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Abstract
Based on the personal papers of Jacques Delors, this article discusses the origins and significance of Delors’s ambition to provide a renewed and updated form of socially embedded capitalism, within the framework of the Atlantic Community in the 1980s. Engaging in a political and intellectual battle against ‘Reaganism’, the President of the European Commission tried to draw the boundaries of Europe’s alleged distinctiveness, turning this imagined Europe into a project for the future. The article reveals how the ‘Social nature’ of Europe, ubiquitously and conveniently opposed to the neoliberal character of US capitalism, has been the pillar of a long popular exceptionalist narrative that became hegemonic, in the EU and progressively worldwide, in the ‘age of Delors’.
Acknowledgements
I would like to thank Michele Di Donato, Piers Ludlow, Mary Nolan, Daniel Rodgers, Federico Romero, Laurent Warlouzet, Jakob Vogel, as well as the anonymous referees, for their invaluable suggestions. Many thanks also to Günter Burghardt, Gilles Grin, Pascal Lamy and Bernadette Ségol for their insight. This research was generously funded by Notre Europe - Institut Jacques Delors (Paris) that offered impeccable support throughout my fellowship, hosted by the Centre d’Histoire de Sciences Po (Paris).
Notes on contributor
Alessandra Bitumi holds a Ph.D. in modern European History from the University of Pavia (Italy). Former Fulbrighter at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in Washington DC, visiting scholar at the Center for European and Mediterranean Studies of NYU and post-doctoral fellow the Université Sorbonne Nouvelle, Paris 3, she is now Teaching Fellow in Twentieth Century European History at the University of Edinburgh.
Notes
† The title draws inspiration from Tony Judt’s description of the European Commission under Jacques Delors in T. Judt, Postwar. A History of Europe since 1945 (London: Penguin Press, 2005), 794. The expression ‘Age of Reagan’ is S. Wilentz’s, The Age of Reagan, 1974-2008 (New York: Harper, 2008).
1. Duccio Basosi addresses this question in his original analysis of Western Europe’s reactions to international Reaganomics: ‘The European Community and International Reaganomics, 1981–1985’, in European Integration and the Atlantic Community in the 1980s, ed. K. Patel and K. Weisbrode (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2013). By focusing on the political economy of US–European relations in the 1980s, he argues that ‘not only did criticism from Western Europe vary in intensity throughout the years in question, but (…) there never emerged a truly cohesive Western European position (towards Reaganomics)’, 135. An interpretation that collides with Mary Nolan’s, The Transatlantic Century. Europe and America, 1890–2010 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012).
2. In writing this paper, I have extensively relied upon the Personal Papers of Jacques Delors, recently made available by the Institut Delors. While not disclosing unexpected elements, they help to disentangle some historiographical knots by stimulating the adoption of original perspectives. All three categories of the funds are indeed relevant to this analysis. Delors’s extraordinarily rich collection of speeches and interventions, the interviews he conducted with the Media, his preparatory notes and reports enable to reconstruct his understanding, and representing, of Europe’s economic and social order. I am indebted to N. Piers Ludlow for sharing with me his insight and knowledge of EC Presidential Archives, included Delors’s.
3. On transatlantic relations, their contradictory evolution in the 1980s, see Patel and Weisbrode, European Integration and the Atlantic Community. For this section, particularly relevant are the chapters by D. Basosi and P.N. Ludlow, ‘The Unnoticed Apogee of Atlanticism? US-Western European Relations in the Early Reagan Era’; A. Varsori, ‘The Reasons for Change: Europe in the Second Cold War’, 226–40; and M. Gilbert, ‘A Shift in Mood: The 1992 Initiative and Changing US Perceptions of the European Community, 1988-1989’, 243–64.
