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ABSTRACT
Various dates between 1502 and 1521 have been suggested for the Portuguese “Kunstmann III” manuscript chart. As recently demonstrated, the map was made in at least four stages beginning in about the year 1501 and continuing until sometime after 1505. The uncertainty about the date of the chart has led to it being underappreciated as a primary source and important contemporary record of the voyages of the Corte Real brothers to Greenland and Newfoundland. The erased compass rose and partially effaced toponyms on the coast of Brazil reveal multiple emendations to the chart, further confirming the chart was a “living document” for a decade or more.
Les chercheurs ont proposé diverses dates entre 1502 et 1521 pour la carte manuscrite portugaise connue sous le nom de ‘Kunstmann III.’ Comme on l’a démontré récemment, la carte a été réalisée en pas moins de quatre étapes, entre 1501 et peu après 1505. L'incertitude quant à la date de la carte a conduit à sous-estimer son importance comme source primaire et comme témoignage contemporain des voyages des frères Corte Real au Groenland et à Terre-Neuve. La rose des vents gommée et les toponymes partiellement effacés de la côte brésilienne révèlent de multiples amendements apportés à la carte, ce qui confirme que celle-ci a été un document vivant pendant plus d’une décennie.
Los investigadores han sugerido varias fechas entre 1502 y 1521 para la carta manuscrita portuguesa ‘Kunstmann III.’ Como se ha demostrado recientemente, el mapa se elaboró en al menos cuatro etapas, desde aproximadamente el año 1501 hasta algún momento después de 1505. La incertidumbre sobre la fecha de la carta ha hecho que esta no sea apreciada suficientemente como fuente primaria y registro contemporáneo fundamental de los viajes de los hermanos Corte Real a Groenlandia y Terranova. La rosa de los vientos borrada y los topónimos de la costa de Brasil parcialmente perdidos revelan múltiples modificaciones de la carta, confirmando aún más que fue un documento vivo durante una década o más.
In der Forschung wurden für die portugiesische Manuskriptkarte „Kunstmann III“ verschiedene Datierungen zwischen 1502 und 1521 vorgeschlagen. Wie jüngst nachgewiesen, entstand die Karte in mindestens vier Phasen ab dem Jahr 1501 bis nach 1505. Aufgrund dieser Unsicherheit in der Datierung wurde die Bedeutung der Karte als frühe Quelle und zeitgenössischer Beleg für die Fahrten der Brüder Corte Real nach Grönland und Neufundland unterschätzt. Die gelöschte Kompassrose und teilweise getilgte Ortsnamen an der Küste Brasiliens verweisen auf zahlreiche Korrekturen und beweisen einmal mehr, dass die Portolankarte für ein Jahrzehnt genutzt und aktuell gehalten wurde („living document“).
Acknowledgements
This work was supported by the European Research Council (ERC) under the European Union’s Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme (grant agreement no. 714033-MEDEA-CHART /ERC-2016-STG. I wish to thank the anonymous reviewers for their careful reading of the manuscript and their many insightful comments and suggestions.
Disclosure Statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).
Notes
1 Bibliothèque nationale de France (BnF), Département Cartes et Plans (DCP), Planisphère nautique, c. 1501-02 [1836], CPL GE B-1120 (RES). The facsimile was donated to the BnF by Michel Hennin in 1843.
2 Edward Luther Stevenson, Maps Illustrating Early Discovery and Exploration in America, 1502–1530, Reproduced by Photography from the Original Manuscripts: Text and Key Maps, 2 vols. (New Brunswick, N. J.: [E. L. Stevenson], 1903–1906), 1: no. 3.
3 Gregory C. McIntosh and Joaquim Alves Gaspar, ‘Kunstmann III: The Oldest Known Nautical Chart Incorporating Latitudes?’ Imago Mundi 73, no. 2 (2021): 162–78. On two other Portuguese charts made by the same mapmaker, see Bruno Almeida, ‘Famous Charts and Forgotten Fragments: Exploring Correlations in Early Portuguese Nautical Cartography,’ International Journal of Cartography 7, no. 1 (2021): 38–59.
4 Biblioteca Estense Universitaria, Carta del Cantino, 1502, C.G.A.2; Museo Naval, Cartografía, Carta de Juan de la Cosa, c. 1500–02, MNM 257.
