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Choosing Sides

Democracy for the rescue—of dictators? The role of regime type in civil war interventions

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ABSTRACT

Intrastate conflicts, long eclipsing interstate conflicts, are often internationalized. This paper examines internationalized intrastate conflicts through the types of both the intervening and the embattled regimes. Do democracies, more or less than autocracies, support autocratic governments in their fights against rebels? This paper tests three hypotheses: (1) democracies support autocrats fighting rebels less than autocracies do. (2) Democracies support democratic governments fighting against rebels more than autocracies do. (3) The more democratic two states are, the higher the probability one would support the other’s fight against rebels. Covering all documented external support in intrastate wars (1975–2000), our findings support hypothesis one and two only partly and confirm hypothesis three. However, comparing the two major accounts of the Democratic Peace theory (DPT)—the normative and the structural—our findings corroborate only the former robustly. The paper thus helps enriching the insights of the DPT beyond interstate conflicts.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.

Notes on contributors

Ogen S. Goldman, PhD in International Relations (The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, 2010); Lecturer, Ashkelon Academic College (2008–), has main research interests in terrorism, interstate wars, intrastate wars. His recent publications include Ogen S. Goldman and Michal Neubauer-Shani, ‘Does International Tourism Affect Transnational Terrorism?’, Journal of Travel Research, Forthcoming and Mordechai Chazziza and Ogen S. Goldman, ‘What Factors Increase the Probability of Chinese Interventions in Intrastate Wars?’, Asian Journal of Political Science, Vol. 24, No. 1 (2016), pp. 1–20.

Uriel Abulof is a Senior Lecturer (US Associate Professor) of Politics at Tel Aviv University and an LISD research fellow at Princeton University. His recent books include The Mortality and Morality of Nations (Cambridge University Press, 2015) and Living on the Edge: The Existential Uncertainty of Zionism (Haifa University Press, 2015), which received Israel’s best academic book award (Bahat Prize). He is the recipient of the 2016 Young Scholar Award in Israel Studies, and studies political legitimation, existentialism, social movements, nationalism and ethnic conflicts. His articles have appeared in journals such as International Studies Quarterly, International Political Sociology, Nations and Nationalism, British Journal of Sociology, European Journal of International Relations, Ethnic and Racial Studies and International Politics.

Notes

1. Antti Sillanpää and Tommi Koivula, ‘Mapping Conflict Research: A Bibliometric Study of Contemporary Scientific Discourses’, International Studies Perspectives, Vol. 11, No. 2 (2010), pp. 148–71.

2. For a comprehensive literature review about democratic peace see: Jarrod Hayes, ‘The Democratic Peace and the New Evolution of an Old Idea (Review Article)’, European Journal of International Relations, Vol. 18, No. 4 (2012), pp. 767–91; Piki Ish-Shalom, Democratic Peace: A Political Biography (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2013); and Jameson Ungerer, ‘Assessing the Progress of the Democratic Peace Research Program’, International Studies Review, Vol. 14, No. 1 (2012), pp. 1–31. Still, attention has been given to the link between democracy and intrastate wars, for example, Havard Hegre et al., ‘Toward a Democratic Civil Peace? Democracy, Political Change, and Civil War, 1816–1992’, American Political Science Review, Vol. 95, No. 1 (2001), pp. 33–48; Matthew Krain and Edson Myers, ‘Democracy and Civil War: A Note on the Democratic Peace Proposition’, International Interactions, Vol. 23, No. 2 (1997), pp. 109–18.

3. For example, according to the UCDP, in 2014 there was but one interstate conflict compared to 26 intrastate conflicts. For comprehensive review on civil wars, see Christopher Blattman and Edward Miguel, ‘Civil War: A Review of Fifty Years of Research’, Center for Global Development, 2009; and Nicholas Sambanis, ‘A Review of Recent Advances and Future Directions in the Quantitative Literature on Civil War’, Defence and Peace Economics, Defence and Peace Economics, Vol. 13, No. 3 (2002), pp. 215–43.

