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Articles

Analyzing argumentation patterns in political discourse for better policy design

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Pages 131-158 | Received 11 Nov 2022, Accepted 10 Jan 2024, Published online: 18 Jan 2024

ABSTRACT

A new policy is needed to manage Switzerland’s increasing urbanization and growing population. The second stage of the revision of the Swiss Spatial Planning Law, which has been ongoing since 2014, aims to create the legal framework to reduce or prevent the negative consequences of soil sealing, such as loss of biodiversity or urban sprawl. The revision process is characterized by substantial opposition among the actors involved; an acceptable draft revision is not conceivable. Using a structuring qualitative discourse analysis, we coded the consultation responses from the three consultation processes to date. We based our code system on acceptance factors existing in the literature and analyzed the content of the consultation responses over time and by actor. The results show that while a consensus on the instruments of the policy is emerging, there is great disagreement about the exact design and the resulting effects on the actors involved. The relative advantage of the policy and its compatibility with existing regulations are not sufficiently elaborated and presented in a comprehensible way. Ultimately, we identify several patterns of argumentation that should be considered by the policy-makers involved in the further revision, especially to address the critical arguments of the cantons and municipalities.

    Highlights

  • Points of conflict and consensus during policy design were identified using QDA.

  • Structuring the content of the policy discourse can support consensus-building.

  • Typical argumentation patterns for opposing or accepting a policy were identified.

  • Growing consensus entails shifts of actor conflicts from mid- to low-level topics.

  • Relative advantage of a policy solution is key to increasing its acceptability.

1. Introduction

Worldwide, urbanization processes are putting soils under pressure (FAO, Citation2015). As a consequence, the continuing sealing of valuable soils due to growing settlements has irreversible impacts on the provision of life-sustaining services such as food production, clean drinking water or habitats for plants and animals (Blum, Citation2005). New policies are therefore needed to guide the sustainable use of soil resources (cf. Peake & Robb, Citation2021).

However, designing such policies is a major challenge because of complex conflicts of interest among the stakeholders involved (Ostrom, Citation2015; Peake & Robb, Citation2021; Haelg et al., Citation2020). The moderation of strongly opposing opinions (e.g. between two groups of actors) and the development of compromise solutions to which even disfavored actors may agree are therefore of great importance for successfully designing a policy. If such conflicts cannot be resolved, the policy design process may be further delayed, leading to unnecessary additional costs, legal uncertainties, and a lack of evidence for decision-making in individual contexts (Devine-Wright, Citation2011; Solly, Citation2021). Often though, the roles of the various actors in the policy design process remain vague, even though they play a crucial role in shaping the final policy outcome (Haelg et al., Citation2020). Therefore, gaining a better understanding of how consensus and dissent are formed among the involved actors in designing a policy poses a significant challenge.

Examining the characteristics of opposition, identifying its origins, and understanding the reasoning behind opposition can help resolve potential conflicts already during designing a policy (cf. Schmidt et al., Citation2019). To be able to better understand the specific arguments of the different stakeholders for the rejection or acceptance of a policy, policy-makers can analyze a political discourse early in the design process (cf. Sudau et al., Citation2022; Ellis et al., Citation2007). For example, consultation responses submitted by stakeholders during a public consultation phase can provide a robust, unbiased, and meaningful dataset suitable for systematically analyzing and understanding aspects that actors support or criticize (cf. Schmidt et al., Citation2019; Le Gouais & Wach, Citation2013) and to map the development of the discourse over time as well as shifts in conflict and consensus-building (cf. Bowen, Citation2009; Morgan, Citation2022). Fisher et al. (Citation2013) have, for example, analyzed congressional testimonials on national climate change politics in the United States to identify points of consensus and conflict among the policy-makers involved. Cowell and Devine-Wright (Citation2018) used public documents, such as transcripts of speeches or consultation responses, as a data source and analyzed them to examine how UK governments engaged the public in developing the national environmental policy. Both examples show how public documents in which stakeholders articulate their political perspectives and arguments can improve the understanding of political concerns.

Applying such methodological approaches, can help generating important knowledge to improve consensus-building among relevant actors during the design of a policy, increase the traceability of design decisions, and enhance the acceptability of the policy (cf. Levi & Spears, Citation1994). Simultaneously, the challenge to better understand the considerations of policy-makers that ultimately lead to the rejection or acceptance of a policy can be addressed. These considerations are made under the influence of abstract paradigms (Schmidt et al., Citation2019), which are difficult to measure. Such paradigms sharpen policy-makers’ understanding of problems and, in turn, form the basis for the development of explicit policy goals as well as the design of policy instruments (ibid.). Paradigms can be understood here as individual thought patterns of policy-makers, which are abstract because their genesis is unknown and influencing variables, such as the political interests of their own party, personal values and experiences, or moral aspirations of policy-makers are almost impossible to measure (Schmidt et al., Citation2019). As a result, the decision-making process of policy-makers tends to appear non-transparent, as it does not necessarily coincide with the arguments prevailing in public or political discourse, and policy decisions can therefore deviate from the interests of the relevant actors, such as municipalities or business associations (cf. Stadelmann-Steffen & Eder, Citation2021).

To address the highlighted challenges during the design of a policy, our study aims to delve into the following research questions: (RQ1) What arguments do actors involved in the process of designing a policy contribute, and how do these arguments influence consensus-building and the acceptability of a policy? (RQ2) What specific patterns or priorities in policy discourse can be identified that can help policy-makers to overcome political inertia (Schmidt et al., Citation2019)? (RQ3) How can the identified patterns in policy discourse be utilized by policy-makers to design more acceptable policies by addressing specific concerns, and thereby improve the effectiveness of policy elements?

