Hijab and enclothed cognition: The effect of hijab on interpersonal attitudes in a homogenous Muslim-majority context

Abstract

Stereotyping and discrimination against hijab-wearing women have been studied extensively in many Western countries, which are home to Muslim diasporas. However, there is a paucity of research on Muslim-majority countries. The purpose of this study is to address this gap and explore interpersonal attitudes toward both hijab-wearing and non-hijab-wearing women, in Pakistan, a Muslim Majority country. In this paper, we used the presence or absence of hijab as the independent variable, and measured competence and warmth using items from the Stereotype Content Model (SCM), as well as social and task attraction using items from the Interpersonal Attraction Scale (IAS) as dependent variables. Study 1 included 352 undergraduate students, while Study 2 involved 151 human resource professionals. The findings from both studies were consistent in suggesting that participants had a higher attribution of competence, warmth, and social and task attraction toward the hijab-wearing women compared to the non-hijab-wearing women. Conversely, participants in the non-hijab condition attributed lower levels of warmth, competence, and social and task attraction. We interpret these findings such that in a homogeneous society, individuals who strongly identify with and internalize Muslim culture, and exhibit a preference for their own cultural and religious values (cultural endogamy), attribute higher levels of competence, warmth, social attraction, and task attraction to the protagonist who wears hijab. This research has implications for employment opportunities and attitudes toward women in the workplace in Muslim-majority countries, both for hijabis (women who wear a headscarf) and non-hijabis (women who do not wear hijab).

Keywords:

• Hijab
• enclothed cognition
• warmth
• competence
• social attraction, task attraction
• Stereotype Content Model (SCM)
• interpersonal attitudes
• Muslim cultures

1. Introduction

The topic of women’s clothing has long captivated the attention of both media and academia. However, it becomes problematic when we attribute significant communicative agency to a mere piece of cloth, such as the hijab, a head cover or veil predominantly worn by Muslim women. The hijab is an Arabic word that means “cover,” referring to the covering of the female body except for the hands, feet, and face (Dunkel et al., 2010). Despite serving an instrumental use for women in the pre-Islamic era, where affluent women wore it predominantly for public outings, the meaning of veiling or hijab has been appropriated and mediated by sociopolitical discourse throughout history (Woldesemait, 2013).

Following the 9/11 terrorist attacks, there was a sharp rise in violence towards people perceived to be Arabs or Muslims, with over 700 incidents reported within nine weeks. The Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) received 500 complaints of religious discrimination in the workplace from women who observed the headscarf (Moore, 2007). Critics argue that this rise in Islamophobia legitimized negative attitudes towards the hijab, equating it with women’s oppression and otherness, thereby revealing growing fear about situating Islam in Western countries (Abdurraqib, 2006). However, Muslim women who choose to observe the veil do so based on the instrumentality that the meaning of the veil holds for them. Croucher’s research (Croucher, 2008) shows that Muslim women in France feel that veiling helps them feel more comfortable with their bodies, assert resistance against the government, and silently express identity.

The hijab’s instrumental meaning is influenced by how it is perceived by individuals and society. It is a physical construct that can shape impressions and act as a visible marker of identity. Anderson’s (1999) research shows that physical constructs can affect how people make inferences based on appearance. The hijab’s nonverbal cues communicate a visual identity to the viewer, impacting how people perceive and interact with women wearing it.

1.1. Hijab and enclothed cognition

Adam and Galinsky (2012) introduced the concept of “enclothed cognition” and explored how clothing affects the psychological processes of the wearer. Clothing has implications for the identity that the wearer adopts, based on two factors: firstly, the item of clothing must be worn by an individual, and secondly, it must hold symbolic meaning. They found, when participants in the study were instructed to wear a lab coat after defining it as a doctor’s coat, researchers observed an increase in their span of attention. This suggests that there is an indirect connection between the physical experience of wearing clothes and the symbolic meaning attributed to them.

First impressions often stem from quick judgments, forming the basis of interpersonal judgments and stereotyping, which involve automatic categorization of people based on race, age, and sex (Nelson, 2005). These impressions can be a barrier to forming perceptual schemas, social contact, and interpersonal communication (Hughes & Baldwin, 2002). The visibility of these categories facilitates the generalization of individuals or groups. Clothing is a visible form of expression that acts as a non-verbal tool of communication for perceivers.

Interpersonal attraction is a measure of whether we “like” another person, defined as a positive attitude or evaluation of that individual (McCroskey & McCain, 1974), while competence, according to Susan Fiske’s SCM model (Fiske, 2018), indicates intelligence and skill. The concept of task attraction and competence run parallel to each other, meaning that while a hijab-wearing woman may be perceived and stereotyped as an individual who is competent and morally upright, it is not necessary that people have a likable attitude towards them based on first impressions. The opposite could be true for non-hijab-wearing women, meaning that, in contrast to the hijab condition, people are more likely to have a likable attitude towards them but perceive them as lower on the competence and warmth attributes. First impressions or snap judgments hinder interpersonal communication, shape the formation of perceptual schemas, and have a lasting impact on the self-efficacy of women, particularly when it comes to employment opportunities. Self-efficacy, therefore, becomes a predictor of organizational commitment as well.