4. This theoretical difference is a bit artificial because in reality, there is a strong correlation between normative and structural characters of regimes, but it is the customary typology in IR literature.

5. Christopher Layne, ‘Kant or Cant: The Myth of the Democratic Peace’, International Security, Vol. 19, No. 2 (1994), pp. 5–49; and Zeev Maoz and Bruce Russett, ‘Normative and Structural Causes of Democratic Peace, 1946–1986’, American Political Science Review, Vol. 87, No. 3 (1993), pp. 624–38.

6. For example, Bruce Russett, ‘Why Democratic Peace?’, in Michael E. Brown, Sean M. Lynn-Jones, and Steven E. Miller (eds), Debating the Democratic Peace (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1996), pp. 82–115.

7. Bruce Bueno De Mesquita et al., ‘An Institutional Explanation of the Democratic Peace’, American Political Science Review, Vol. 93, No. 4 (1999), pp. 791–807; and D. Reiter and Erik R. Tillman, ‘Public, Legislative, and Executive Constraints on the Democratic Initiation of Conflict’, Journal of Politics, Vol. 64, No. 3 (2002), pp. 810–26.

8. Sebastian Rosato, ‘The Flawed Logic of Democratic Peace Theory’, American Political Science Review, Vol. 97, No. 4 (2003), pp. 588–9.

9. Stina Högbladh, Therése Pettersson, and Lotta Themnér, ‘External Support in Armed Conflict 1975–2009-Presenting New Data’, Unpublished Manuscript, Presented at the International Studies Association Convention in Montreal, March 2011. All those supportive states had, in the relevant years, a score of 6 or above and the supported state had a score less than 6 in the Polity IV scale. Non-military material aid has often been part of the equation.

10. Nicholas Sambanis, ‘Do Ethnic and Nonethnic Civil Wars Have the Same Causes? A Theoretical and Empirical Inquiry (Part 1)’, Journal of Conflict Resolution, Vol. 45, No. 3 (2001), pp. 259–82; Håvard Hegre and Nicholas Sambanis, ‘Sensitivity Analysis of Empirical Results on Civil War Onset’, Journal of Conflict Resolution, Vol. 50, No. 4 (2006), pp. 508–35; and Kristian Skrede Gleditsch, ‘Transnational Dimensions of Civil War’, Journal of Peace Research, Vol. 44, No. 3 (2007), pp. 293–309.

11. For example, Aysegul Aydin and Patrick M. Regan, ‘Networks of Third-party Interveners and Civil War Duration’, European Journal of International Relations, Vol. 18, No. 3 (2012), pp. 573–97; Dylan Balch-Lindsay, Andrew J. Enterline, and Kyle A. Joyce, ‘Third-party Intervention and the Civil War Process’, Journal of Peace Research, Vol. 45, No. 3 (2008), pp. 345–63; Patrick M. Regan, ‘Third-party Interventions and the Duration of Intrastate Conflicts,’ Journal of Conflict Resolution, Vol. 46, No. 1 (2002), pp. 55–73; Barbara F. Walter, ‘The Critical Barrier to Civil War Settlement’, International Organization, Vol. 51, No. 3 (1997), pp. 335–64; Michael W. Doyle and Nicholas Sambanis, ‘International Peacebuilding: A Theoretical and Quantitative Analysis’, American Political Science Review, Vol. 94, No. 4 (2000), p. 779; Patrick M. Regan and Aysegul Aydin, ‘Diplomacy and Other Forms of Intervention in Civil Wars’, Journal of Conflict Resolution, Vol. 50, No. 5 (2006), pp. 736–56; Stephen M. Saideman, The Ties That Divide: Ethnic Politics, Foreign Policy, and International Conflict (New York: Columbia University Press, 2001); Kristian Skrede Gleditsch, Idean Salehyan, and Kenneth Schultz, ‘Fighting at Home, Fighting Abroad How Civil Wars Lead to International Disputes’, Journal of Conflict Resolution, Vol. 52, No. 4 (2008), pp. 479–506; and Idean Salehyan, ‘No Shelter Here: Rebel Sanctuaries and International Conflict’, The Journal of Politics, Vol. 70, No. 1 (2008), pp. 54–66.