In this contribution, the goal is to examine the complexity of designing a policy, particularly the role of stakeholders’ arguments and the influence of abstract paradigms on decision-making. Using a case study in which, during several unsuccessful revisions, the substantive debates between the actors involved have constantly shifted (cf. Schmidt et al., Citation2019; Jenkins-Smith et al., Citation2014), we demonstrate how consultation responsesFootnote1 can be used as a novel type of data to analyze the patterns of argumentation on key issues and controversial topics of the case study (cf. Morgan, Citation2022). Using qualitative discourse analysis (QDA), we also analyze the temporal and thematic shifts in the political discourse to improve the design process of a policy. This methodological approach, with a focus on factors that influence the acceptability of a policy, can help to better understand the dynamics of stakeholders’ arguments and those aspects of the revision process that have a negative influence on acceptance and thus are particularly obstructive for consensus-building.

2. Theoretical background

In order to address the challenges described, it is first necessary to briefly explain the process of designing a policy and, based on other studies, to show how the conflicting interests of the various actors involved in the design of a policy can be methodologically and conceptually analyzed. Subsequently, the selected case study and its suitability to the research will be introduced.

2.1. Policy design process

A policy is developed in an iterative process of a broad network in which policy-makers as well as other actors are actively involved, for instance because they implement the policy or provide the necessary resources (e.g. financial, human, informal) (Kammermann & Ingold, Citation2019). The development and detailed elaboration of a policy thus often becomes time-consuming and can take several years, culminating in a legislative proposal that can achieve the acceptance of a political majority. Consequently, policy-makers are generally concerned with gaining public support for their governing actions during the policy design process. They strive to anticipate the interests of the people or groups they represent politically (cf. Heyen, Citation2022) and take public opinion, preferences and attitudes into account. They prioritize the political feasibility of a policy over maximizing its problem-solving effectiveness to reduce the risk of lacking public support (Wicki et al., Citation2020). In addition, other factors are also crucial to a successful policy design process and should be appropriately considered in consensus-building (Head, Citation2008; Cairney, Citation2016; Horton & Brown, Citation2018). These include, for example, the ideological and political values of the actors involved or individual disadvantages they may face as a result of introducing a new policy (cf. Huijts et al., Citation2007).

In order to avoid rejection of a policy and to achieve the best possible trade-off between effectiveness and acceptance of a policy by the relevant actors, a policy is composed of different elements whose effects have different levels of impact on the actors, but also on the degree of goal achievement (policy packaging, Wicki et al., Citation2020). For the design of an acceptable policy, it is therefore necessary to configure the elements of a policy in such a way that the overarching policy goals can be achieved and at the same time the interests of the stakeholders involved can be adequately addressed.

A policy design process can be roughly divided into five phases: agenda setting, formulation, adoption, implementation, and evaluation of the policy (cf. Jenkins-Smith et al., Citation2014). In particular, in the formulation and adoption phases, the various actors (e.g. policy-maker, administration, economic and environmental associations or the population) can engage actively and represent their interests, for example, through comments, contributions to political debates, or as participants in relevant commissions or working groups (cf. Haelg et al., Citation2020). The analysis of consultation responses and written comments on political debates is a promising approach to study the process of designing a policy, especially in Western societies where such documents are often publicly available (cf. Morgan, Citation2022; Le Gouais & Wach, Citation2013).

2.2. Swiss case study – revision of the spatial planning act

Switzerland is a suitable context for analyzing a policy design process because of the formalized, participatory, and structured procedure of the legislative process (Haelg et al., Citation2020). It usually has 16 stages and is initiated when a new or revised legislation is proposed by the Federal CouncilFootnote2, the Parliament or the cantonsFootnote3. A preliminary draft is then prepared, which is commented on through office consultations and public consultation procedures before being revised by the responsible department and submitted to the Federal Council. During the iterative revision process, there are several opportunities for parliament, political parties and stakeholders to comment on, discuss and propose changes to the draft. The public consultation processes are one important way to contribute to the resolution of disagreements between stakeholders and formulating an acceptable law. After a successful final vote, there is the possibility of a facultative referendumFootnote4, in which the population has the final say. Finally, after a successful national vote, the new law is enacted by the Federal Council (Linder & Mueller, Citation2020, p. 173ff; FCh, Citation2023; cf. Swiss policy cycle, Appendix ).

We focus on the design of the Swiss Spatial Planning Law in Switzerland, which has been unsuccessfully revised several times in recent years. Spatial planning in Switzerland comprises the planning of space and the environment at the level of the federal state, the 26 cantons, and the over 2,000 municipalities. The necessary principles and objectives are regulated by the Spatial Planning Law (RPG). Since the introduction of the RPG in 1980, the law requires the sustainable management of soil, but this goal has not been achieved to the desired degree, particularly due to the rapid growth of the population, as well as changes in demography and lifestyle (EspaceSuisse, Citation2022; Mann, Citation2009). Furthermore, agriculture is undergoing a structural change and agricultural use is increasingly being abandoned and replaced by other uses. Today, of the approximately 590,000 buildings (ca. 20% of all buildings) located outside of building zones in Switzerland, about 190,000 buildings include residential units used as primary or secondary residences or for tourism purposes (cf. Mann, Citation2009). The overall goal of the revision of the RPG, which is ongoing since 2008, is to shape spatial development in Switzerland economically, ecologically and socially with enhanced sustainability (high-level abstraction goal; cf. Haelg et al., Citation2020).