Angerosa (2014) explored the concept of clothing as a means of communication, looking at professional, casual, and trendy clothes and how they relate to social identity theory (Tajfel & Turner, 1979; Tajfel, 1974) and person perception theory (Smith & Collins, 2009). The study suggests that individuals use clothing to express their group memberships and derive their self-concept. The symbolic meaning of clothing is determined by the attitudes and perceptions of those who interpret it, and these attitudes can hinder women’s equal opportunities and employability. This study can be extended to how people perceive women wearing the hijab or not and shape their attitudes accordingly.

1.2. Stereotyping and discrimination & research gaps

Steele and Aronson’s (1995) stereotype threat theory suggests that negative stereotypes associated with social groups can lead to underperformance consistent with the stereotype. The “hijab effect” is an extension of this phenomenon, as the expectation of certain character traits for hijab-wearing women shapes social attitudes towards them, potentially limiting their employment opportunities (Akhter et al., 2012). Social comparison is a prerequisite for social influences to occur, and the context can affect responses, especially in in-group/out-group comparisons (Lewis et al., 2010; Tajfel & Turner, 1979). The hijab’s meaning varies widely within and between groups (Jardim & Vorster, 2003; Moghadam, 1992), as it is influenced by socio-political and cultural narratives (Anjum, Godil, et al., 2019; Frank, 2000).

Research on negative stereotyping, bias, and discrimination towards women who wear the hijab has mainly been conducted in non-Muslim majority countries such as the UK and the US. However, the few studies that exist in the Muslim majority context suggest that the negative perceptions and stereotypes towards hijab-wearing women are consistent with those in non-Muslim majority contexts. For instance, Everett et al. (2014) conducted a study on British students who were white and non-Muslim and found negative responses towards hijab and even more so towards niqab. The study revealed that the presence of the hijab resulted in a faster rejection in a job application or hiring process, a phenomenon known as the “hijab effect” (Unkelbach et al., 2010).

Furthermore, research has indicated that wearing the hijab can have a negative impact on the interpersonal judgments of women, particularly among Western, non-Muslim observers. Swami (2013) found that hijab-wearing women were rated as less physically attractive, popular, sociable, and competent by British men participants. Interestingly, non-Muslim men rated hijab-wearing women as significantly less approachable than Muslim men. Similarly, Mahmud and Swami (2010) showed that markers of Islamic identities, such as Islamic head-cover, result in more negative perceptions among Western, non-Muslim observers.

The effect of hijab on physical attractiveness and employability is inconsistent across different cultures. Pasha-Zaidi et al. (2013) research in the UAE found that hijab-wearing women were rated higher in attractiveness and employability, but in the US, non-hijab-wearing women were rated more employable (Pasha-Zaidi, 2014). Ghumman and Jackson (2009) found that hijab-wearing Muslim women had lower expectations of job offers, and hijab-wearing women may experience covert discrimination in job interviews. Studies by King and Ahmad (2010) and Ali et al. (2015) found that hijab-wearing women experienced workplace discrimination and lower job satisfaction compared to non-hijab-wearing women. Another interesting dynamic in this research is how reference social groups can influence perceptions and attitudes. Pasha-Zaidi (2015) found that within the Muslim-majority context of the UAE, non-hijabis felt a greater intensity of discrimination in social spaces with Muslims. This suggests that perceived discrimination comes more from one’s own religious or cultural group rather than from a stranger. Converse to these findings, in a study conducted by Sheen et al. (2018) in the United Arab Emirates, where the majority of the population is Muslim, it was found that women who wore hijab perceived themselves as less attractive in both fully and partially covered conditions. Similar findings were reported by Mahmud and Swami (2010), who found that hijab-wearing women were viewed as less attractive and less intelligent by both Muslim and non-Muslim men.

Grine and Saeed (2017) conducted research on Muslim women in Malaysia to understand whether wearing hijab was driven by religious obligation or fashion. They found that the majority of women perceive hijab as a religious obligation rather than a fashion statement. The study concludes that while there is room for modification in hijab design in Malaysia, the primary motivation for wearing hijab is tied to religious obligation. Saeed et al. (2021) surveyed Malaysian Muslim women in universities to understand the factors influencing their purchase intention of hijabs. They found that religious commitment, satisfaction, dressing style, and knowledge source significantly influence purchase intention. The study is relevant for hijab designers seeking to capture a large segment in Kuala Lumpur and gain a competitive edge. However, the study did not address the social or interpersonal implications of wearing hijab for women.Simorangkir and Pamungkas (2022) conducted a study with Indonesian women to understand why they wear the hijab. They found that the hijab holds cultural significance as a symbol of social identity and is associated with proper Islamic behavior and fashion. Respondents viewed non-hijab-wearing Muslim women differently, and media portrayal reinforces this social categorization. The hijab serves as a self-reminder and offers protection from unwanted attention and the sun. Although scholars have different views on the hijab’s necessity, the respondents unanimously believed it was important. However, the findings are limited to the study’s specific respondents and cannot be generalized.

Studies have also shown that Pakistani women face significant obstacles in accessing employment opportunities, especially in the formal sector, due to gender-based discrimination and harassment, as well as gender-based violence (Anjum et al., 2021; Anjum, Godil, et al., 2019, 2019). Wearing or not wearing the hijab can also impact women’s participation and widen the gender gap. Although positive developments, such as laws to safeguard women’s rights and increase political participation, have been made in recent years, discriminatory laws, policies, and patriarchal social norms still hinder women’s access to justice and political participation in Pakistan. Addressing the root causes of discrimination and promoting gender equality require concerted efforts from local and international actors (Anjum et al., 2021).