4. ‘nous sommes ici engagés dans un débat d'une grande acuité avec l'Administration américaine. Ce que l'on appelle le “Reaganisme” ne vise pas seulement le fonctionnement de l'économie interne, mais aussi toute l'action internationale des Etats’, as reported by the Herald Tribune (1 March 1985) and the Wall Street Journal (1 March 1985), in Jacques Delors Archives (hereinafter JD), 1st Commission (hereinafter I), 42, I-85, ‘Fil Rouge’, 5. Interestingly, commentators of La Lettre europénne would welcome his Program for the Commission as the product of someone who would finally resist the temptation of Reaganomics, 6.
5. D. Rossinow, The Reagan Era. A History of the 1980s (New York: Columbia University Press, 2015); S. Wilentz, The Age of Reagan.
6. And Delors added a handwritten footnote: ‘ils soulignent le caractère ‘keynésien d’un volet de leur politique: la stimulation de la demande par les programmes militaires et un fort déficit budgétaire, financé en bonne parti par l’épargne des autres pays’, JD-25, I-85, 56.
7. D. Rodgers, Age of Fracture (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2003), 39.
8. On Margaret Thatcher, particularly on the cultural, political and social impact of her economic policy and thinking, see L. Hadley and E. Ho, Thatcher & After. Margaret Thatcher and Her Afterlike in Contemporary Culture (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010); T. Judt, Postwar; Ill Fares the Land (London: Penguin Press, 2010); D. Kavanah, Thatcherism and British Politics (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997); R. Vinen, Thatcher’s Britain: The Politics and Social Upheaval of the Thatcher Era (London: Simon & Schuster, 2009); C. Wolmar, Broken Rails: How Privatization Wrecked Britain’s Railways (London: Aurum Press, 2011).
9. T. Judt, Postwar, 545. On Margaret Thatcher’s transformation, see D. Rodgers, Age of Fracture. The author defines the market as the hegemonic metaphor of the time.
10. Which is what Thatcher told conservative MPs, quoted in N.P. Ludlow, ‘Jacques Delors (1985–1995): Navigating the European Stream at Full Flow’ in J. van der Harst and G. Voerman, eds., An Impossible Job? The Presidents of the European Commission, 1958-2014 (London: John Harper, 2015), 6.
11. In 1984, Jérôme Vignon – Delors’s economic advisor – published his analysis of delorisme in Les Cahiers Français by raising a concern: that the entire governmental experience of Pierre Mauroy would be reduced to a sentence qualifying it as an initial failure, overcome only by the resort to austerity measures forcefully endorsed by his Minister of Finance, Delors. See J. Vignon, ‘Le Delorisme en économie': note (dactyl.)’ in Les Cahiers français, December 1984, JD-9, Designation à la Présidence de la Commission CE(DP), DP-84, Interventions de Jacques Delors sur les affaires économiques, 2–23. For an impressionistic overview of his multifarious image, and its evolution overtimes, consider the comprehensive press reviews in his Personal Papers. In particular: JD-14, DP-84, Portrait de Jacques Delors dans la presse; JD-88, I-88, Presse sur Jacques Delors (the delegates of the British Trade Union Congress received Jacques Delors with a standing ovation and with a chorus of ‘Frère Jacques’ when he delivered his famous speech in Bournemouth, in October 1988); JD-176, II-90, Article sur Jacques Delors.