12. Michael G. Findley and Tze Kwang Teo, ‘Rethinking Third-party Interventions into Civil Wars: An Actor-centric Approach’, Journal of Politics, Vol. 68, No. 4 (2006), pp. 828–37; Aydin and Regan, ‘Networks of Third-party Interveners and Civil War Duration’ (note 11).

13. Daniel Byman, ‘The Changing Nature of State Sponsorship of Terrorism’, Saban Center for Middle East Policy at the Brooking Institution, 16 November 2008.

14. Zeev Maoz and Belgin San-Akca, ‘Rivalry and State Support of Non-state Armed Groups (NAGs), 1946–2011’, International Studies Quarterly, Vol. 56, No. 4 (2012), pp. 720–34.

15. Belgin San-Akca, ‘Supporting Non-state Armed Groups: A Resort to Illegality?’, Journal of Strategic Studies, Vol. 32, No. 4 (2009), pp. 589–613.

16. Stephen Saideman, ‘Discrimination in International Relations: Analyzing External Support for Ethnic Groups’, Journal of Peace Research, Vol. 39, No. 1 (2002), pp. 27–50.

17. Jun Koga, ‘Where Do Third Parties Intervene? Third Parties’ Domestic Institutions and Military Interventions in Civil Conflicts1’, International Studies Quarterly, Vol. 55, No. 4 (2011), pp. 1143–66.

18. David Cunningham, ‘Blocking Resolution: How External States Can Prolong Civil Wars’, Journal of Peace Research, Vol. 47, No. 2 (2010), pp. 115–27.

19. Bruce Bueno De Mesquita and George W. Downs, ‘Intervention and Democracy’, International Organization, Vol. 60, No. 3 (2006), p. 631.

20. Maoz and San-Akca, ‘Rivalry and State Support of Non-state Armed Groups’ (note 14).

21. Saideman, ‘Discrimination in International Relations’ (note 16).

22. Maoz and San-Akca, ‘Rivalry and State Support of Non-state Armed Groups’ (note 14).

23. Findley and Teo, ‘Rethinking Third-party Interventions into Civil Wars’ (note 12).

24. Jacob D. Kathman, ‘Civil War Contagion and Neighboring Interventions’, International Studies Quarterly, Vol. 54 No. 4 (2010), pp. 989–1012.

25. Saideman, ‘Discrimination in International Relations’ (note 16).

26. San-Akca, ‘Supporting Non-state Armed Groups’ (note 15).

27. Findley and Teo, ‘Rethinking Third-party Interventions into Civil Wars’ (note 12); Kathman, ‘Civil War Contagion and Neighboring Interventions’ (note 24), who explicitly focused on both the support for the rebels and for the government.

28. Jeffrey Pickering and Emizet F. Kisangani, ‘Democracy and Diversionary Military Intervention: Reassessing Regime Type and the Diversionary Hypothesis’, International Studies Quarterly, Vol. 49, No. 1 (2005), pp. 23–43.

29. Charles W. Kegley Jr. and Margaret G. Hermann, ‘Putting Military Intervention into the Democratic Peace’, Comparative Political Studies, Vol. 30, No. 1 (1997), pp. 78–107.

30. Dan Reiter and Allan C. Stam, Democracies at War (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2002), p. 91.

31. Maoz and Russett, ‘Normative and Structural Causes of Democratic Peace’ (note 5).

32. Josef Joffe, ‘Tocqueville Revisited: Are Good Democracies Bad Players in the Game of Nations?’, in Brad Roberts (ed.), The New Democracies: Global Change and U.S. Policy (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1990), p. 125.