Discriminatory laws, policies, and patriarchal social norms hinder women’s access to justice and political participation in Pakistan. A study on bank employees revealed that Muslim women who viewed the hijab as an employability obstacle were less likely to apply for jobs, as first impressions significantly impact how hijabi women are perceived, often seen as less attractive on the interpersonal attraction scale. However, mixed findings on women’s perceived competence and interpersonal skills raise questions about how hijabi women will be perceived as capable but unattractive on social and task attraction, especially in Muslim-majority Pakistan (Akhter et al., 2012).

Overall, this review provides insights into motivations and perceptions of hijab-wearing in Muslim-majority contexts. While some studies suggest inconsistent results regarding the effect of hijab on facial attractiveness and cultural endogamy. Overall, they demonstrate how religious veiling regulates attitudes towards the hijab both within and outside the group. The majority of hijab-wearing women perceive it as a religious obligation, and it affects perceptions of attractiveness and competence. Negative perceptions of hijab-wearing women in the workplace may lower their employability. Further research is needed to explore the implications of these findings for Muslim women living in a homogenous Muslim society.

1.3. Current studies

The hijab is a symbol of Muslim identity that reflects the wearer’s devotion to Islam and belonging to the Muslim community (Dunkel et al., 2010; Jardim & Vorster, 2003). Clothing is a manifestation of self-understanding, and in the case of the hijab, it represents the wearer’s social identity (Den Heyer & Schelling, 2006). The hijab has become a powerful tool for Muslim women to communicate their identity and has transformed in recent times (Nurzihan, 2014).

Previous research on the hijab has mainly focused on measuring attitudes towards hijabi women in Muslim-minority populations or perceptions of attractiveness or religiosity in the Middle East. However, the current studies aim to measure the meaning associated with women wearing and not wearing the hijab through quantitative experimental research that assesses interpersonal attitudes of participants towards women in both conditions.

Given that Pakistan is a Muslim-majority country, the social attitudes towards the hijab may be different in this context. Therefore, two experiments were conducted, one with undergraduate and postgraduate students in two universities and another with HR professionals in Pakistan. The aim was to measure the attitudes towards the hijab and the absence of the hijab through a social experiment that limits confounding variables that may affect perceptions of group similarities or dissimilarities concerning the hijab. Our specific research questions were as follows.

1.4. Research questions

• How do participants perceive the hijab, and what impact does this perception have on their attitudes, specifically interpersonal attitudes in a Muslim majority country?

• What effect does hijab have on perceptions of warmth and competence in a Muslim majority country?

• What effect does hijab have on perceptions of social and task attraction in a Muslim majority country?

2. Study 1

Study 1 aimed to test our research questions using a relatively large sample of both undergraduate and graduate students in Pakistan. We chose a student sample for two reasons. Firstly, most literature on quantitative research has used undergraduate students as the sample population. Secondly, social attitudes are more likely to change during young adulthood than late adulthood, as older individuals tend to engage in stereotyping more frequently and unconsciously (Zenmore et al., 2000). Additionally, we were interested in comparing the perceptual attitudes of educated individuals with access to knowledge in Karachi to those observed in Swami’s study conducted in Britain (Swami, 2013).

3. Method

3.1. Samples

Study 1 included a total of 352 university students who took part in the survey-based experiment (men = 147, women = 198, Other = 7; ages ranged from 19 to 29, mean age = 22, SD = 1.87; the type of universities recorded included public = 62, private = 93, Semi-private = 197. There was an equal number of participants (176) in the experimental condition (Hijab) and control condition (No-Hijab). Regarding the religious affiliation of participants, 347 (97.5%) self-identified as Muslims, 8 of them self-identified as Christians, and one person did not report religion.

3.2. Experimental design and materials

Participants were sent a link to an online survey with a between-group design. They were randomly assigned to either the control group (no-hijab condition) or the experimental group (hijab condition). The control group viewed a picture of a woman protagonist without a headscarf, defined as the no-hijab condition. In contrast, the experimental group viewed the same woman wearing a hijab, defined as the hijab condition. Professional headshots of the woman were used to ensure no impact of differences in facial features, body size, or shape on the participants’ perceptions. Both pictures were presented in grayscale to minimize the effects of skin tone (see Appendix A, Figures A1 and A2). Authors will share upon reasonable request. More details on material and data availability can be found at OSF webpage: https://osf.io/xcwj5/?view_only=f5d2adf6993a4991825fee9e1a8ec013.

3.3. Measurement scales

Two scales were used to create the survey: the Interpersonal Attraction Scale (IAS) and the adapted Competence versus Warmth scales suggested by the Stereotype Content Model (Fiske et al., 2002). In addition to these scales, demographic questions about the participants were also included to better understand the variation in our participants.

Competence was measured using items such as, “Nuha could manage to solve a tough calculus integration problem” and “She published a short story in a literary magazine while at the university.” Higher scores on the aggregate and means indicated higher attribution of competence. Similarly, Warmth dimension was measured using items such as, “Nuha loves to be with other people” and “Nuha enjoys having long conversations with friends.” (Appendix F)

The Interpersonal Attraction Scale, developed by McCroskey and McCain (1974), is a rating scale that measures various dimensions. For this study, we used only two dimensions: task attraction (respect dimension) and social attraction (liking dimension) (Appendix E). Social attraction was measured using items such as, “Nuha seems like someone who I could befriend” and “I would like to have a friendly chat with her.” Higher scores on the aggregate and means indicated higher attribution of social attraction. Finally, Task attraction was measured using items such as, “She seems like someone who has confidence in her ability to get any work done” and “She is probably a poor problem solver” (this item was reverse scored).