5 Frederick J. Pohl, Amerigo Vespucci: Pilot Major (New York: Columbia University Press, 1944), 227.
6 Oscar Peschel, Geschichte des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen (Stuttgart and Augsburg: J. G. Cotta, 1858), 331n1.
7 J. G. Kohl, A History of Discovery of Maine (Portland: Bailey and Noyes, 1869), 174 (1503–1505); Stevenson, Maps Illustrating, no. 3 (1503–1505); Justin Winsor, The Kohl Collection (Now in the Library of Congress) of Maps Relating to America, rev. repr. of Bibliographical Contribution Number 19 of the Library of Harvard University, ed. Philip Lee Phillips (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1904), 31 (1501–1505), 63 (1503 & 1503–1504); Heinrich Winter, 'The Pseudo-Labrador and the Oblique Meridian,' Imago Mundi 2 (1937): 62 (1503–1504).
8 Ivan Kupčík, Münchner Portolankarten: 'Kunstmann I-XIII' und zehn weitere Portolankarten / Munich Portolan Charts: 'Kunstmann I-XIII' and Ten Further Portolan Charts (Munich and Berlin: Deutscher Kunstverlag, 2000), 37.
9 J. A. Schmeller, ‘Ueber einige ältere handschriftliche Seekarten,’ Abhandlungen der I. Klasse d. Akademie der Wissenschaften no. 4, pt. 1 (1844 [1845]): 250, and subsequently repeated by Friedrich Kunstmann, Karl Spruner von Merz, and Georg Martin Thomas, Die Entdeckung Amerikas: Nach den ältesten Quellen geschichtlich dargestellt (Munich: A. Asher & Cie in Berlin, 1859), 127; and Richard Henry Major, The Life of Prince Henry of Portugal, Surnamed the Navigator (London: A. Asher 1868), 415, 416. Actually, the Portuguese first visited Madagascar on 10 August 1500.
10 Duarte Leite, ‘O mais antigo mapa do Brasil,’ in História da Colonização Portuguesa do Brasil, 3 vols., ed. Carlos Malheiro Dias (Porto: Litografia Nacional, 1921-24), 2:435-38; Duarte Leite, História dos Descobrimentos: Colectânea de Esparsos, 2 vols., ed. Vitorino Magalhães Godinho (Lisbon: Cosmos, 1958–1960), 2:246–52.
11 Dácio Tavares de Freitas Galvão, ‘Imagens da Colonização: Leitura de “Brasil de Madrugada” e “Banzo”,’ Imburana – Revista do Núcleo Câmara Cascudo de Estudos Norte-Rio-Grandenses no. 6 (July-December, 2012): 19, (1506, and incorrectly stating that the map is preserved in the Library of Augsburg, Germany); Joaquim Alves Gaspar, ‘How Large Was the Earth in the Sixteenth Century? The Length of the Degree of Latitude in the Iberian Cartography of the Renaissance,’ The Cartographic Journal 52, no. 4 (2015): 321 (c. 1506); Max Justo Guedes, ‘A carta náutica de Piri Reis (Piri Reis Haritasi), 1513,’ Anais do Museu Paulista: História e Cultura Material 17, no. 1 (January-June, 2009): 109 (c. 1506); R. A. Skelton, ‘The Cartography of the Voyages,’ appendix in James A. Williamson, The Cabot Voyages and Bristol Discovery Under Henry VII (Cambridge: The Hakluyt Society, 1962), 308 (post–1506); R. A. Skelton, Looking at an Early Map, University of Kansas Libraries Series no. 17 (Lawrence, Kansas: University of Kansas Libraries, 1965), fig. 7 (post-1506); Armando Cortesão and Avelino Teixeira da Mota, Portugaliae Monumenta Cartographica, 7 vols., reprint of 1960[–62] (Lisboa: Imprensa Nacional-Casa da Moeda, 1987), 1: pl. 6; Paulo Márcio Leal de Menezes, et al., ‘Rio de Janeiro City – Brazil Historical Center Evolution Under a Cartographic Approach,’ 23rd International Cartographic Conference, Moscow, Russia, 4–10 August 2007, http://icaci.org/files/documents/ICC_proceedings/ICC2007/html/Proceedings.htm [2; no pagination] (1506).
