Wydra (New York: Berghahn, 2018), 61–71.

6 On political spectacle see Herman Bennett, African Kings and Black Slaves: Sovereignty and Dispossession in the Early Modern Atlantic (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2019). On consumerism, currency, and the market, see Finn Fuglestad, Slavetraders by Invitation: West Africa’s Slave Coast in the Precolonial Era (New York: Oxford University Press, 2018); Brokers of Change: Atlantic Commerce and Cultures in Precolonial Western Africa, edited by Toby Green, Proceedings of the British Academy (Oxford, 2012); David Richardson, ‘West African Consumption Patterns and Their Influence on the Eighteenth-Century English Slave Trade,’ in The Uncommon Market: Essays in the Economic History of the Atlantic Slave Trade, edited by Henry A. Gemery and Jan S. Hogendorn (London and New York, NY: Academic Press, 1979); Joseph C. Miller, Way of Death: Merchant Capitalism and the Angolan Slave Trade, 1730–1830 (Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press, 1988); Jan Hogendorn and Marion Johnson, The Shell Money of the Slave Trade (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986); Marion Johnson, Anglo-African Trade in the Eighteenth Century: English Statistics on African Trade 1699–1808 (Leiden: Intercontinenta No. 15, Centre for the History of European Expansion, 1990); Kazuo Kobayashi, ‘Indian Textiles And Gum Arabic in The Lower Senegal River: Global Significance of Local Trade and Consumers in the Early Nineteenth Century,’ African Economic History 45, no. 2 (2017): 27–53; Robin Law, The Slave Coast of West Africa, 1550–1750: The Impact of the Atlantic Slave Trade on an African Society (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991).

7 On fabric, see Raphaël Malangin, ‘Pièces d’inde: commerce oriental et domaine atlantique Français au XVIIIe siècle,’ Annales historiques de la Révolution francaise 395, no. 1 (2019): 81–100; Kazuo Kobayashi, ‘Indian Textiles And Gum Arabic in The Lower Senegal River: Global Significance of Local Trade and Consumers in the Early Nineteenth Century.’ African Economic History 45, no. 2 (2017): 27–53 ; Brigitte Nicolas, ‘La Compagnie française des Indes et le textile indien,’ in Le goût de l’Inde, edited by Gérard Le Bouëdec et Brigitte Nicolas (Rennes, Presses universitaires de Rennes, 2008), 20–31.

8 Peter Stallybrass and Ann Rosalind Jones, ‘Fetishizing the Glove in Renaissance Europe,’ Critical Inquiry 28, no. 1 (2001): 114–32; idem, Renaissance Clothing and the Materials of Memory, Cambridge Studies in Renaissance Literature and Culture (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2000).

9 Paula Findlen, Possessing Nature: Museums, Collecting, and Scientific Culture in Early Modern Italy (Berkeley, University of California Press, 1996).

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