All items are presented in the Appendix and were measured on a scale from 1 (very strongly disagree) to 7 (very strongly agree). Aggregate and mean scores were computed using all the items on a given dimension, and higher scores on the aggregate and means indicated higher attribution of a given attribute, i.e., competence, warmth, social attraction, and task attraction.

3.4. Procedure

The survey was conducted using Qualtrics software and participants were recruited from three universities in Pakistan: one public, one private, and one semi-private. Participants were invited through university mailing lists, and some were approached in computer labs. Participation was completely voluntary, and participants were asked for their consent before being assigned to a condition (either no-hijab or hijab) through random assignment. The survey then included scales measuring attribution of competence, warmth, social attraction, and task attraction. To minimize the impact of social desirability and participant bias, an online survey was deemed the most reliable method. Additionally, as there is already a significant body of literature on the hijab effect, primarily conducted in Muslim minority contexts, a quantitative online survey was the most practical way to ensure the validity and reliability of responses in a Muslim majority context.

4. Results

IBM-SPSS 29 was used to compute and statistically analyze the data collected from the sample of 352 university students. Before testing our research questions, descriptive statistics, reliability, and inter-correlations of all dependent variables were calculated. The research analysis was divided into two studies, and similar reliability tests were run on both datasets, after which the research questions of our studies were tested.

The overall descriptive statistics, Alpha reliabilities (α) of all dependent variables (competence, warmth, social attraction, and task attraction) are presented in Table 1. These include recorded mean scores (M), Standard deviation (SD) and subscale reliability coefficients (Cronbach’s Alpha = α), and Pearson correlations (r) of all the measured variables for the sample population of university students. The correlations between all key variables were significant. The highest correlations were recorded between competence and warmth (.49), social attraction and task attraction (.71), and competence. See Table 1 descriptive statistics; response distribution of data on all scales can be seen in Figure 1 (see Appendix B, Figure 1).

Figure 1. Response Distributions for the Dependent Variables in Study 1.

Note. The violin charts show the response distributions. The upper and lower horizontal lines of the box plots show the 75th to 25th percentile of the interquartile range. The median score is indicated by the bolded horizontal line. The largest value within 1.5 times the interquartile range above the 75th and below the 25th percentile is shown by the two vertical lines. Each participant’s response is plotted as a data point. The graphs indicate that the Skewness and Kurtosis were between -1 and + 1, suggesting normal distribution of the competence variable for the control condition.

Table 1. Descriptive Statistics, Pearson Correlations, and reliability analysis (N = 352)

Scales	M	SD	α	1	2	3	4
Competence	4.29	0.69	.60	1
Warmth	4.42	0.70	.57	.49**	1
Social attraction	3.82	0.99	.62	.33**	.23**	1
Task attraction	3.68	1.08	.61	.17**	.13*	.71**	1

Notes: α = Cronbach’s Alpha; **Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level; *Correlation is significant at the 0.05 level.

The violin graphs above provide a visual representation of the response distributions and statistical characteristics for each variable. Competence: the median for the control condition was 4, with an interquartile range of 1.12 and a standard deviation of 0.81. The Skewness and Kurtosis were 0.62 and 0.50, respectively. In the experimental condition, the median was 4.56, with an interquartile range of 0.88 and a standard deviation of 0.66. The Skewness and Kurtosis were 0.56 and 0.34, respectively. Warmth: in the control condition, the median was 4, with an interquartile range of 0.88 and a standard deviation of 0.75. The Skewness and Kurtosis were 0.22 and 0.48, respectively. In the experimental condition, the median was 4.75, with an interquartile range of 0.88 and a standard deviation of 0.67. The Skewness and Kurtosis were 0.65 and 0.50, respectively. In terms of Social Attraction, the control condition had a median of 3.5, an interquartile range of 1.33, and a standard deviation of 0.88. The Skewness and Kurtosis were -0.11 and -0.27, respectively. The experimental condition had a median of 4.50, an interquartile range of 1.79, and a standard deviation of 1.05. The Skewness and Kurtosis were 0.20 and -0.90, respectively. For Task Attraction, the control condition had a median of 3.4, an interquartile range of 1.2, and a standard deviation of 0.89. The Skewness and Kurtosis were -0.44 and 0.55, respectively. In the experimental condition, the median was 4, with an interquartile range of 2.0 and a standard deviation of 1.12. The Skewness and Kurtosis were 0.20 and -0.92, respectively.

To explore our research questions of this paper, we conducted the General Linear Model (Multiple Regression with the condition as a between-subjects factor, whereas competence, warmth, social attraction, task attraction and tiring support as dependent factors). The first research question was supported because there was a significant difference in the two conditions, the hijab condition (n = 175) was rated significantly higher on competence (M = 4.47, SD = 0.63, F (1, 347)  = 26.81, p < .001, Partial Eta Squared = .07) compared to the no Hijab condition (M = 4.10, SD = 0.69). This indicates that subjects wearing Hijab might be attributed with higher competence compared to those who do not wear Hijab.