12. To understand Delors’s composite nature and thinking, his memoirs, speeches and interventions are particularly valuable. Beyond his most important publications, see Mémoires (Paris: Plon, 2004); L’Unité d’un home (Paris: Odile Jacob, 1994); Combats pour l’Europe (Paris: Economica, 1996); Investir dans le social (Paris: Odile Jacob, 2009); J. Delors and P. Alexandre, En sortir ou pas (Paris: Grasset, 1985). On Delors, see C. Grant, Delors: Inside the House That Jacques Built (London: N. Brealey, 1994); C. Amar, Delors, l’homme qui ne voulait pas être roi (Paris: Grasset, 2016). On Delors’s debt to personalism and Emmanuel Mounier, among many others, see J. Barroche, ‘La subsidiarité chez Jacques Delors. Du Socialisme chrétien au fédéralism européen’, L’Harmattan 3 (2007): 153–77; S. Baz-Hatem and N. Chambon, Jacques Delors, hier et aujourd’hui (Paris: Desclée de Brouwer, 2014). On this, his reflections collected in his personal archive are highly valuable; see, for instance, JD-24, I-85, ‘Message (dactyl.) de Jacques Delors sur Emmanuel Mounier (31 March 1985)’, 98–100; ‘Lettre de Jacques Delors à l’Association des Amis d’Emmanuel Mounier accompagnant son message (1 April 1985)’ and ‘lettres de l’Association sollicitant un témoignage de Jacques Delors (10 December 1984–21 March 1985)’, 102–4; JD-201, II-90, Commémoration du philosophe chrétien Emmanuel Mounier, 1–89; JD-900, II-89, Collège de l’Europe (Bruges), ‘Discours d’ouverture de la Quarantième année academique du College d’Europe’, 3–42. His trade unionism is well detectable in the entire Fund. Of particular interest is Delors’s intense dialogue with Emilio Gabaglio, Secretary General of the European Trade Union Confederation.
13. J. Delors: ‘le projet européen offre à la social-démocratie l’opportunité d’un dépassement en donnant prise à son ouverture international: en lui facilitant l’accomplissement de ses ‘tâches historiques’ en l’ouvrant aux attentes nouvelles de nos sociétés’, JD-957, II-90, Article de Jacques Delors in Argumentaire, ‘Une nouvelle frontier pour la social-démocratie’, January 1990. For a historical reflection on the transformation of social-democratic parties and thought, see, among others, J. Callaghan, The Retreat of Social Democracy (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2000); S. Cruciani, ed., Il socialismo europeo e il processo di integrazione (Milano: Franco Angeli, 2017); M. Lazar, ed., La gauche en Europe depuis 1945. Invariants et mutations du socialisme européenne (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1996).
14. Andrew Moravcsik, in his assessment of the Single European Act, goes as far as to argue that: ‘Delors' actions as Finance Minister of France may have contributed more to the SEA than those as president of the Commission’, in A. Moravcsik, ‘Negotiating the Single European Act: National Interests and Conventional Statecraft in the European Community’, International Organization 45, no. 1 (January 1991): 28. On Delors’s engagement with German Ordo-liberalism, see K. Dyson and I. Maes, eds., Architects of the Euro. Intellectuals in the Making of the European Monetary Union (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2016).
15. Delors quoted in N. Chambon and S. Baz-Hatem, Jacques Delors hier et aujourd’hui, 46.
16. JD-9, DP-84, ‘Epreuve d’un article sur Jacques Delors’s’ in La Vie (n.p.) (December 1984), 6.
17. JD-12, DP-84, Jacques Delors, ‘Européens’ in Cadres CFDT (December 1984), 16.
18. On the European identity, see R. Girault and G. Bossuat, eds., Les Europe des Européens (Paris: Éditions de la Sorbonne, 1993); G. Delanty, Inventing Europe, Idea, Identity, Reality (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 1995); Bo Stráth, ed., Europe and the Other and Europe as the Other (Bruxelles: Peter Lang, 2000). On the US role of alterity, A. Gfeller, Building a European Identity (New York: Berghahan Books, 2012); M. Gainar, Aux Origines de la Diplomatie Européenne. Les Neuf et la Coopération politique européenne de 1973 à 1980 (Bruxelles: Peter Lang, 2012).
19. M. Mazower, ‘What Remains: On the European Union. How the Twentieth Century’s Confidence in Social Solidarity, Human Dignity and a Better Future Died A Slow, Quiet Death’, The Nation, September 24, 2012. https://www.thenation.com/article/what-remains-european-union/ (accessed December 11, 2017).