12 Axel Anthon Bjørnbo, ‘Cartographia Groenlandica,’ Meddelelser om Grønland, vol. 48 (Copenhagen: C. A. Reitzel, 1911 [1912]), 210–11.
13 E. G. R. Taylor, ‘A Letter Dated 1577 from Mercator to John Dee,’ Imago Mundi 13 (1956): 56–68.
14 Taylor, ‘A Letter Dated 1577,’ 57, 61, 63, 64; and Gregory C. McIntosh, The Johannes Ruysch and Martin Waldseemüller World Maps: The Interplay and Merging of Early Sixteenth Century New World Cartographies (Long Beach, Calif.: Plus Ultra Publishing, 2012), 25–27.
15 The original Kunstmann III chart is believed lost during the Second World War; see Norbert Fischer, 'With Fire and Sword, III,' Imago Mundi 10 (1953): 56. Thomas Horst, ‘Cartographic Treasures Destroyed “With Fire and Sword”? The Unwritten Story of the Map Collection of the Bavarian Army Library,’ Journal of Map and Geography Libraries 16, no. 2 (2020): 110–39, however, suggests the maps missing from Munich may not have all been lost. The present chart in the BnF is the coloured facsimile by Progel.
16 Catalog über die im Königlich Bayer'schen Haupt Conservatorium der Armee befindlichen Landkarten und Pläne (Munich: [Königlich Bayer'schen Haupt Conservatorium der Armee], 1832), 6–7.
17 Fridtjof Nansen, In Northern Mists: Arctic Exploration in Early Times, trans. Arthur G. Chater, 2 vols. (London: William Heinemann, 1911), 2:377. James Robert Enterline, Erikson, Eskimos, and Columbus: Medieval European Knowledge of America (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2002), 248, in consideration of the range of proposed dates, cautiously dated the chart as 1503–1511 and c. 1509.
18 Roberto Levillier, América, la bien llamada, 2 vols. (Buenos Aires: Editorial Guillermo Kraft Ltda., 1948), 2:53; Roberto Levillier, ‘A propósito de Vespúcio: Crítica ou sabotagem?’ Revista de História 7, no. 12 (1952): 416.
19 Heinrich Winter, ‘The Changing Face of Scandinavia and the Baltic in Cartography up to 1532,’ Imago Mundi 12 (1955): 49, c; 52n2. Earlier in 1937, Winter had accepted the date of 1503–1504.
20 Bernard G. Hoffman, Cabot to Cartier: Sources for a Historical Ethnography of Northeastern North America, 1497-1550 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1961), 57, 86–87.
21 Theodore E. Layng, ‘Commentaries and Map Notes, Part II,’ in Crucial Maps in the Early Cartography and Place-nomenclature of the Atlantic Coast of Canada, ed. William Francis Ganong (Toronto: University of Toronto Press in co-operation with the Royal Society of Canada, 1964), 480.
22 It would appear that the intent of the cartographer was to colour only the sea north of the Arctic Circle. Dark blue colouring of the entire Atlantic Ocean is unusual on a navigational chart because it would render the surface less useful for recording navigational plots and positional fixes.
23 The similarity of the ring of mountains in the Arctic depicted on the Kunstmann III chart and the same described in the Inventio Fortunata is noted in Enterline, Erikson, Eskimos, and Columbus, 250. On the Inventio Fortunata, the single best article remains Taylor, ‘A Letter Dated 1577.’
24 Stevenson, Maps Illustrating, no. 3, and BnF, DCP, Carte de l'Océan Atlantique, de la Mer Méditerranée et de la Mer Noire, c. 1501–02 [1836], CPL GE B-1120 (RES).
25 For some discussion of the types and forms of cartographic designs for Greenland on early maps, see Bjørnbo, ‘Cartographia Groenlandica’; Axel Anthon Bjørnbo and Carl S. Petersen, Anecdota Cartographica Septentrionalia (Hauniae [Copenhagen]: Sumptibus Societatis regiae scientiarum Danicae, 1908); and Winter, ‘Changing Face of Scandinavia,’ 48, 50, 52.