The revision process was divided into two stages to account for the variety of the different conflicting topics to handle, as well as their prioritization (EspaceSuisse, Citation2022; APS, Citation2021; FOSD, Citation2021). The first part (RPG1) was approved by parliament in 2013 and has been in force by law since 2014. The main objective of RPG1 was to mobilize the potential for inward settlement development (inner development) by densifying settlement areas and, e.g. by converting brownfield sites. In this way, the excessive consumption of valuable cultivated land for settlement development is to be limited, and the high costs of developing new building zones with utility infrastructure are to be avoided (EspaceSuisse, Citation2022; cf. van Vliet et al., Citation2015). In the current second stage of the revision (RPG2), the complex set of regulations managing building outside the building zones is to be revised (cf. Solly, Citation2021). This goal is also supposed to reduce the loss of valuable cultivated land in Switzerland in order to meet society’s increasing need for large-scale natural landscapes, attractive local recreation areas and the protection of biodiversity (UREK-S, Citation2022; cf. Peake & Robb, Citation2021). In RPG2, eleven of the 39 articles of the RPG are planned to be modified, but several drafts of RPG2 were already rejected in the political process (APS, Citation2021; UREK-S, Citation2022). A chronological and thematic overview of the development of the topic of building outside the building zones in Switzerland’s spatial planning law can be found in the Appendix in . illustrates the aspects that will be regulated under RPG2 (FC, Citation2018; UREK-S, Citation2022). The main objectives and measures of the revision are structured by the level of abstraction following Haelg et al. (Citation2020, p. 11).

Figure 1. Policy design elements of the RPG2 revision (FC, Citation2018; UREK-S, Citation2022) structured by policy focus and level of abstraction (cf. Haelg et al., Citation2020, p. 11).

Figure 1. Policy design elements of the RPG2 revision (FC, Citation2018; UREK-S, Citation2022) structured by policy focus and level of abstraction (cf. Haelg et al., Citation2020, p. 11).

The political process of the RPG2 revision has already been ongoing since 2014 and the substantive debates between the actors involved repeatedly shifted and new agendas or controversies emerged, while other aspects remained an enduring and entrenched substantive conflict between the actors (FOSD, Citation2018; UREK-S, Citation2022; cf. Schmidt et al., Citation2019; Jenkins-Smith et al., Citation2014; APS, Citation2021; cf. ). The aggregated feedback from the actors’ consultation responses is documented in a results report (UREK-S, Citation2022). There, it is summarized that a majority of the actors are in favor of the general objectives of the draft law (necessity of the revision). However, it is rejected overall by the majority of actors because, for example, certain regulations are missing, concerns over the effectiveness of some of the newly proposed instruments are raised, or because of objections about the legal complexity of the draft that might shift the political responsibilities of the cantons (APS, Citation2021). Despite increasing acceptance of the draft law, continuing resistance and political inertia (Schmidt et al., Citation2019, p. 772) are hindering the revision of RPG2, requiring conflict resolution, also to avoid a possible referendum on the initiative of the Swiss population (cf. Solly, Citation2021).

3. Method and study design

Our workflow comprised three steps. (i) First, we compiled the consultation responses submitted in the three consultation phases of RPG2 and processed them for further analysis. (ii) In a next step, we coded and analyzed the consultation responses using QDA. (iii) In a final step, we analyzed the coded consultation responses according to different actor categories as well as in the course across the three consultation phases.

3.1. Qualitative discourse analysis – data and method

To examine the changes in the political discourse around the RPG2 revision over time, we focus on the analysis of the consultation responses submitted by the various actors during the consultation phases of the policy design process. During the three consultation processes in 2015 (N = 227), 2017 (N = 245) and 2021 (N = 188), a total of 660 consultation responses from a wide range of actors (e.g. cantons, political parties, interest groups) were submitted indicating the broad interest of the Swiss population (APS, Citation2021; FC, Citation2022; UREK-S, Citation2022). In principle, these are publicly and digitally available documents. They were made available to us in form of a pooled data set by the Federal Office for Spatial Development (FOSD). All duplicates, poorly scanned documents, and non-German language responses were excluded (N = 25) from the analysis beforehand for reasons of comparability of coding and due to deficiencies in the 2017 French-language revision documents (FOSD, Citation2018). The latter resulted in omitted or unstructured consultation responses from the French part of Switzerland, not suited for analysis. The adjusted dataset finally comprised 405 usable consultation responses. Hereof, we selected all consultation responses from actors who submitted a consultation response in each of the three consultation phases. Thus, a total of 156 consultation responses were coded and analyzed across three time steps, 2015, 2017, and 2021 (), which corresponds to approximately one quarter of all 660 consultation responses submitted (Bowen, Citation2009, p. 33ff.; cf. Schmidt et al., Citation2019). In order to prepare the consultation responses for coding and analysis, they were first assigned to the corresponding actor categories and (publication) year as individual PDF files and then imported into the maxQDA 22 software environment.

Table 1. Consultation responses used in the qualitative discourse analysis (absolute numbers; share in %).