20. Delors:
Cela ne peut être réalisé que si ce grand marché est doté de ce que j'appelle une conscience morale, une conscience politique et c'est là la grande chance du modèle européen. Ce modèle dont on a dit tant de mal ces dernières années, mais qui avait su concilier les vertus du marché, l'intervention des autorités publiques et le dialogue entre les partenaires sociaux donnant ainsi sa spécificité à l'Europe. Cette spécificité, on ne la retrouve ni dans les raisons du succès japonais, ni dans le modèle américain avec ses heurs et ses malheurs. Elle est inscrite au fond de l'identité européenne et conditionne en profondeur. La progression qui par la libération des échanges, la coopération technologique, le dialogue social et la coopération monétaire devra nous conduire à un espace économique commun. (JD-56, I-87, Activités de Jacques Delors, press, Discours in ‘Journal de l’UCL’ (February 1987), 128)
21. Delors often used the metaphor. See, for instance, JD-2, II-85, ‘Les orientations de la Commission de Communautés européens’, 5; also Intervention au 'Grand Jury' de RTL – ‘Le Monde’ (03/02), 59, the same metaphor is used to reinforce his opposition to any form of social dumping.
22. The epithet of ‘social engineer’ is Delors’s. He would frequently qualify his institutional and political role as such: ‘Je me définis, si le mot n’est pas prétentieux, comme un ingénieur social. J’essaie toujours de voir où et comment on peut faire avancer les choses. (…) J’ai été choisi pour cette tache pragmatique’, JD-25, I-85, A. Guatelli, ‘Interview by the Corriere della Sera’, 44. Commentators have popularised the definition. See, for instance, the article published by Esprit a month before Delors’s investiture, JD-10, DP-84, ‘Propos d’un ingénieur social’, December 1984.
23. J. Delors: ‘Europe is once again on the move. It’s no exaggeration to say that a quiet revolution is taking place. Do not be mislead by the date 1992; the revolution has already started, and it is gathering its own momentum’, JD-077, II-92, Activité de Jacques Delors, Presse, ‘Conférence sur le Marché unique au Bureau d’information CE’, 18, 4, 24–33.
24. JD-0201, II-90, Commémoration du philosophe chétien Emmanuel Mounier.
25. An interesting perspective on this is offered by B. Curli, ‘“Il vincolo europeo”: le privatizzazioni dell’IRI tra Commissione europea e governo italiano’ in R. Artoni (9th edn), Storia dell’IRI, 4, Crisi e privatizzazione (Roma-Bari: Laternza, 2015), 186–260.
26. Delors often recurs to his favorite metaphorical expression: ‘ne jetons pas l’enfant avec l’eau du bain’, see, for instance, JD-12, DP-84, Interventions de Jacques Delors relatives au syndicat CFDT, 'Européens' par Jacques Delors, in ‘Cadres CFDT’ (December 1984), page 16:
(…) dernière question posée par l'innovation, après le comment produire et le mode de vie, c'est les relations entre l'individu et la société. Il y a dans les thèmes de la dérégulation, dans les thèmes de l'anti-Etat, il y a, si l'on n'y prend pas garde, si l'on cède aux effets de mode, il y a la démarche qui conduit à une conception très dangereuse des rapports ou de la place respective de l'individu et de la société. C'est tourner le dos à tout ce qui a été l'éthique du syndicalisme et de la pensée social-démocrate pendant des années, qui consistait à dire : l'individu a des droits et des devoirs, mais la société en a aussi. Et la civilisation européenne est la seule qui, par ses fondements, garantisse un fond commun, philosophique, qui attache beaucoup d'importance à l'équilibre tensionnel, dialectique, entre l'individu et la société ; alors qu'aux Etats-Unis, on penche plutôt vers l'exaltation de l'individu, alors qu'au Japon, malgré une vie familiale qui reste très protectrice, c'est la pesée de la société qui apparaît frappante. Donc, ne jetons pas l'enfant avec l'eau du bain, et voyons bien ce qu'il y a derrière les mots à la mode.