26 The earlier voyage is alluded to in the letters patent of 12 May 1500; see Henry Percival Biggar, The Precursors of Jacques Cartier, 1497-1534: A Collection of Documents Relating to the Early History of the Dominion of Canada (Ottawa: Government Printing Bureau, 1911), 32, 35, 68, 69. Henry Harrisse, The Discovery of North America (London: Henry Stevens and Son, 1892), 59n2, suggests the wording of the letters patent implies more than one such earlier voyage.
27 Damiam de Goes, Chronica do felicissimo Rei dom Emanuel (Lisbon: Françisco Correa, 1566-1567), pt. 1, ch. 66, fol. 65r: ‘ … partio do porto de Lisboa no começo do verão do anno de mil, & quinhétos’ (… he departed from the port of Lisbon at the beginning of the summer of the year of 1500); António Galvão, Tratado … dos diuerdos & desuayrados caminhos, por onde nos tempos passados a pimenta & espesearia veyo da Indias ás nossas partes, ed. Francisco de Sousa Tavares ([Lisbon], [1563]), fol. 28v: ‘Partio da ilha terceira com duos nauios … ,’ (He left from Terceira island with two ships …); Antonio Galvano, The Discoveries of the World, trans. Richard Hakluyt, ed., C. R. Drinkwater Bethune (London: The Hakluyt Society, 1862), 96–97: ‘He went from the Island Terçera with two ships … ’.
28 Letter of Pietro Pasqualigo to the Signiory of Venice, 18 Oct 1501, in Biggar, Precursors of Jacques Cartier, 65–67. Also, the inscription on Greenland (DOLAVRADOR) on the Kunstmann IV planisphere, by Jorge Reinel with his father Pedro, c. 1519, reads: ‘Terram istam portugalenses viderũt atame nom intraverunt’ (This country was sighted by the Portuguese, but they did not enter it); see Harrisse, Discovery of North America, 76; and Winter, ‘Pseudo-Labrador,’ 62. The Kunstmann IV chart was also photographed before its loss in World War II (Stevenson, Maps Illustrating, no. 5), and facsimiled by Otto Progel in the nineteenth century (BnF, DCP, Carte du Monde, c. 1519–21 [1836], CPL GE AA-564 (RES)).
29 An example of a nineteenth-century reproduction preserving toponyms is where Vicomte de Santarém, Atlas composé de mappemondes et de cartes hydrographiques et historiques (Paris: Faix et Thunot, 1842), pl. 13A, documents two toponyms, y de lob(?) and omean, in the area of green pigmentation on the southwest coast of Africa on the Juan de la Cosa planisphere. These are not recorded in Hugo O'Donnell and Duque de Estrada, El mapamundi denominado “Carta de Juan de la Cosa” (Madrid: Gabinete de Bibliofilia, 1992), 159, and perhaps were no longer legible after 150 years.
30 McIntosh and Gaspar, ‘Kunstmann III,’ 165, .
31 This toponym is almost totally effaced in the Stevenson photograph of 1903 and apparently was also illegible in 1836, since the name was not copied at that time onto Progel’s extant facsimile. The presence of this erased toponym on Greenland was noted in Enterline, Erikson, Eskimos, and Columbus, 250.
32 Defense Mapping Agency, Sailing Directions (Enroute) for Greenland and Iceland, Pub. 181, 4th ed. ([Washington, D.C.]: Defense Mapping Agency, 1991), 108, 111.
33 On the King-type design, see Bjørnbo, ‘Cartographia Groenlandica,’ 181; Hoffman, Cabot to Cartier, 52; Gregory C. McIntosh, The Vesconte Maggiolo World Map of 1504 in Fano, Italy, 2nd ed. (Long Beach, California: Plus Ultra Publishing Company, 2015), 11–12; Winter, ‘Pseudo–Labrador,’ 62, 66.
34 João Fernandes, known as the Labrador or Lavrador (farmer/husbandman), who was under the suzerainty of Gaspar Corte Real on Terceira, obtained letters patent for exploring from King Manoel on 28 October 1499 (Biggar, Precursors of Jacques Cartier, 32–37, esp. 32 & 35). However, the Labrador’s role in the exploration of Greenland is indeterminate and will remain unexamined in the present discussion of the Kunstmann III chart. Fernandes’s sobriquet, the Labrador, is generally considered to have first been applied as a toponym to Greenland, where he is assumed to have voyaged, and later to the continent, though, because of the lack of contemporary documents, it is possible his voyage was to present-day Labrador instead.