The second research question was not supported in this study. It was found that there was a significant difference between the two conditions, where the hijab condition was rated significantly higher on the attribute of warmth (M = 4.57, SD = 0.61, F (1, 347)  = 16.12, p < .001, Partial Eta Squared = .04) compared to the no Hijab condition (M = 4.27, SD = 0.75). This means that women wearing Hijab are more likely to be attributed with higher levels of warmth compared to those who do not wear Hijab.

The third research question focused on testing whether the hijab condition will be rated higher in terms of social and task attraction, meaning that wearing hijab will be negatively associated with interpersonal attraction. The average mean for social attraction was significantly higher for the Hijab condition (M = 4.15, SD = 1.00, F (1, 347) = 44.77, p < .001, Partial Eta Squared = .11) compared to no Hijab condition (M = 3.48, SD = 0.99). Similarly, the average mean for task attraction was significantly higher for the hijab condition (M = 4.09, SD = 1.06, F (1, 347) = 66.49, p < .001, Partial Eta Squared = .15) compared to the no Hijab condition (M = 3.28, SD = 0.85).

5. Study 2

Study 2 was performed with the same materials and measures as Study 1. The only difference was that now we asked HR professionals to participate in our study.

6. Method

6.1. Samples

Study 2 included a total sample of 151 HR professionals who took part in the survey-based experiment (men = 68, and women = 83); ages ranged from 20 to 88, mean age = 37.38, SD = 11.84; the type of institutions in which these people worked included public = 26, private = 57, Semi-private = 68. There were 75 participants in the control condition (no-Hijab), and there were 76 participants in the experimental condition (Hijab). Most participants self-identified as Muslims (147), 2 self-identified as Christians, and 2 persons did not report religion.

6.2. Procedure

The Qualtrics survey link was shared with various HR departments, academic and research organizations, and institutes (including public, private, and semi-private organizations) in Pakistan. Participants were invited to participate through university and company mailing lists, and their participation was completely voluntary. After providing their consent to participate, they were randomly assigned to one of two experimental conditions (no-Hijab or Hijab condition) and then completed our scales measuring competence, warmth, social attraction, and task attraction. Demographic questions were asked before every survey (Appendix D).

7. Results

Data computation and statistical analysis were carried out using IBM-SPSS 29. Table 3 presents the mean scores (M), standard deviation (SD), Cronbach’s alpha (α), and Pearson correlations (r) for all dependent variables, namely competence, warmth, p seen in Table 3; response distribution of data on all scales can be seen in Figure 1 (see Appendix B, Figure 2).

Table 3. Descriptive Statistics, Pearson Correlations, and reliability analysis (N = 151)

Scales	M	SD	α	1	2	3	4
Competence	4.38	0.77	.60	1
Warmth	4.45	0.79	.55	.58**	1
Social attraction	4.03	1.08	.65	.17*	.21**	1
Task attraction	3.88	1.13	.68	.10	.12	.77**	1

Notes: α = Cronbach’s Alpha; **Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level; *Correlation is significant at the 0.05 level.

Figure 2. Response Distributions for the Dependent Variables in Study 2.

Note. The violin charts show the response distributions. The upper and lower horizontal lines of the box plots show the 75th to 25th percentile of the interquartile range. The median score is indicated by the bolded horizontal line. The largest value within 1.5 times the interquartile range above the 75th and below the 25th percentile is shown by the two vertical lines. Each participant’s response is plotted as a data point. All graphs showed Skewness and Kurtosis values between -1 and + 1, indicating the approximate normalcy of the competence variable for the control condition.

The violin graphs presented above depict the response distributions and statistical descriptions for each variable as follows. Competence: In the control condition, the median was 4, with an interquartile range of 2 and a standard deviation of 1.55. Skewness and Kurtosis were .27 and -.32, respectively. In the experimental condition, the median was 5, with an interquartile range of 1 and a standard deviation of 1.23. Skewness and Kurtosis were -.21 and .61, respectively. Warmth: In the control condition, the median was 4, with an interquartile range of 3 and a standard deviation of 1.65. Skewness and Kurtosis were -.08 and -.82, respectively. In the experimental condition, the median was 5, with an interquartile range of 2 and a standard deviation of 1.5. Skewness and Kurtosis were -.51 and -.54, respectively. Social attraction: In the control condition, the median was 5, with an interquartile range of 2 and a standard deviation of 1.56. Skewness and Kurtosis were -.12 and -.77, respectively, indicating normalcy. In the experimental condition, the median was 5, with an interquartile range of 2 and a standard deviation of 1.35. Skewness and Kurtosis were -.01 and -.50, respectively. Task attraction: In the control condition, the median was 4, with an interquartile range of 3 and a standard deviation of 1.70. Skewness and Kurtosis were -.10 and -.70, respectively. In the experimental condition, the median was 4, with an interquartile range of 2 and a standard deviation of 1.62. Skewness and Kurtosis were -.29 and -.58, respectively.

Following the same analysis procedure as Study 1, Table 2 showsthe results of General Linear Model (Multiple Regression with condition as a between-subjects factor, and Competence, Warmth, Social attraction, and Task attraction as dependent factors). Study 2 with HR professionals replicated the first research question. There was a significant difference in the two conditions such that the hijab condition was rated significantly higher on competence (n = 75; M = 4.60, SD = 0.66, F (1, 149) = 14.49, p < .001, Partial Eta Squared = .09) compared to the no Hijab condition (n = 76; M = 4.15, SD = 0.80). This indicates that subjects wearing Hijab are more likely to be attributed with higher competence compared to those who do not wear Hijab.