27. JD-32, I-85, Allocutions de Jacques Delors, presse; Delors’s contribution to the Forum, Expo de Liasons Sociales, 3 and 57–75. See also JD-55, I-87, ‘Le Mal français: entretien avec Jacques Delors’ in Autrement (January 1987), 8–27. It is also the view shared by other participants to the Expo de Liasons Sociales, in particular M. Sergio Sarzeni, direction générale des affaires sociales, de la main-d’oeuvre et de l’éducation à l’OECE, 5. The President’s stance was also reported by A.F.P. Washington, on 22 April 1985, JD-42, I-85, 96.
28. He stresses this concept anytime he is called to reflect upon the European economic model. See, for instance, Delors’s intervention at the Congress of the Left: ‘Message de Jacques Delors aux Congressistes de la Gauche Européenne’, Strasbourg, 15–16 February 1985, JD-26, I-85, Gauche européenne, presse variée, 3.
29. JD-0222, II-91, Portrait de Jacques Delors dans la presse, ‘Jacques Delors on America, Europe and himself’ in The Wall Street Journal, 8 March 1991, 3. The significance of the rural society for France, Europe and the European Community has been the subject of remarkable studies. See, for instance, A.-C. Knudsen, Farmers on Welfare. The Making of Europe’s Common Agricultural Policy (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2009); K. Patel, ed., Fertile Ground for Europe? The History of European Integration and the Common Agricultural Policy since 1945 (Baden-Baden: Nomos, 2009). On the ‘myth of the cultural centrality’ of agriculture and its influence on CAP, see T. Judt, A Grand Illusion?: An Essay on Europe (New York: New York University Press, 2011), 18–24.
30. See JD-38, I-85, ‘Grand débat entre Simone Veil et Jacques Delors’.
31. A short by valuable account of the negotiation process that led to the signing and ratification of the Single European Act is offered by M. Gilbert, European Integration. A Concise History (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2012), 117–41. On the negotiation, see A. Moravcsik, ‘Negotiating the Single European Act: National Interests and Conventional Statecraft in the European Community’.
32. On the effectiveness of his skilled and loyal cabinet (particularly of his chief, Pascal Lamy), see G. Ross, ‘Inside the Delors Cabinet’, Journal of Common Market Studies 32, no. 4 (1994): 521. See also N.P. Ludlow, ‘Jacques Delors (1985–1995): Navigating the European Stream at Full Flow’.
33. Innovated, not invented. The creation of Social Europe is founded on number of provisions of the Treaty of Rome, various legislative measures and the case-law of the Court of Justice of the European Communities. For an instructive synthesis, see S. Schirmann and P. Tilly, ‘Free Movement of Workers, Social Rights and Social Affairs’, in The European Commission 1973–1986. History and Memory of an Institution, ed. É. Bussière et al. (Bruxelles: European Union, 2014), 351–68. For a detailed analysis of the evolution of the EC/EU social policy, see also J. Degimbe, La politique sociale européenne. Du traité de Rome au traité de Amsterdam (Bruxelles: Institut Syndical Européen, 1999).
34. On this feature, and its evolution, see J.E. Dølvi, Redrawing Boundaries of Solidarity? ETUC, Social Dialogue and the Europeanisation of Trade Unions in the 1990s (Oslo: Arena, 1997).
35. The Dutch Foreign Minister, Hans van den Broek, defined the SEA as the best compromise between the ‘possible and the desirable’, quoted in Gilbert, European Integration, 138.
36. In his pursuit of regulated capitalism, Delors moved with gradualism. His strategy was to design a series of package deals to implement minor but decisive improvements, always having in mind the next round for the proposition and adoption of further measures. A strategy clearly explained by G. Ross in his Jacques Delors and European Integration (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995). See also the more recent G. Ross and J. Jenson, ‘Reconsidering Jacques Delors’ leadership of the European Union’, Journal of European Integration 39, no. 2 (2017): 113–27.