In the dataset provided by FOSD, the consultation responses were classified by the actor categories municipalities, cantons, parties, economy, non-invited and others. To ensure a better comparability of our analysis of actors with these categories, we adopted them as far as possible but reclassified the consultation responses in the categories non-invited and others into the categories spatial planning (e.g. universities, research companies, spatial planning actors) and environment (e.g. environmental protection associations). Only actors that could not be assigned to one of these two newly introduced categories remained under others (cf. Appendix, ). We made this distinction, on the one hand, to be able to contrast the category economy (e.g. tourism, agriculture) with two further influential and relevant actors in spatial planning (cf. Perić et al., Citation2022). On the other hand, we expected that actors from spatial planning and environment would bring more critical perspectives or interests, or even opposing arguments into the revision process due to their professional expertise, exposed role in the initiation of the RPG2 revision, or strongly opposing interests, e.g. compared to agriculture (e.g. no building on green fields vs. need to expand residential infrastructure for touristic purposes).

For our analysis, we applied QDA as recommended by Morgan (Citation2022), Mayring (Citation2014), and Bowen (Citation2009). The consultation responses analyzed were particularly suitable for such type of analysis, because they were elaborated by several people, represented a concerted and well-considered formulation of representative interests, and were also structured similarly in terms of content (cf. Morgan, Citation2022, p. 66; Arnautu & Dagenais, Citation2021; Le Gouais & Wach, Citation2013). The used data thus met the basic requirements of authenticity, credibility, representativeness, and meaning for the applicability of a QDA (cf. Morgan, Citation2022; Mayring, Citation2014; Bowen, Citation2009). After coding the documents, 20 of them (13%) were randomly selected and the codes were reviewed by an independent second researcher to ensure the validity and reliability of the coding (Baek et al., Citation2021, p. 4; Wang, Citation2011). In this iterative process, in addition to assessing the intercoder reliability, the codebook was also refined and improved (cf. Rädiker & Kuckartz, Citation2019, p. 287ff.; Wang, Citation2011).

3.2. Acceptance factors as categories for a code system

The forming of categories of arguments through qualitative analyzes of a policy discourse, allows for a comprehensive and contextual understanding of stakeholders’ decision-making processes in designing a policy. The studies by Haelg et al. (Citation2020) and Sudau et al. (Citation2022) are good examples and were both conducted in the Swiss context. While Haelg et al. (Citation2020) based their analysis on the design process of a national instrument in the context of the Swiss energy strategy, Sudau et al. (Citation2022) investigated the acceptance of different instruments of a spatial planning policy. This provided valuable insights into the reasoning of policy-makers (Haelg et al., Citation2020, p. 3) as well as the population (cf. Sudau et al., Citation2022), which are transferable to other contexts.

For example, the acceptance factors identified by Sudau et al. (Citation2022) allow us to link our findings to existing knowledge about factors that influence the acceptance of a policy and can thus contribute to a better understanding of the paradigms under which policy-makers make decisions (cf. governance capacity; Dang et al., Citation2016, p. 1158). The framework of Haelg et al. (Citation2020) could have been similarly useful, but it was based on comments from policy-makers (expert knowledge, different data type). We discuss these methodological choices critically later.

The framework of Sudau et al. (Citation2022) describes the factors that influence the acceptance of policy instruments. In order for the statements and acceptance factors to be applicable to our analysis as categories of the code system, it was first necessary to slightly modify the naming of the acceptance factors and statements for our context (policy rather than instruments). The descriptions of the subcategories were discussed iteratively with a second, independent researcher in the context of the intercoder reliability check and revised according to the coded contents. An overview of the modifications made can be seen in .

Consequently, we applied the acceptance framework by Sudau et al. (Citation2022) as a structured category system for coding (cf. Rädiker & Kuckartz, Citation2019; Mayring, Citation2014; Bowen, Citation2009), as it represents argumentation patterns used by a variety of stakeholders (e.g. public, interest groups). We used the five acceptance factors as the main code category and the statements each as a subcategory. We additionally distinguished whether an argument was positive or negative and respectively identified and coded the arguments expressed by the actors in the analyzed consultation responses. Depending on how the argument is contextually applied, it was assigned to the corresponding main category, subcategory, and direction (negative or positive) of our code system.

The code category design of the policy describes all arguments that refer to the design variables of a policy, such as the type of intervention, its configuration, anticipated costs, or the basis of assessment of the measures. We use the code category effect on actors for arguments with which an actor expresses how appropriate it perceives the effects of a policy on its own interests, the congruence of the goals and means of the policy with its political attitudes, or its sense of proportionality and fairness of the effects of the policy. We use the code category institutional embeddedness to code arguments about the necessity of the policy and its compatibility with existing policy regulations, and about potential shifts in political responsibility and authority caused by the policy. The code category effect of the policy describes arguments about the perceived efficiency and effectiveness and the relative advantage of the policy in terms of its purpose and compared to existing regulations and procedures. Finally, the code category understanding of the policy captures arguments about the overall credibility of the targeted effect as well as the basic understanding of the policy in terms of how it works and how it is presented. The five main categories of our code system are composed of a total of 19 subcategories, whose description is summarized in . A detailed description of our code system with corresponding examples of coding can be found in our codebook in in the Appendix.

4. Results

In total, the 156 coded consultation responses spanned 1,206 pages (avg. = 7.73 pages; med. = 6 pages) and ranged from one to 31 pages in length. Across all consultation responses, we coded 4,215 arguments, for an average of 3.5 arguments per page and 27.02 arguments per consultation response. This includes some consultation responses with no arguments, compared to 137 arguments in the most argumentative consultation response (med. = 23 arguments). The intercoder reliability was tested to be > 75% (Appendix, ).

Overall, significantly more negative than positive arguments were used in the consultation responses. In 2015, there were 188 positive (14%) versus 1,173 negative arguments, compared to 207 (19%) versus 904 in 2017 and 383 (22%) versus 1,360 in 2021, and overall 778 (18%) positive versus 3,437 negative arguments. The cantons (N = 18), as well as the actors categorized into spatial planning (N = 10) and economy (N = 12) accounted for the largest share of arguments. It is also noticeable that fewer arguments were used overall in 2017 than in 2015 and 2021 ().