Table 2. Multiple Linear Regressions for experimental and control group (N = 349)

Scales	No Hijab (n = 174)		Hijab (n = 175)		F	p (2 tailed)	Partial Eta Squared	95% of CI for Mean Difference
	M	S D	M	S D				Lower Bound	Upper Bound
Competence	4.10	0.69	4.47	0.63	26.81	<.001	.07	.22	.50
Warmth	4.27	0.75	4.57	0.61	16.12	<.001	.04	.15	.44
Social attraction	3.48	0.86	4.15	1.01	44.77	<.001	.11	.43	.86
Task attraction	3.28	0.85	4.09	1.06	1.49	<.001	.15	.60	1.01

The results on the second research question were also replicated in Study 2. There was a significant difference between the two conditions, i.e., the hijab condition was rated significantly higher on the attribute of warmth (M = 4.75, SD = 0.67, F (1, 149) = 26.07, p < .001, Partial Eta Squared = .15) compared to the no Hijab condition (M = 4.14, SD = 0.75). This defies the assumption that subjects wearing Hijab are more likely to be attributed with higher levels of warmth compared to those who do not wear Hijab.

The third research question was also replicated in Study 2 indicating that wearing hijab will be negatively associated with interpersonal attraction. Similar to study 1, the Table 4 shows that the average mean for social attraction was significantly higher for the Hijab condition (M = 4.49, SD = 1.08, F (1, 149) = 35.10, p < .001, Partial Eta Squared = .19) compared to no Hijab condition (M = 3.55, SD = 0.88). Similarly, the average mean for task attraction was significantly higher for the Hijab condition (M = 4.32, SD = 1.18, F (1, 149) = 27.45, p < .001, Partial Eta Squared = .16) compared to the no Hijab condition (M = 3.43, SD = 0.89). It should also be noted that the most sizable effect in this analysis was for variation in social attraction.

Table 4. Multiple Linear Regressions for experimental and control group (N = 151)

Scales	No Hijab (n = 75)		Hijab (n = 76)		F	p (2 tailed)	Partial Eta Squared	95% of CI for Mean Difference
	M	S D	M	S D				Lower Bound	Upper Bound
Competence	4.15	0.80	4.60	0.66	14.49	<.001	.09	.22	.69
Warmth	4.14	0.75	4.75	0.67	26.07	<.001	.15	.37	.83
Social attraction	3.55	0.88	4.49	1.08	35.10	<.001	.19	.62	1.25
Task attraction	3.43	0.89	4.32	1.18	27.45	<.001	.16	.55	1.23

8. Discussion

The purpose of this study was to explore how hijab can affect perception about women’s competence, warmth, and attributions of social and task attraction in a Muslim majority country.

Study 1 examined a sample of university students and found that all three research questions were answered and supported by data. Women wearing hijab were perceived as higher on competence and warmth compared to those not wearing hijab. Additionally, the hijab condition was perceived as higher on social and task attraction compared to the non-hijab condition. Study 2 aimed to replicate the findings of Study 1 and focused on HR professionals. The results were statistically significant and suggest that women wearing hijab are perceived more positively than those who do not wear hijab. These findings were completely comparable to those of student sample.

The findings of Study 1 and Study 2 indicate that hijab-wearing women are positively associated with competence and warmth, while non-hijab-wearing women are associated with low competence and low warmth. This aligns with the SCM model, which maps intergroup arrays onto the warmth x competence space. The hijab acts as a visual cue for Islam, the dominant religion in Pakistan, and is associated with the default stereotype of hijabi women being perceived as intelligent and trustworthy. As per the defaults set by society for these groups, a certain level of pride and admiration is reported (Fiske, 2018). Social identity theory (Tajfel, 1974) explains why individuals show affinity for the visual representation of religious clothing, such as wearing hijab.

Research conducted in the Middle East on the hijab effect (Pasha-Zaidi, 2014) supports the tested research questions of Study 1 and Study 2 due to the similarity of context, as both Pakistan and the Middle East are Muslim-majority countries Research conducted in the Middle East on the hijab effect supports the hypotheses of our studies, as Muslim-majority countries like Pakistan and the Middle East share similar contexts. Muslim communities tend to evaluate hijab-wearing women more positively, potentially due to a sense of belonging to their religious group and the need to protect its self-esteem. Symbolic threat theory and situational cues may explain the in-group othering observed in both students and HR professionals in our studies, where hijab condition influenced perceptions of competence, warmth, and social/task attraction.

An explanation for this line of response could stem from the overarching discourse around “stereotyping” and “othering.” Stephan et al. (2002) suggest that symbolic threat theory increases group conformity, while Murphy et al. (2007) suggest that situational cues may activate social identity threat. Both students and HR professionals, 97% of whom self-report as being Muslim, seem to have become part of an active process of in-group othering of the women within each condition based on the hijab condition. By attempting to increase religious group conformity and affinity, it is also possible that both groups were trying to protect their religious self-esteem, and in the process, stereotyped the non-hijabi women as less competent and less warm, as well as less suitable for social and task attraction. One could question whether this stereotyping also takes form in the hiring of women based on hijab status, considering that non-verbal behavior and impression formation can impact these recruitment processes at an organizational level.