37. The main beneficiaries – Spain, Greece, Portugal and Ireland – initially received the equivalent of 2–4% of their GDP. The second Delors package (1992) increased cohesion funding to €114 billion for the period 1994–1999. Delors said ‘Pour ces politiques de solidarité, la Communauté a decider, pour vous donner un ordre de grandeur, de dégager en 5 ans plus d’argent qu’en avait fait le Plan Marshall après la guerre’, in ‘Le défi moral européen’, JD-407, II-91, 27. On the EC cohesion policy, see F. Barry, ‘Economic Policy, Income Convergence and Structural Change in the EU Periphery’, in Europe and Globalisation, ed. H. Kierzkowski (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002). Also A. Cappelen, J. Castellacci, and B. Fagerberg, ‘The Impact of EU Regional Support on Growth and Convergence in the European Union’, Journal of Common Market Studies 41 (2003): 621–44. On Portugal, see S. Royo, ‘From Authoritarianism to the European Union: The Europeanization of Portugal’, Mediterranean Quarterly 15, no. 3 (2004). On the case of Ireland, see F. Barry, ed., Understanding Ireland’s Economic Growth (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 1999); A. Matthews, Managing the Structural Funds in Ireland (Cork: Cork University Press, 1994). For an overview of the East: D. Ost, The Defeat of Solidarity: Anger and Politics in Post-communist Europe (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2005).
38. For a critical analysis of the evolution of the cohesion policy, see M. Jouen, ‘The Single Market and the Cohesion Policy Dyad: Battered by the Crisis and Globalization’, Policy Paper, 108, April 28, 2014, Notre Europe; F. Vandenbroucke and D. Rinaldi, ‘Social Inequalities in Europe: The Challenge of Convergence and Cohesion’, Policy Paper, 147, Notre Europe. See also S. Lolos, ‘Success and Failure of Economic Policies: The Experience of Greece and Portugal’, Comparative Economic Studies 40, no. 1 (1998): 72–102; L. Hooghe, Cohesion Policy and European Integration: Building Multi-Level Governance (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996).
39. On this, M. Thatcher, Downing Street Years (London: Harper Collins, 1993). On the significance of the EC Charter, consider L. Magnusson and B. Stråth, eds., A European Social Citizenship? Preconditions for Future Policies from a Historical Perspective (Brussels: Peter Lang, 2004).
40. The Sunday Telegraph, 25 September 1988, JD-74, I-88, Activité de Jacques Delors, presse, 90.
41. The Wall Street Journal, 26 September 1988, JD-74, I-88, 110.
42. For an examination of Delors’s first trip to the US, see JD-24, I-84, 3–28.
43. The Wall Street Journal, ‘Delors parmi les sauvages’ (French version), 23.4.1985, JD-24, 97.
44. The Wall Street Journal, ‘Lettres à la redaction’ (French version), 25.4.1985, JD-24, 97.
45. In the years in question, opposition to Mrs Thatcher reached its apogee not just among the general public but also crucially among her fellow Conservative MPS. It would be the latter who engineered her fall in November 1990.
46. Reported by journalist David Buchan, see JD-74, I-88, 785.
47. Overlooked by historiography, the Council resulted in a high mark for European integration not only in the monetary sphere for the impetus towards the adoption of a single currency but also because it crystallised a convergence on social policy. A reappraisal of the Council (mainly for its impact on monetary unification) is put forward by Mark Gilbert in his original contribution ‘A Shift in Mood: The 1992 Initiative and Changing US Perceptions of the European Community, 1988-1989’.
48. JD-201, II-90, Commémoration du philosophe chétien Emmanuel Mounier, 10.
49. In his interesting contribution ‘A Shift in Mood’. Mark Gilbert has mapped how US perceptions of the European Community changed, between 1988 and 1989. His quantitative and qualitative analysis shows how the 1992 Initiative contributed to such positive, remarkable shift.