4.1. Argumentation patterns over time

shows which statements and acceptance factors were particularly relevant in the respective consultation phase of the RPG2 revision and whether they were used by an actor as a negative or positive argument. For example, it is noticeable that almost exclusively arguments of the acceptance factors design of the policy and effect on actors were used for acceptance. In particular, arguments of the subcodes type of the intervention (Y-01) and actor’s political attitude (Y-18) were used. Over time, these arguments were mentioned with increasing frequency, which indicates that the acceptability of the RPG2 revision has increased overall from 2015 to 2021. Analogous to the higher acceptance of the type of intervention (Y-01), negative arguments of this subcode (N-01) were used decreasingly from 2015 to 2021. However, for some negative arguments an increase over time was also observed; for example, the subcodes configuration (N-02), basis for assessment (N-03) and allocation of funds (N-04). The fairness of the policy (N-06) also did not seem to improve from the perspective of the majority of actors, and neither did the compatibility of RPG2 with existing regulations (N-16). These findings indicate that until 2021 rather fundamental conflicts from the first draft revision in 2015 could be reduced or resolved and the discussion shifted more towards details and individual interests.

Figure 2. Change of importance of statements during the three consultation processes of the revision of the second stage of the Swiss Spatial Planning Law; shown as frequencies in all consultation responses of the respective year; left column = positive arguments, right column = negative arguments; acceptance factors indicated as colors: red = design of the policy, blue = effect on actors, orange = institutional embeddedness, purple = effect of the policy, green = understanding of the policy.

Figure 2. Change of importance of statements during the three consultation processes of the revision of the second stage of the Swiss Spatial Planning Law; shown as frequencies in all consultation responses of the respective year; left column = positive arguments, right column = negative arguments; acceptance factors indicated as colors: red = design of the policy, blue = effect on actors, orange = institutional embeddedness, purple = effect of the policy, green = understanding of the policy.

4.2. Argumentation patterns across actors

shows the differences of the patterns of argumentation of the seven actor categories over time. The RPG2 policy increasingly gained acceptance among parties and environmentalists, while the cantons still have objections, especially on issues related to the specific design of the policy. The strongest opposition, however, seems to come from municipalities, representatives of spatial planning as well as from the economy.

Figure 3. Change of importance of acceptance factors during the three consultation processes of RPG2 and differentiated by actor categories; shown as average frequencies per consultation response of the respective year; colors indicate the respective acceptance factor.

Figure 3. Change of importance of acceptance factors during the three consultation processes of RPG2 and differentiated by actor categories; shown as average frequencies per consultation response of the respective year; colors indicate the respective acceptance factor.

On the side of the municipalities, the resistance was mainly argued with the unclear and possibly high costs of the RPG2 implementation (N-05), as well as with the rejection of the type of intervention (N-01), the allocation of funds (N-04), and the thereby expected negative effects on the municipalities in Switzerland (N-19). Although the municipalities acknowledged the improved institutional embeddedness of the draft law over time, there were also doubts about the effectiveness of the policy (N-12) in terms of achieving its objectives. Over time, the cantons increasingly agreed with the type of intervention (Y-01), but their criticism of individual design features of the policy (N-02) and the basis for assessment (N-03) of individual interventions increased. This reinforces their doubts about the compatibility with existing regulations (N-16), the effectiveness of the policy (N-12) and the fairness of the policy (N-06). There was a growing consensus among the parties, and the overall improvement in the understanding of the policy was positively acknowledged. What needs to be resolved in this regard was the continuing skepticism regarding the effectiveness of the policy (N-12) and the shift in the power of institution (N-13) that would occur as a result of the RPG2 policy in the direction of the cantons, which would receive more power compared to the municipalities; this also coincides with the general opposition of the municipalities. The expansion of the cantons’ jurisdiction was also criticized by the representatives of spatial planning. This reinforces the lack of understanding of the functionality (N-22), calls into question the effectiveness of the policy (N-12) and would have to be solved by substantially revising the configuration (N-02) of the policy. As a result, this category of actors also had strong concerns about the fairness of the policy (N-06) and was increasingly opposed to the draft law. Actors from the environment category saw their interests positively taken into account over the course of the policy design process (actor’s political attitude, Y-18) and acknowledged the improved fairness of the policy (Y-06). However, the compatibility with existing regulations (N-16) and the complexity due to the increased number of regulations (N-20) would have to be improved. The latter should be coupled with improved explanations of the functionality (N-22) and representation (N-21) of the policy. The representatives of the economy showed an increasing acceptance of the types of intervention (Y-01) of the individual components of the RPG2 policy. In contrast, a particular need for improvement with regard to the configuration (N-02) and the basis for assessment (N-03) was expressed. Although agreement with their actor’s political attitude (Y-18) was increasing overall, they still saw themselves as being affected too negatively (effect on self-interest, N-19) and argued that the fairness of the policy (N-06) was not given.