35 Most of the manuscript texts with English translations are collected in Biggar, Precursors of Jacques Cartier, 32–40, 59–70, 92–96.
36 Biggar, Precursors of Jacques Cartier, 68, 69.
37 Since the sixteenth century, several persistent confusions regarding which of the brothers sailed to which lands in which years have been repeated by historians regarding the voyages of the Corte Reals to Greenland and Newfoundland. The complete exposition of these historiographic errors must be accomplished elsewhere.
38 De Goes, Chronica do felicissimo Rei dom Emanuel, pt. 1, ch. 66, fol. 65r: ‘ … partio de Lisboa ahos dez dias de Maio de M.D. II’ (departed from Lisbon on the tenth day of May of 1502).
39 Harrisse, Discovery of North America, 75–76.
40 Biggar, Precursors of Jacques Cartier, 93, 95.
41 Cantino planisphere: Biblioteca Estense Universitaria, Carta del Cantino, 1502, C.G.A.2. Maggiolo planisphere: The Huntington Library, Vesconte Maggiolo, Portolan chart, 1516, HM 427. For more on the Maggiolo planisphere, see Corradino Astengo, ‘Der genuesische Kartograph Vesconte Maggiolo und sein Werk,’ Cartographica Helvetica no. 13 (1996), 12 no. 7; and Richard L. Pflederer, Census of Portolan Charts & Atlases (Williamsburg, Virginia: Richard L. Pflederer, 2009), C-103. Kunstmann I chart: Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Manuscripts and Rare Prints Department, Pedro Reinel, Portulan (Atlantik), c. 1519, Cod. icon. 132. Miller No. 1 chart: BnF, DCP, Jorge and Pedro Reinel, Océan Atlantique, c. 1519, GE AA-640 (RES), f. 6r. The Miller atlas was begun by a young Lopo Homem in 1519 and continued by Pedro and Jorge Reinel, probably completing it within a year or so of the father and son returning from Seville. Most of the maps in the atlas were decorated by the Flemish miniaturist António de Holanda. The Miller No. 1 appellation for this chart was first used in Henry Harrisse, Decouverte et evolution cartographique de Terre-Neuve et des pays circonvoisins, 1497-1501–1769 (Paris: H. Welter; London: Henry Stevens, Son & Stiles, 1900), xxxiii n. 3, 50n2, 83.
42 My identifications follow those of Kohl, History of Discovery of Maine, 175–76. The toponyms on Newfoundland on early-sixteenth-century Portuguese maps are listed in Cortesão and Teixeira da Mota, Portugaliae Monumenta Cartographica, 5:168 ff.
43 The precise modern name, as baya de cõcepcion, appears as early as the Maggiolo planisphere (1516) and again on the Kunstmann I chart by Pedro Reinel (c. 1519). On the Miller No. 1 chart (c. 1519), the bay is baia da conçepcam and the cape is renamed c:. de sã frco, the modern Cape St. Francis.
44 Named b. de santa ciria on the Kunstmann I chart. Skelton, ‘Cartography of the Voyages,’ 318n1, suggests the name on the Kunstmann I is St. Iria.
45 It is this toponym, previously discussed in the text, that Hoffman erroneously associated with the voyage of João Álvares Fagundes in c. 1518–1521.
46 The next occurrence on a Portuguese chart is baia das rosas on the chart by Gaspar Viegas of 1534 (BnF, DCP, Carte nautique de l'Océan Atlantique et de la Mer Méditerranée, 1534, CPL GE B-1132 (RES)); see Harrisse, Discovery of North America, 600; and Henry Harrisse, Jean et Sébastien Cabot: leur origine et leurs voyages, étude d'histoire critique, suivie d'une cartographie, d'une bibliographie et d'une chronologie des voyages au nord-ouest de 1497 à 1550 (Paris: E. Leroux, 1882), 183–85. Named Rio da rosas on the Maggiolo planisphere of 1516 (The Huntington Library, Vesconte Maggiolo, Portolan chart, 1516, HM 427), and Riuo de bosas on the Italian-made Oliveriana (Pesaro) planisphere, c. 1506–1520? (Biblioteca Oliveriana, Mappamondo di Pesaro, c. 1506–1520?, Perg. 1940).