33. For example, Maoz and Russett, ‘Normative and Structural Causes of Democratic Peace’ (note 5); Layne, ‘Kant or Cant’ (note 5); Russett, ‘Why Democratic Peace?’ (note 6); David Rousseau, Christopher Gelpi, and Paul K. Huth, ‘Assessing the Dyadic Nature of the Democratic Peace, 1918–88’, The American Political Science Review, Vol. 90, No. 3 (1996), pp. 512–33.

34. William Dixon, ‘Democracy and the Peaceful Settlement of International Conflict’, American Political Science Review, Vol. 88, No. 1 (1994), pp. 14–32; Maoz and Russett, ‘Normative and Structural Causes of Democratic Peace’ (note 5); and Michael Tomz and Jessica L. Weeks, ‘Public Opinion and the Democratic Peace’, American Political Science Review, Vol. 107, No. 4 (2013), pp. 1–17.

35. For example, Paul K. Huth and Todd L. Allee, The Democratic Peace and Territorial Conflict in the Twentieth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002) and John M. Owen, Liberal Peace, Liberal War: American Politics and International Security (New York: Cornell University Press, 2000).

36. Rousseau et al., ‘Assessing the Dyadic Nature of the Democratic Peace’ (note 33).

37. Bear Braumoeller, ‘Deadly Doves: Liberal Nationalism and the Democratic Peace in the Soviet Successor States’, International Studies Quarterly, Vol. 41, No. 3 (2002), pp. 375–402.

38. Vesna Danilovic and Joe Clare, ‘The Kantian Liberal Peace (Revisited)’, American Journal of Political Science, Vol. 51, No. 2 (2007), pp. 397–414.

39. William J. Dixon and Paul D. Senese, ‘Democracy, Disputes, and Negotiated Settlements’, The Journal of Conflict Resolution, Vol. 46, No. 4 (2002), pp. 547–71.

40. Michael Doyle, ‘Kant, Liberal Legacies, and Foreign Affairs’, in Michael E. Brown, Sean M. Lynn-Jones, and Steven E. Miller (eds), Debating the Democratic Peace (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1997), p. 10.

41. Dixon, ‘Democracy and the Peaceful Settlement of International Conflict’ (note 34).

42. Michael Mousseau, ‘Democracy and Militarized Interstate Collaboration’, Journal of Peace Research, Vol. 34, No. 1 (1997), p. 75.

43. For that claim about conventional war, see Carol R. Ember, Melvin Ember, and Bruce Russett, ‘Peace Between Participatory Polities: A Cross-cultural Test of the “Democracies Rarely Fight Each Other” Hypothesis’, World Politics, Vol. 44, No. 4 (1992), pp. 573–99.

44. Rosato, ‘The Flawed Logic of Democratic Peace Theory’ (note 8), p. 586.

45. Ember et al., ‘Peace Between Participatory Polities’ (note 43), p. 576.

46. For example, Uriel Abulof and Ogen S. Goldman, ‘The Domestic Democratic Peace in the Middle East’, International Journal of Conflict and Violence, Vol. 9, No. 1 (2015), pp. 1–15.

47. Maoz and Russett, ‘Normative and Structural Causes of Democratic Peace’ (note 5).

48. Rousseau et al., ‘Assessing the Dyadic Nature of the Democratic Peace’ (note 33).

49. Ibid.

50. Clifton Morgan and Sally Howard Campbell, ‘Domestic Structure, Decisional Constraints, and War’, Journal of Conflict Resolution, Vol. 35, No. 2 (1991), pp. 187–211.

51. Bruce Bueno de Mesquita et al., The Logic of Political Survival (Cambridge: MIT Press, 2005).

52. Douglas A. Van Belle, ‘Press Freedom and the Democratic Peace’, Journal of Peace Research, Vol. 34, No. 4 (1997), pp. 405–14.

53. James D. Fearon, ‘Domestic Political Audiences and the Escalation of International Disputes’, The American Political Science Review, Vol. 88, No. 3 (1994), pp. 577–92; and Kenneth Schultz, ‘Domestic Opposition and Signaling in International Crises’, American Political Science Review, Vol. 92, No. 4 (1998), pp. 829–44.