4.3. Typical patterns of argumentation

illustrates the code mapFootnote5 for the positive and negative arguments across all actors and consultation phases and is based on the distance matrix (Appendix ). Nine clusters (A-I) were formed, each containing arguments that are commonly used together and reflect typical patterns of argumentation by an actor in a consultation response. Thus, negative arguments on allocation of funds (N-04), credibility of development (N-17), or necessity of the policy (N-07) were made as stand-alone arguments against the RPG2 revision (Clusters G-I). In addition, if the effect on self-interest (Y-19) of an actor was considered positive, acceptance of the configuration (Y-02) of an intervention was often also expressed (Cluster F). Cluster D represents a collection of a total of eleven positive arguments. Here, it should be emphasized that positive arguments of the acceptance factor understanding of the policy were used in combination with acceptance of design characteristics of a policy (e.g. costs, effectiveness, basis for assessment). The clusters A-C represent three patterns of argumentation, which, on the one hand, occurred frequently and, on the other hand, were also used in combination with each other (grey links), which indicates a mutual reinforcement.

Figure 4. Code map of the subcodes (arguments from the consultation responses); size of the subcodes indicates frequency of usage; bold arguments are most frequent; colors indicate the respective main code category (acceptance factors, Sudau et al., Citation2022); grey links indicate >50 relations between the clusters; clusters A-I calculated using unweighted average linkage clustering method based on occurrence in document, N = 4,215 coded arguments.

Figure 4. Code map of the subcodes (arguments from the consultation responses); size of the subcodes indicates frequency of usage; bold arguments are most frequent; colors indicate the respective main code category (acceptance factors, Sudau et al., Citation2022); grey links indicate >50 relations between the clusters; clusters A-I calculated using unweighted average linkage clustering method based on occurrence in document, N = 4,215 coded arguments.

Cluster A represents a pattern of argumentation that expresses particular concerns about the configuration (N-02), but approves the type of intervention (Y-01) and the agreement with the actor’s political attitude (Y-18), i.e. is not strongly opposed to the policy. Improvements in the explanations of the exact mode of operation (N-23) and adjustments to the basis for assessment (N-03) could well contribute to a consensus here (cf. Appendix ). Cluster B shows a pattern of argumentation that criticizes in particular the poor or missing compatibility with existing regulations (N-16), from which the fairness of the policy (N-06) and the effect (N-09) are questioned. The resistance of this pattern of argumentation, which is characterized by the acceptance factor institutional embeddedness, can be weakened by a better alignment of the policy draft with existing laws and a more precise explanation of the functionality (N-22) of the policy. Cluster C, by contrast, represents a pattern of argumentation that is strongly opposed to the policy. More fundamental aspects such as the type of intervention (N-01), undesirable shifts in the power of institution (N-13) and the resulting strong negative effects on self-interest (N-19) are the main arguments, often used in combination. In order to reach a consensus with the actors who argue with this pattern of argumentation, extensive revisions of the policy seem to be necessary.

5. Discussion

The analysis of different arguments in consultation responses allows us to identify relations and typical patterns of argumentation. Thereby, we offer a way to map the shift in content of the political discourse (differentiated by actor perspectives) during the design of a policy in a structured way and to identify the causal relationship of different arguments. With this approach, the participation of relevant actors in the design process of a policy can be additionally supported by addressing their concerns directly, which enhances the acceptance of design decisions (cf. collaborative governance, Kammermann & Ingold, Citation2019; Ellis et al., Citation2007). The approach provides an opportunity for policy-makers in other countries or contexts to determine the progress of consensus-building during the design of a policy and to better manage and monitor it, as well as to identify substantive conflict points between relevant actors that fundamentally stand in the way of the policy’s acceptability (RQ3; cf. Gärling & Loukopoulos, Citation2007). The direction (positive or negative) of an argument, as well as its importance in increasing the acceptability of the policy as a whole, can thus be taken into account during the design process (cf. Schmidt et al., Citation2019; Jenkins-Smith et al., Citation2014; Fisher et al., Citation2013).

Related to our case study, our findings confirm that the newest revision of the Spatial Planning Act can still not rely on the broad stakeholder support it needs (cf. UREK-S, Citation2022) and is an example of a conflicted and unsuccessful policy design process (cf. political inertia, Schmidt et al., Citation2019, p. 772). Compared to the first draft in 2015, some substantial resistance among actors could be resolved (e.g. introduction of a deconstruction payment, exemptions for structures outside the building zones such as cell towers, introduction of the stabilization target), but the negative arguments outweigh the positive and the discussion has developed around low-level goals and details of the design and compatibility with existing regulations (e.g. financing and payment modalities of the deconstruction payment). This illustrates that the challenge for legislators now is to reconcile the very diverse and argumentatively different criticisms and to resolve the conflicts (cf. Levi & Spears, Citation1994, p. 348f.; Stadelmann-Steffen & Eder, Citation2021).

Over time across the three consultation phases, it can be seen that the revision of the policy draft gained acceptance for the types of intervention (Y-01), and that concerns about the associated costs of the policy (N-05) were decreasing as a result (RQ1). There was also increasing recognition of the necessity of the revision (Y-07), but this may also be related to the long period of time over which the political discourse on RPG2 has spanned. These more fundamental improvements to the policy draft suggest that a consensus is emerging. However, the shift in the substantive discourse toward aspects of design, effectiveness, or compatibility with existing regulations also indicates where the need for improvement currently lies (RQ2). The argument relative advantage of the policy could play an important role for consensus-building. As a negative argument (N-08), it was most frequently mentioned with the three main arguments of Cluster C (N-01, N-13, N-19), and as a positive argument (Y-08) in Cluster D, it was frequently associated with good representation (Y-21) and explanations of functionality (Y-22) and the mode of operation (Y-23). A good understanding of the relative advantage of a policy seems to have a positive effect on its acceptance. Actors also aligned criteria such as fairness, concerns about self-interest, or power of institution, which is known from other contexts (cf. Peters et al., Citation2018). When revising the draft, the revised articles should thus be described in the explanatory report in a clear and understandable manner so that relevant actors can better assess the effectiveness, efficiency, and thus the advantages of the policy over previous regulations and its compatibility with other existing laws or procedures (cf. Wicki et al., Citation2020).