47 Letter written by Albert Cantino from Lisbon to Ercole d'Este, Duke of Ferrera, dated 17 October 1501; Biggar, Precursors of Jacques Cartier, 61–65.
48 A distinctive and persistent feature of the cartographic image of Newfoundland in the sixteenth century is the double-lobed or triple-lobed central bay, usually named Golfo das Gamas (Gulf of the Deers), which somewhat resembles Rio das rosas. The recurring lobed central bay, however, is not the Rio das rosas of the Kunstmann III chart. The usual lobed central bay is first seen later on the three early Reinel charts (Kunstmann I, c. 1519; Kunstmann IV, c. 1519; and Miller No. 1, c. 1519), and represents present-day Notre Dame Bay. The adjacent White Bay, which cuts deeply into the island of Newfoundland, was not unambiguously shown on maps until the eighteenth century by the French as Baie Blanche (White Bay).
49 An example of the many maps giving the name Frelay Bay or Flower Bay to present-day Bonavista Bay is ‘Newfoundland[,] St. Laurence Bay, The Fishing Banks, Acadia, and Part of New Scotland’ in Herman Moll, Atlas minor: or a new and curious set of sixty-two maps, in which are shewn all the empires, kingdoms, countries, states, in all the known parts of the earth … (London: Thos. Bowles and John Bowles, 1729), no. 47.
50 For the Progel facsimile, see McIntosh and Gaspar, ‘Kunstmann III,’ 170, fig. 6.
51 James A. Williamson, The Voyages of the Cabots and the English Discovery of North America Under Henry VII and Henry VIII (London: The Argonaut Press, 1929), 220. Similarly, the Castiglioni planisphere of 1525 (Biblioteca Estense Universitaria, Diogo Ribeiro, Carta Castiglioni, 1525, C.G.A.12) shows two different qualities of lines that perfectly align with the explorations by Estêvão Gomes (Esteban Gómez) along the east coast of North America.
52 A passage in a narrative written in 1539 about the voyages of Jean Parmentier and published by Ramusio describes the discovery of the coast between Cape Race and Cape Bonavista by the Portuguese. It is probable this passage alludes to the surveys of the coasts of Newfoundland and the Avalon Peninsula by the expeditions of the Corte Real brothers. See Giovanni Battista Ramusio, Terzo volume delle navigationi et viaggi (Venice: Giunti, 1556), ‘Discorso d'un Gran Capitano,’ 423v–24r; and Bernard G. Hoffman, ‘Account of a Voyage Conducted in 1529 to the New World, Africa, Madagascar, and Sumatra, Translated from the Italian, with Notes and Comments,’ Ethnohistory 10, no. 1 (Winter, 1963): 1-79. This narrative may have been written by Pierre Mauclerc but is usually attributed to Pierre Crignon, both astronomers on Parmentier’s voyage to Sumatra in 1529.
53 The King-Hamy planisphere (The Huntington Library, Battista Agnese, Portolan chart, HM 45) is usually dated to c. 1503 but recent research by Chet Van Duzer demonstrates the chart was made about 1550; see Chet Van Duzer, ‘The King-Hamy Chart at the Huntington Library: A Historical Map Made by Battista Agnese,’ Imago Temporis: Medium Aevum no. 16 (2022): 389–432. On the Rodrigues charts, see Armando Cortesão, The Suma Oriental of Tomé Pires: An Account of the East, from the Red Sea to Japan, Written in Malacca and India in 1512–1515; and, the Book of Francisco Rodrigues, Rutter of a Voyage in the Red Sea, Nautical Rules, Almanack and Maps, Written and Drawn in the East before 1515 (London: Hakluyt Society, 1944). That the Brazilian coast of the Rodrigues map exactly matches the Coelho-Vespucci delineation unattached to the continent (in the fashion of the King-type design), and the fact that on the outward-bound voyage from Portugal to Asia, the ship on which Rodrigues sailed did not range this entire depicted coast, indicates that Rodrigues copied the Brazilian coastline from a Portuguese cartographic model of perhaps a decade earlier.