54. Maoz and Russett, ‘Normative and Structural Causes of Democratic Peace’ (note 5).

55. Zeev Maoz and Nasrin Abdolali, ‘Regime Types and International Conflict, 1816–1976’, Journal of Conflict Resolution, Vol. 33, No. 1 (1989), pp. 3–35; and Nehemia Geva, Karl R. DeRouen, and Alex Mintz, ‘The Political Incentive Explanation of “Democratic Peace”: Evidence from Experimental Research’, International Interactions, Vol. 18, No. 3 (1993), pp. 215–29.

56. Tomz and Weeks, ‘Public Opinion and the Democratic Peace’ (note 34).

57. Högbladh et al., ‘External Support in Armed Conflict’ (note 9).

58. Stuart A. Bremer, ‘Dangerous Dyads’, Journal of Conflict Resolution, Vol. 36, No. 2 (1992), pp. 309–41.

59. Maoz and Russett, ‘Normative and Structural Causes of Democratic Peace’ (note 5).

60. Monty G. Marshall, Keith Jaggers and Ted Robert Gurr, ‘Political Regime Characteristics and Transitions, 1800–2010 Polity IV Project’, Center for Systemic Peace, 2011.

61. Freedom House, ‘Freedom House, Freedom in the World—Country Ratings’, 2012, http://www.freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world-2012/methodology (accessed 22 September 2014).

62. John R. Oneal and Bruce M. Russet, ‘The Classical Liberals Were Right: Democracy, Interdependence, and Conflict, 1950–1985’, International Studies Quarterly, Vol. 41, No. 2 (1997), pp. 267–94.

63. Bremer, ‘Dangerous Dyads’ (note 58).

64. Douglas M. Gibler and Meredith Reid Sarkees, ‘Measuring Alliances: The Correlates of War Formal Interstate Alliance Dataset, 1816–2000’, Journal of Peace Research, Vol. 41, No. 2 (2004), pp. 211–22.

65. Hegre and Sambanis, ‘Sensitivity Analysis of Empirical Results on Civil War Onset’ (note 10) and Gleditsch, ‘Transnational Dimensions of Civil War’ (note 10).

66. Douglas M. Stinnett et al., ‘The Correlates of War Project Direct Contiguity Data, Version 3’, Conflict Management and Peace Science, Vol. 19, No. 2 (2002), pp. 58–66.

67. David Singer, Stuart Bremer, and John Stuckey, ‘Capability Distribution, Uncertainty, and Major Power War, 1820–1965’, in Bruce Russet (ed.), Peace, War, and Numbers (Beverly Hills, CA: SAGE, 1972), pp. 19–48; and J. David Singer, ‘Reconstructing the Correlates of War Dataset on Material Capabilities of States, 1816–1985’, International Interactions, Vol. 14, No. 2 (1988), pp. 115–32.

68. James P. Klein, Gary Goertz, and Paul F. Diehl, ‘The New Rivalry Dataset: Procedures and Patterns’, Journal of Peace Research, Vol. 43, No. 3 (2006), pp. 331–48.

69. Oneal and Russet, ‘The Classical Liberals Were Right’ (note 62).

70. Katherine Barbieri and Omar Keshk, ‘Correlates of War Project Trade Data Set Version 3.0’, 2012.

71. Correlates of War 2 Project, ‘Colonial/Dependency Contiguity Data, 1816–2002, Version 3.0’, n.d., http://correlatesofwar.org (accessed 1 September 2014).

72. Global Terrorism Database [Data File]-Terrorist Organization Profiles, ‘National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism (START)’, 2015, http://www.start.umd.edu/gtd (accessed 20 February 2016); Belgin San-Akca, ‘Dangerous Companions Project’, http://nonstatearmedgroups.ku.edu.tr/index.php (accessed 20 February 2016); and Terrorism Research and Analysis, ‘TRAC’, n.d., http://www.trackingterrorism.org/about (accessed 20 February 2016).

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