Our results show that an actor almost exclusively argues positively only if it sees its own interests or beliefs reflected in the law. Analogously, a poor understanding of the policy reinforces a negative attitude toward the draft law. This confirms previous research findings (cf. Huijts et al., Citation2007; Peters et al., Citation2018; Sudau et al., Citation2022) and shows that this acceptance factor is highly relevant in policy discourse. Criticism of insufficient revision documents (esp. 2017) or unclear formulations raise questions about the effect or implementability of the policy (Cluster B, ). The quality of the presentation and explanation of the policy draft also has an important influence on the perception of an actor’s own concerns as well as on the complexity of the policy draft (Cluster C; cf. RQ3).

Surprisingly, when we take a closer look at the arguments raised by the different actors, we find a strong resistance from the municipalities, which tends to increase over time. A solution to the conflict seems achievable only if their main points of criticism (financing, costs, negative effects on the self-interests of the municipalities) are addressed. Since they implement the laws on the ground, municipalities are one of the three constitutionally defined administrative levels of spatial planning in Switzerland and their opposing perspective should be given priority for the next revision steps (cf. Jenkins-Smith et al., Citation2014). At the same time, comprehensive revisions of the details of the design of the various elements would have to take place in order to increase acceptance of cantons, spatial planning and the economy. The strong opposition of spatial planning, in particular to shifts in competencies and concerns about fairness, must be seriously addressed. In addition, the institutional concerns of the environment actor group should be taken into account as a further aspect in the revision of the policy, particularly with regard to its integration into existing laws and established procedures (cf. Jenkins-Smith et al., Citation2014; RQ2).

Furthermore, the results of this study confirm the important role of the understanding of the policy and show how the patterns of argumentation in political discourse differ from those of a population (cf. Ellis et al., Citation2007; Stadelmann-Steffen & Eder, Citation2021). Institutional and design aspects have a higher importance for the acceptance of a policy in the design process. In contrast, the population evaluates a policy more on the basis of personal disadvantages or with the effects of an intervention in relation to its goals (cf. Sudau et al., Citation2022). This also suggests that even if a political consensus over RPG2 is reached, the draft law must also meet these requirements of the population, so that a referendum, for example, does not ultimately lead to a rejection of the law at the ballot box (cf. Solly, Citation2021; Levi & Spears, Citation1994). Compared to the patterns of argumentation of a broad population, arguments of the acceptance factor effect of the policy were rather disregarded in the context of the three consultation phases. This may be because the actual effects of a policy are difficult to assess by the actors at the higher level of abstraction, which leads to a subjective perception on the part of the actors. Here, an underused potential for the further design process of the policy could be to explicitly address, where possible, the increased effectiveness through the proposed changes and the impact on the different actors in the communication and explanation on the draft, e.g. impact assessments or test planning (cf. Peake & Robb, Citation2021; Devine-Wright, Citation2011; Peters et al., Citation2018; Stadelmann-Steffen & Eder, Citation2021; Sudau et al., Citation2022).

With regard to the methodology we used, it should be noted as a possible limitation that we only focused on the responses of stakeholders who participated in each of the three consultation phases (156 out of 660), particularly in order to understand the shift over time in the identified patterns of argumentation. However, this may omit insights from stakeholders who did not participate throughout or from those who expressed brief and concise acceptance of the draft, which could lead to a loss of information. Another limitation of our study is the exclusion of consultation responses in Italian and French. However, it should be noted that these would not have been included in our analysis anyway, as no French or Italian actors submitted consultation responses in all three phases. More detailed material such as meeting protocols, interviews or comments, e.g. from press releases or transcripts of political debates, could further help to identify party affiliations or strategic (mis)communication of individual actors (e.g. tactical arguments to enforce self-interests). This is not possible on the basis of written consultation responses. Moreover, the use of an existing code system can, on the one hand, lead to oversimplifying individual details of the discourse and, on the other hand, the positions represented within an actor’s category can vary considerably, which becomes more difficult to comprehend through categorization. In this context, it can be stated that we have decided in favor of the content structuring analysis based on an existing code system, since the context (management of the resource soil, building outside of building zones) of the acceptance framework by Sudau et al. (Citation2022) fits very well to the RPG2 revision and thus the link to acceptance research can be established (cf. Mayring, Citation2014; Bowen, Citation2009).

While other concepts such as ACF (Jenkins-Smith et al., Citation2014) or design coalitions (Haelg et al., Citation2020) could have also been used as a code system, they are rather focusing on policy-makers beyond stakeholders and were developed on specific design characteristics of an instrument or used more complex data such as meeting protocols and interviews. The acceptance framework by Sudau et al. (Citation2022) was less abstract and aimed to anticipate public opinion – an important consideration for policy-makers seeking to avoid a referendum. Finally, the demonstrated analysis of consultation responses provides a cost-effective and efficient approach to monitor consensus-building during the process of designing a policy.

However, further research is needed, e.g. to validate the suitability of our methodological approach in other research contexts (e.g. for the analysis of a different policy or in other countries). The approach could also be tested for its applicability to policy-makers themselves, in order to improve the information quality of summaries that are confusing or lack transparency in terms of content, such as the UREK-S (Citation2022) results report. In this way, it would also be possible, for example, to comprehensibly examine specific aspects in detail, such as a particular conflict regarding a revised article or intervention, in order to derive technical proposals for solutions that take into account the different interests of the actors. In addition, individual actors and their development of argumentation and position could also be analyzed to avoid too strong generalizations of actors of one category.