54 Cortesão and Teixeira da Mota, Portugaliae Monumenta Cartographica, 1:16; Kupčík, Münchner Portolankarten, 37.
55 The date of 22 July for the return of Coelho is from the letter of 10 October 1502 from Zuan Francesco Ascaitato (Giovanni Francesco de Affaitadi) to Pietro Pasqualigo, Venetian ambassador to Lisbon; see Marino Sanuto, I diarii di Marino Sanuto, 1496–1533, 58 vols. (Venice: Nicolò Barozzi, 1879–1902), 4:4, col. 485. The date of 7 September for Vespucci’s later return from the Coelho expedition in a separate ship is from three of the extant versions of the Soderini Letter. Alberto Magnaghi, Amerigo Vespucci, studio critico, con speciale riguardo ad una nuova valutazione delle fonti, accompagnato dai documenti non ancora pubblicati del Codice Vaglienti (Riccardiano 1910). Nuova edizione enmendata e accresciuta, corredata della reproduzione di 6 carte sincrone delle prime scoperte americane (Rome: Libreria Fratelli Treves, 1926), 21, holds that Vespucci returned on the date given in the Sanuto reference, i.e., 22 July.
56 Leite, ‘O mais antigo mapa do Brasil,’ 2:436; Leite, História dos descobrimentos, 2:249.
57 Duarte Pacheco Pereira, Esmeraldo de situ orbis (Lisbon: Emprensa Nacional, 1892), esp. 16. Martín Fernández de Enciso, Suma de Geographía (Seville, 1519) also was reviewed.
58 Correlating saints’ names, feast days, and the coastal toponyms to the dates of the Coelho-Vespucci voyage of 1501–1502 was initially performed by Francisco Adolfo de Varnhagen, Amerígo Vespucci: son caractère, ses écrits (même les moins authentiques), sa vie et ses navigations: avec une carte indiquant les routes (Lima: Mercurio, 1865), 4.
59 Nicolay de Caverio appears to have been in the practice of altering toponyms that were particularly Portuguese; see McIntosh, Vesconte Maggiolo World Map, 29.
60 Incongruously, a Spanish source for this toponym has been suggested: Monasterio de Santa María de la Rábida in Palos de la Frontera, famed for its association with Christopher Columbus; see Harrisse, Discovery of North America, 426n77. The Portuguese explorers would not likely be commemorating a Spanish monastery rather than a Portuguese shrine.
61 For a philological study of this toponym, see Gregory C. McIntosh, ‘Martin Waldseemüller, Amerigo Vespucci, and the So-Called “Error” of the “Abbey of All Saints”,’ Terrae Incognitae 43, no. 2 (2011): 134–59.
62 The name was later transferred southward to the modern Porto Seguro (16°26′S).
63 The climate of Cabo Frio is tropical. The daily mean air temperature for the entire year varies only by a few degrees (21°C/70°F – 29°C/84°F). The name today is attributed to the low temperature of the sea water due to a submarine stream coming from the Antarctic region which emerges near the coast of Cabo Frio. Orville A. Derby, ‘Os mappas mais antigos do Brasil,’ Revista do Instituto Historico e Geographico de São Paulo 7 (1902 [1903]): 247, reads the name as cabo frio de Rama.
64 Apparently, this name was transferred from the river on the mainland; see Leite, ‘O mais antigo mapa do Brasil,’ 2:437; Leite, História dos descobrimentos, 2:250.
65 Persistent confusions by historians of João da Nova’s ascension, modern Trinidade, discovered 20 May 1501, and shown on the Cantino planisphere, and modern Ascension, discovered by Afonso de Albuquerque on 21 May 1503, will remain unexamined in the present discussion of the Kunstmann III chart.
66 There is also a Cabo das Redes in Africa (modern Fetta Point, 5°25′N, 0°27′W), named because of the many nets there when first visited by the Portuguese, appearing on several Portuguese and Portuguese-derived charts: British Library, Cornaro atlas, c. 1490, Egerton MS 73, f. 62r; Archives Départementales, Cartographie générale du Monde, Pedro Reinel, c. 1491, 2 Fi 1582-2; Biblioteca Estense Universitaria, Carta del Cantino, 1502, C.G.A.2; BnF, DCP, Nicolay de Caverio [Nicolò Caveri], Planisphère nautique, c. 1506, GE SH ARCH-1, and Pacheco Pereira, Esmeraldo de situ orbis, 70.