50. Anti-Europeanism became increasingly widespread among conservative think-tanks, public intellectuals and pundits. Hostile and disenchanted attitudes towards Europe and the process of European integration can be easily detected, for example, in a perusal of the speeches of some key figures such as Patrick Joseph Buchanan, Jean Kirkpatrick, William Kristol, Walter Laqueur, Norman Podhoretz and Richard Perle.
51. L. Thurow, Head to Head. The Coming Economic Battle among Japan, Europe and America (New York: Warner Books, 1993). On the subject, see also P. Kennedy, The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers: Economic Change and Military Conflict from 1500 to 2000 (New York: Random House, 1987).
52. Thurow, Head to Head, 251–3.
53. JD-1733, II-92, La Maison Europe. Superpuissance du XXIe siècle, August 1992.
54. See J.E. Dølvik and A. Martin, European Social Models from Crisis to Crisis: Employment and Inequality in the Era of Monetary Integration (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014).
55. In his controversial analysis, John Gillingham is blunt:
In the futile attempt to realize his vaulting ambitions, he would be a catalyst to changes that (on the one hand) were more enduring and beneficial than anything he personally planned or directed but that (on the other) subverted the values he held and the policies he espoused. The Europe he bequeathed his successors was both economically more liberal and politically weaker than the one he tried to build. (European Integration, 1950-2003. Superstate or New Market Economy (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2013), 157).
56. JD-1623, III-94, Intervention au Parlement européen, 14 December 1994.
57. In the famous definition of Madeleine Albright, US Secretary of State (1997–2001):
It is the threat of the use of force (against Iraq) and our line-up there that is going to put force behind diplomacy. But if we have to use force, it is because we are America; we are the indispensable nation. We stand tall and we see further than any countries into the future, and wee see the danger here to all of us. (NBC, Today Show (10 February 1998)).
58. F. Romero, ‘The Twilight of American Hegemony. A Historical Perspective on Western Europe’s Distancing from America’, in What They Think of Us. International Perceptions of the United States since 9/11, ed. D. Farber (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2007), 1.
59. T. Blair and G. Schrôder, Europe: The Third Way/die Neue Mitte (London: Labour Party, 1999). For a reflection on the transformation of the European Socialist Party, from euro Keynesianism to the Third Way, see P. Borioni, ‘Il Socialismo Europeo dalla Commissione Delors alla crisi politica dell’Unione’, in S. Cruciani (ed.), Il socialismo europeo e il processo di integrazione, 173–92.
60. For a brilliant analysis of the complex relationship between globalization and European integration, see L. Warlouzet, Governing Europe in a Globalizing World. Neoliberalism and its Alternatives Following the 1973 Oil Crisis (London: Routledge, 2018). On the European Monetary System, E. Mourlon-Druol, E., A Europe Made of Money: The Emergence of the European Monetary System (Ithaca: Cornell studies in money. Cornell University Press, 2012).
61. Data updated on September 2016. For a detailed explanation of Eurostatics, see http://ec.europa.eu/eurostat/statistics-explained/index.php/Unemployment_statistics.
62. P. Baldwin, The Narcissism of Minor Differences: How America and Europe Are Alike: An Essay in Numbers (New York: Oxford University Press, 2009).
63. His lecture on ‘What Is Living and What Is Dead in Social Democracy’ was subsequently expanded and published as Judt, Ill Fares the Land. For the lecture, see http://www.nybooks.com/articles/2009/12/17/what-is-living-and-what-is-dead-in-social-democracy/ (accessed 11 December 2017).
64. The Divided West is the title of the popular book by Jürgen Habermas who, reflecting on the repercussions of the war in Iraq, saw the widening of a deep fissure in the western world, no longer united in a transatlantic community of values and norms.
65. JD-201, II-90, 10.