Our findings suggest that snap judgments, interpersonal attraction concerns, and SCM-based skills are positively evaluated for women who wear hijab. However, our results contradict Akhter et al. (2012) findings, where women perceived hijab as an obstacle to their employability and might even have negative effects on their desire to work despite being qualified. Although our study’s findings might have negative implications for women in terms of controlling their bodies through hijab, since many women in Pakistan wear hijab, it is likely that they will be less discriminated against in their local cultural context. It is possible that the pattern of belonging and affiliation with their religion through wearing hijab has a positive effect on attribution of competence and warmth, as well as social and task attraction. Furthermore, since most of our sample reported as Muslim, to protect their association with their religion, they rated hijab more favorably on all dimensions.

This explanation is in line with the notion of cultural and religious endogamy. Our study’s results contrast with Mahmud and Swami’s (2010) study, where non-Muslim and Muslim men rated the hijab-wearing condition as less attractive and less intelligent. In the case of our study, where most people are from a Muslim background, cultural endogamy shaped the opinions of both students and human resource professionals to some extent, if not entirely. However, in Sheen et al. (2018) study, even though it was conducted in a Muslim majority context of UAE, women wearing hijab were not perceived as attractive as those who did not wear hijab.

The responses of people are influenced by the social context they are in, as noted by Pasha-Zaidi (2015). Participants in both of our studies may have felt a need to avoid feeling like outsiders and may have also internalized feelings of self-preserving deference, which is reflected in the results. These findings also suggest that positive social attitudes are directed towards the religious and collective identities of Muslim women, as communicated externally by their hijab. When individuals receive positive feedback about their identities, they tend to treat these attitudes as affirmations of their self-worth (Anjum, Godil, et al., 2019; Frank, 2000; Mahabir, 2004). These social expectations also lead to thought processes of showing more affinity and representation for their religious values and honorific norms of religion and culture. The clothes that individuals wear in the public sphere signify their group membership, and this influences their social performance, employment opportunities, and communication.

8.1. Implications, limitations, and future research directions

The Equal Employment Opportunity Commissions (EEOCs) aim to prevent discrimination based on religious beliefs, including visible expression. Employers are expected to reasonably accommodate their employees’ religious beliefs and practices (Reeves et al., 2012). However, in places where Hijab is strongly promoted, women who do not wear it can face discrimination. Pakistan should create local policies and enforce them in workplaces, particularly in the corporate sector, to prevent discrimination against women who do not wear the Hijab. Enforcing policies against religious discrimination may help minimize the impact of personal biases towards non-hijabi and hijabi women’s assessment. This would also support diversity initiatives in organizations for every woman. Predicting whether a woman will be a good resource for an organization could become a process free from subjective biases. Doing so would limit the chances of incidents such as one that occurred in 2018 when a newly recruited woman at a software house was asked to either take off her Hijab or resign from work (Sohail, 2018). There are also several other incidents where women are forced to wear the Hijab through social pressure or fear for their safety (Anjum, Godil, et al., 2019). Moreover, organizational diversity not only helps attract talent but also empowers employees by creating a working environment that fosters open dialogue about differences. An example of this is giving increments or promotions to any employee irrespective of their religious affiliation and basing decisions on meeting competencies.

Future research should assess the workplace experiences of hijabi and non-hijabi women to understand the impact of discriminatory attitudes and internalized stereotypes. It should also explore industry-specific preferences and challenges, as norms around hijab may vary. Additionally, investigating women’s fears of discrimination based on hijab status is recommended. In both studies, study design included random assignment of participants, but lacked a wide range of measurement scales, leaving room for alternative explanations. Including measures of hijab identification and perceived cultural threat would have provided more nuanced insights. Using consistent methods across experiments was another limitation, suggesting the inclusion of qualitative and open-ended questions for deeper understanding. Participants in Study 1 viewed the hijab as a personal statement but were uncomfortable with stereotyping unfamiliar women. Future research could use immersive and elaborate priming methods. Some participants criticized the question about observing/recommending hijab, emphasizing women’s autonomy in deciding. It is suggested to separate these questions to avoid confusion.

The HR professional sample expressed confusion about certain statements, particularly male professionals regarding befriending female colleagues. Statements should be reviewed and modified to fit the socio-cultural context of Karachi for clarity. Addressing this limitation is important in future studies. Despite limitations such as small sample size and the need for nuanced measures, this study highlights the impact of hijab on perceived competence and interpersonal skills in the workplace, emphasizing the importance of policies to prevent religious discrimination and promote diversity and inclusion.

9. Conclusion

This research investigated how wearing hijab affects first impressions and social perceptions towards women in Karachi, Pakistan. The research showed that clothing such as the hijab can influence cognitive processes and interpersonal attitudes towards women, creating both positive effects on their perceived competence and interpersonal skills. However, negative attitudes and discrimination can be an obstacle to women’s employability, opportunity, and growth in the workplace. The findings suggest that even the absence of hijab could lead to a change in opinions on competence and warmth, indicating the potential influence of religious stereotypes on first impressions. The study raises concerns about inclusiveness and organizational diversity, and it is essential for workplaces to take proactive steps towards promoting diversity and inclusivity. The study recommends further research exploring more immersive methods of priming and the effects of clothing on attitudes towards men of different religious backgrounds. Overall, this study contributes to our understanding of the effects of hijab-wearing on social perceptions and provides insights into the complex nature of first impressions in a multicultural society. Further research in this area can help to improve our understanding of the complex relationships between identity, culture, and social perceptions.