67 Supposing this to be ‘Golfo de los Reis,’ and noting the chart also contains ‘Amgra de [sic, da] Reis,’ Harrisse suggested there were two separate voyages wherein each discovered a point of land on the same date (6 January); see Harrisse, Discovery of North America, 426n78.
68 Duarte Leite likewise suggests Rio de Rama may be the same as the similarly located Rio da refens on the Caverio planisphere-; see Leite, ‘O mais antigo mapa do Brasil,’ 2:437–38; Leite, História dos descobrimentos, 2:251. Compare with Rio dos Ramos on the coast of West Africa in Pacheco Pereira, Esmeraldo, 74. Harrisse read this as ‘Rio de Ranie’ (River of Frogs); see Harrisse, Discovery of North America, 426n79.
69 Or Ponta da Joatinga (23°18′S); see Derby, ‘Os mappas,’ 248.
70 The Goyanas or Goayanás were an important group of people who lived along the southern coast of Brazil between Angra dos Reis and Cananéa and played a significant role in Portuguese colonisation in the sixteenth century. Hans Staden, Warhaftige Historia und beschreibung eyner Landtschafft der Wilden Nacketen, Grimmigen Menschfresser-Leuthen in der Newenwelt America gelegen (Marpurg: Gedruckt, 1557), pt. I, ch. 3 (Wayganna); R. F. Burton, ‘Burton on a Kjökkenmödding at Santos, Brazil,’ Journal of the Anthropological Society of London 4 (1866): cxciii-xcxiv (Goayana); Antonio de Santa Maria Jaboatam, Novo Orbe Serafico brasilico ou Chronica dos Frades Menores da provincia do Brasil, 5 vols., 2nd ed. (Rio de Janeiro: Maximiano Gomes Ribeiro, 1858-62), 1:27–30, 60, 155, 167, 409, 412; 2:201, 366 (Goayana, Goayanás, Goayanaz, Goayanazes, Goayannez); Akira Matsumura, A Gazetteer of Ethnology (Tokyo: Maruzen-Kabushiki-Kaisha, 1908), 132, 134 (Goayanaces, Goayanaes, Goayanans, Goayanas, Goayanses, Goyanas, Goyanazes); Robert Southey, History of Brazil, 3 vols. (London: Longman, Hurst, Rees, and Orme, 1810-1819), 1:34–35 (Goayanazes); Hans Staden, The Captivity of Hans Stade of Hesse, in A.D. 1547-1555, Among the Wild Tribes of Eastern Brazil, trans. Albert Tootal, annot. Richard F. Burton (London: The Hakluyt Society, 1874), lxii, lxvii, lxiii, lxviii n. 1, 122n1 (Guianás, Guianás, Guayanazes, Guayanazes, Guayanazes, Guayánás, Guayaná, Guayaná, Guaianás, Goayanazes, Goayanás, Goayaná, Goayaná, Goayaná, Goayaná, Goaná, Goaná, Guayanas, Goyanas, Goáinazes); Simão de Vasconcelos, Noticias curiosas, & necessarias das cousas do Brasil (Lisbon: Na Officina de Ioam da Costa, 1668), 75 (Goayanas). Leite, seemingly unaware of the Goyana people, suggested other derivations; see Leite, ‘O mais antigo mapa do Brasil,’ 2:437-38; Leite, História dos descobrimentos, 2:251. Guaianases or Guaianazes is still the name of a district of the municipality of São Paulo.
71 Leite, ‘O mais antigo mapa do Brasil,’ 2:437; Leite, História dos descobrimentos, 2:249. Also noted in Edith Porchat, Informações históricas sobre São Paulo no século de sua fundação (São Paulo: Editora Iluminuras Ltda., 1993), 86.
72 Leite, ‘O mais antigo mapa do Brasil,’ 2:437; Leite, História dos descobrimentos, 2:249.
73 Duarte Leite notes the error of 6°50' in the latitude measured on the map is so large that it resembles a mistake in position on the part of the cartographer; see Leite, ‘O mais antigo mapa do Brasil,’ 2:437; Leite, História dos descobrimentos), 2:249.
74 Also noted in Leite, História dos descobrimentos, 2:249.
75 McIntosh and Gaspar, ‘Kunstmann III,’ 165, .