6. Conclusion

Qualitative discourse analyses are suitable for structuring and analyzing the content of a political discourse and deriving recommendations for policy-makers. Our findings are particularly useful for prioritizing the content of the next steps of the RPG2 revision for successful consensus-building (Horton & Brown, Citation2018; cf. Levi & Spears, Citation1994). By experimentally applying Sudau et al.’s (Citation2022) acceptance factors and statements as a code system to consultation responses around the revision of the spatial planning act in Switzerland, we found that institutional embeddedness, moderate and fair effects on the relevant actors, and the effectiveness of a policy are key factors for its acceptability. If a policy is insufficiently explained or incomprehensibly formulated, this has negative effects on its acceptance, the political discourse shifts to insignificant aspects and consensus-building is delayed. If impact assessments (e.g. through expert opinions or model calculations) are prepared for the main points of conflict of a policy early in the design process and attached to the explanatory documents, this can strengthen the problem awareness and the general understanding of a policy among the involved actors (cf. Heyen, Citation2022). In particular, for the RPG2 revision to be successful and to develop an acceptable draft law, the interests of municipalities should be sufficiently taken into account and compatibility with existing regulations and established procedures of policy-makers should be ensured to support the development of new policies for the effective soil resource management (cf. Peake & Robb, Citation2021; EspaceSuisse, Citation2022).

Acknowledgements

We would like to thank the Federal Office for Spatial Development for providing the consultation responses, Andreas Moser for his great support in checking the intercoder reliability, and Dr. Nicolas Schmid and Prof. Dr. David Kaufmann for their valuable input on policy change and the QDA methodology. Furthermore, we thank the reviewers for their constructive comments that significantly helped to improve the manuscript.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Additional information

Funding

This research did not receive any specific grant from funding agencies in the public, commercial, or not-for-profit sectors.

Notes

1 For the remainder of the paper we use the term consultation response for the German word Stellungnahme, whichcaptures the essence of actors providing an opinion or position on a specific topic during a consultation phase.

2 The Federal Council of Switzerland is the highest executive authority of the country, constituted by seven members from (currently four) different political parties (cf. FCh, Citation2023).

3 Cantons are defined as federated states with varying degrees of autonomy and distinct political, economic, and cultural characteristics (e.g., cantonal parliament, main language German, French, or Italian), whereas municipalities are smaller administrative units within the cantons (cf. Linder & Mueller, Citation2020).

4 Switzerland’s direct-democratic system gives citizens the opportunity to actively express their political opinions. If a law is not in line with public opinion, a referendum can be initiated (if 50,000 valid signatures of Swiss voters against the enactment are collected within 100 days of its publication), which may result in the policy being overturned by a majority in a national vote (cf. FCh, Citation2023).

5 In QDA, a code relation measures the similarity between two coded arguments based on their frequency and co-occurrence in the examined dataset, calculated in form of a distance matrix. A distance of zero means that two arguments only occur together; the maximum distance means that two arguments never occur together. The distance matrix can then be visualized in a two-dimensional code map to form a conceptual network (Schmidt et al., Citation2019, p. 774f.) and to identify clusters and patterns of argumentation.

References

Appendix

A1 – Technical documentation of qualitative discourse analysis.

Table A1. Code system used in our study; adapted from Sudau et al. (Citation2022)

Table A2. Development of the code system based on the acceptance factors and statements of Sudau et al. (Citation2022); shown are the names of the categories and subcategories as well as the changes made (bold) or deletions (-).

Table A3. Intercoder reliability by actor category; occurrence of same subcode in document (N = 20; one independent reliability coder).

Table A4. Codebook used; including examples for coded arguments for each subcode; Y = positive argument, N = negative argument.

B1 – Further results from the qualitative discourse analysis.

Figure B1. Pearson correlation matrix all coded arguments (N = 4,215); −1 = negative correlation/never used in combination; 1 = positive correlation/always used in combination; bolded/boxed >0.5 and p < .0000.

Figure B1. Pearson correlation matrix all coded arguments (N = 4,215); −1 = negative correlation/never used in combination; 1 = positive correlation/always used in combination; bolded/boxed >0.5 and p < .0000.

Figure B2. Distance matrix all coded arguments (N = 4,215); Y-04 Allocation of funds and Y-17 Credibility of development haven’t been coded and are thus excluded from this matrix. Distances are without unit of measurements and calculated in maxQDA 22; 2D space is without unit of measurements and has a height of X = 628.96 and a width of Y = 843.83.

Figure B2. Distance matrix all coded arguments (N = 4,215); Y-04 Allocation of funds and Y-17 Credibility of development haven’t been coded and are thus excluded from this matrix. Distances are without unit of measurements and calculated in maxQDA 22; 2D space is without unit of measurements and has a height of X = 628.96 and a width of Y = 843.83.

Table B1. Coded arguments (frequency), differentiated by year and actor categories.

C1 – Case study RPG2 – further information.

Figure C1. Legislative process (policy cycle) in Switzerland (Linder & Mueller, Citation2020, p. 174).

Figure C1. Legislative process (policy cycle) in Switzerland (Linder & Mueller, Citation2020, p. 174).

Table C1. Chronological and thematic summary of the most important political processes on the subject of building outside the building zones (based on APS, Citation2021).