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Research Article

Redefining NATO’s Indo-Pacific partnerships: cooperative security meets collective defence and deterrence

 

ABSTRACT

When the 2010 Strategic Concept first established NATO’s partnerships as essential in the core task of cooperative security, global partnerships were primarily intended to support non-Article 5 contingencies. However, given the structural changes in the international system, NATO’s partnerships outside the Euro-Atlantic area are adapting to respond to the new security challenges. This article examines the evolution of NATO’s partnerships in the Indo-Pacific and offers insights into future developments. There is a clear alignment between the Alliance and the Indo-Pacific Four (IP4) in the way they diagnose the interconnectedness of security developments of their respective regions. Both sides increasingly see these partnerships as significant for their own defence and deterrence, rather than as instruments in pooling resources in the provision of security for third parties.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Notes

1. NATO, Strategic Concept, 2022, https://www.nato.int/strategic-concept/

2. There is a vibrant debate among international relations scholars about the extent to which we are seeing a major change in the international system that resembles a transition to multipolarity. For some of the most prominent voices of dissent, see for instance, Stephen G. Brooks and William C. Wohlforth, “The Myth of Multipolarity: American Power’s Staying Power.” Foreign Affairs 102 (2023); Jo Inge Bekkevold, “No, the World Is Not Multipolar,” Foreign Policy September 22, 2023. Voices in favor of the view of growing multipolarity extend to literature as far back as early 2000s and include Charles A. Kupchan, “After Pax Americana: Benign power, regional integration and the sources of a stable multipolarity.” in The New World Order: Contrasting Theories. (London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2000). 134–166, Adrian Hyde-Price, European security in the twenty-first century: the challenge of multipolarity. (Routledge, 2007), and Barry R. Posen, “Emerging multipolarity: why should we care?” Current history 108, no. 721 (2009): 347–352, to the more recent contributions by realist scholars such as David Blagden, “Global multipolarity, European security and implications for UK grand strategy: back to the future, once again.” International Affairs 91, no 2 (2015): 333–350 and Emma Ashford, “In Praise of Lesser Evils: Can Realism Repair Foreign Policy?” Foreign Affairs 101 (2022). Furthermore, strategic documents from across the IP4 states refer either explicitly to “major power competition and an emerging multipolar distribution of power” such as Australia’s 2023 Defence Strategic Review, or Japan’s 2022 National Security Strategy which asserts that “some nations, not sharing universal values, are making attempts to revise the existing international order (…) (t)hese moves challenge the existing international order, thereby intensifying geopolitical competitions in international relations” While this article might not concur with all of the theoretical assumptions or prescriptions these works and policy documents put forward, it agrees with the basic diagnosis that the post-Cold War unipolarity is a bygone makeup of the international system and the distribution of power these days coupled with intentions of revisionist powers make it appear most like a nascent multipolar setting.

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Additional information

Notes on contributors

Gorana Grgić

Dr. Gorana Grgić is a Senior Researcher with the Swiss and Euro-Atlantic Security team at the ETH Zürich’s Center for Security Studies. Gorana is also a non-resident Senior Lecturer in US Foreign Policy at the United States Studies Centre at the University of Sydney and an Expert Associate with the National Security College at the Australian National University. Her research interests include US and EU foreign policy, NATO, and the nexus between Euro-Atlantic and Indo-Pacific security.