Acknowledgements

We are also grateful for the financial support the grant Tildeling av kvalifiseringsstipend 2022 (#102603241) awarded to Gulnaz Anjum.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.

Data availability statement

More details on material and data availability can be found at OSF webpage: https://osf.io/xcwj5/?view_only=f5d2adf6993a4991825fee9e1a8ec013. Supplement data can be provided upon request. Address all correspondence to Gulnaz Anjum ([email protected]).

Additional information

Notes on contributors

Sania Sohail

Sania Sohail is a psychology graduate from the Department of Social Sciences & Liberal Arts, Institute of Business Administration Karachi (IBA Karachi), Karachi, Pakistan. She can be reached at [email protected].

Gulnaz Anjum

Gulnaz Anjum (Ph.D. Psychology) is an Associate Professor at the Department of Psychology (PSI), University of Oslo (UiO), Oslo, Norway. She is the corresponding author of this manuscript; she can be reached at [email protected].

Mudassar Aziz

Mudassar Aziz (Ph.D. Psychology) is a Psychology Instructor at the Department of Kwantlen Polytechnic University (KPU), Surrey, Canada. He can be reached at [email protected].

Appendix A

Figure A1. Non- Hijab condition. This image will be shown to the control group before they fill out the survey.

Figure A2. Non- Hijab condition. This image will be shown to the control group before they fill out the survey.

Appendix B

Survey for Undergraduate Students

Consent Form – Perceptions and attitudes towards women (hijab and non-hijab condition)

You are invited to join a research study to look at the perceptions of the woman in the picture presented. If you decide to participate in this study, you will be asked to take the survey and this will take you approximately 7 minutes. This study is not intended to cause any physical or non-physical harm to you. No social, psychological or economic harm should be caused as a result of participating in this study.

Your answers to the survey will remain anonymous and confidential. They will not be shared with any parties besides the researcher and partnering professors apart of this research study.

YOUR RIGHTS

Participation in this study is voluntary. You have the right not to participate at all or to leave the study at any time. Deciding not to participate or choosing to leave the study will not result in any penalty and it will not harm your relationship with any researchers apart of this survey.

CONTACTS FOR QUESTIONS

Please email Sania Sohail ([email protected]) if you have questions about the study, any problems, unexpected psychological discomforts or think that something unusual or unexpected is happening.

Do you agree to participate in the research study?

Yes

No

Appendix C

They say that life happens in between the struggle to achieve our goals. At age 22, Nuha, the girl whose picture you just saw, had similar thoughts going through her mind. She wondered whether her life was passing by while she tried to achieve what seemed distant and vague. Her time was distributed in two primary roles: being an undergraduate student and working as a part-time employee at a startup called ‘Energizer’. However, she did not feel like she was fully utilizing her potential in these two roles and often felt as though she missed out on opportunities in terms of exploring her personality. Was she missing out on most things in her life and missing out on the university experience? Had she grown comfortable, and resistant to change? These thoughts rushed through her mind as she sipped on a cup of tea sitting alone in a cafe’.

Appendix D

Demographic Questionnaire

Age:

Gender: (1) Female (2) Male (3) Other _____

Religion: ______

University:

Major:

Socio-economic status (SES): Upper SES, Middle SES, Lower Middle SES

Appendix E

Social and Task Attraction Survey

Please rate the following statements based on your perception of the picture shown above. (1) being strongly disagree to (7) being strongly agree.

• She could be a friend of mine.

• She seems like someone who has confidence in her ability to get any work done.

• It would be difficult to meet and talk with her.

• I know that she will be prejudiced towards me.

• She is probably a typical goof-off when assigned a job to do.

• She just wouldn’t fit into my circle of friends.

• She is probably a poor problem solver.

• We could never establish a personal friendship with each other.

• She seems like a reliable and dependable person.

• I would like to have a friendly chat with her.

• It would be hard for her to accomplish things.

Appendix F

Competence and Warmth Survey

Imagine that the person showed in the picture is “person X”. Please rate the following statements based on your perception of Nuha from (1) being strongly disagree to (7) being strongly agree.

HIGH COMPETENCE

• X worked hard on the extra-credit assignment in linear algebra

• X organized a student group to give feedback to the university Administration.

• X published a short story in a literary magazine while at university.

• X managed solved a tough calculus integration problem.

LOW COMPETENCE

• When called upon by the professor, X was confused and unable to answer the question in a coherent way.

• X considered dropping out of school because of failing Introductory psychology.

• X did poorly on the exam because of mixing up the chapters that needed to be studied.

• Peers have learned not to ask X to organize projects since he/she rarely gets things done on time.

HIGH WARMTH

• X loves to be with other people.

• X always smiles at strangers on the street just to make their day better.

• X enjoys having long conversations with friends.

• X gave up his/her seat on the crowded bus when an elderly woman got on.

LOW WARMTH

• X decided that everyone at the party was pretty shallow and left early.

• X did not want to congratulate the winner of the competition.

• X often doesn’t respond when his/her peers say hello at university.

• X couldn’t be bothered to give directions to a stranger.

NEUTRAL

• X enjoys reading a good novel.

• X occasionally likes to go to a good restaurant.

• On most days, X stops to get coffee on his/her way to work.

• Sometimes X goes to the gym for a workout.

Do you observe the hijab?

Yes | No

To what degree does your social circle consist of hijab wearing women?

All of them | Some of them | Only a few | None of them