Local language vitality in Kupang city, Indonesia: A linguistic landscape approach

Abstract

This article discusses the vitality of local languages in Kupang city, Indonesia that aimed at revealing the local language contestation in the public space of Kupang city. It is related to the existence, distribution, and factors influencing the existence of languages under the framework of the linguistic landscape approach. The use of this approach is based on the understanding that the use of regional languages in public places is not only to show the ideology and power of the language but is also concerned with maintaining the survival of the language. Data was obtained by observation method with photography technique covering the entire main road area in Kupang city. It was found that there are 39 photos as data, which consists of four languages, namely Dawan, Rote, Sabu, and Kupang Malay. The Dawan language is the dominant local language that is mostly found which is used as the name of churches and as graffiti on public transportation, such as bemo, buses, trucks, and pickup trucks. The results of the analysis show that there is a shift in language, especially in its use in public spaces. The development of Kupang became the capital city of the East Nusa Tenggara province and become the center of business, government, and education has increased the number of citizens. In contrast, the local language is seemed to be marginalized which is proved by the use of local language in public spaces. Socioeconomic factors contributed to the shift toward the language of the majority and led to the loss of the language of the minority group. Therefore, formal and informal support from all parties for these local languages is urgently needed. The state is responsible for formal support through legislation and protection, while informal is charged to individuals, community groups, and non-governmental organizations.

Keywords:

• language
• linguistic landscape
• language policy
• language vitality

1. Introduction

Kupang is the capital city of East Nusa Tenggara province so it become the center of government, education, and business. Statistic data of Kupang municipality mentioned that the citizens of Kupang city consist of the Timorese, Rote, Sabu, Flores, Alor, Lembata, Chinese, and a small number of immigrants from Ambon, Bugis, Javanese, and Balinese (BPS Kupang, 2022). The existence of these tribes of course creates diversity, not only in ethnicity but also culture and language. Currently, Kupang has developed significantly which can be observed in the public space such as the presence of private banks, modern shopping centers, hotels, restaurants, and various other business and education facilities. It is common because along with the inclusion of various business industries, there are also various languages in public spaces that can be clearly observed on the signboards, banners, billboards, and others. The public space then becomes an arena where the diversity of languages can be seen clearly and even as if they are being contested.

Studies on the use of languages in public space in several places in Indonesia (Artawa et al., 2020; Mulyawan, 2021; Mulyawan & Geraghty, 2020). And other non-English countries such as Thailand (Savski, 2021), and Malaysia (Wang & Xu, 2018) showed that local languages are the most marginalized language compared to foreign language. Local language is the language spoken in a region or place and is the mother tongue of an ethnic group. So, the local language is not the official language of the state, namely Indonesian and not an international official language such as English. Therefore, local language in this writing refers to a certain ethnic languages in Kupang, such as Dawan, Rote, Sabu, Tetun, Kambera, Wejewa, and others. The use of local languages in public places is not only one way to show the ideology and power of a language but also involves maintaining the language. Therefore, Landry and Bourhis (1997) say that the easiest way to make local languages visible to the public is through the use of language in outdoor signs. In general, it can be said that there is a reciprocal relationship between the vitality of the local language in daily life and its visibility in public spaces. This means that signs in public spaces have a strong influence on the use of language. Cenoz and Gorter (2006) explained that a person processes information from what is seen or seen for him and therefore language, in this case, a written sign will of course affect his perception of the status of the language they see and will even result in attitudes towards his own language.

As a fact that Kupang malay is used as lingua franca in everyday communication among their fellow citizens of Kupang. The Kupang Malay language indeed reflects the ethnic diversity of East Nusa Tenggara and is used by the people in Kupang to identify themselves (Grimes, 2005) although it cannot be separated from various debates, both linguistically, socially, and politically. The debate about the status of Kupang Malay or other regional languages in Kupang city is of course related to the ideology of ethnicity. There is a contradiction between a person who cannot, for example, speak Sabu but still considers himself a member of Sabu tribe because his parents are Sabu (Zhang &Yanti, 2019). So, if a person doesn’t speak the language of their tribe but still understands it is the language that partially makes him qualify as a member of that tribe.

This article is intended to explore the existence of these local languages in the public space of Kupang city within the framework of linguistic landscape study. Studies on language in public spaces in a city or area that multiethnic and multicultural such as in Kupang city is very important to see the existence of languages, especially local languages that compete to be seen in the public space. This not due to the language distribution but also factors that effecting the language maintenance. This study covers various landscape linguistic dimensions (Gorter, 2018) such as billboards, warning signs or directions, shop names, street names, or other written displays that are visible to the public and accessible to everyone. The results of this study is expected to contribute to scientific discussions about the preservation of local languages as markers of the identity of the tribes in the city of Kupang.

2. Theoretical base

2.1. Sociolinguistics situation in Kupang city

Currently, Kupang city has developed in various aspects, both culturally, economically, socially, and politically. Nowadays, every child in Kupang city is bilingual, the first is their mother tongue, which is Kupang Malay and the second is Indonesian. They will become multilingual in school age because English is one of the compulsory subjects starting from junior high school and some are starting from elementary schools. Some children are multilingual from the beginning because they grew up with English, then hang out with friends who speak Kupang Malay and learn Indonesian as a compulsory subject at school.

It is undeniable that Kupang Malay is the mother tongue for children born in Kupang but the granting of status as a mother tongue still leaves debate. Kupang Malay language is still considered a market language, broken Indonesian language, and is often pinned to people because they are considered lazy to speak Indonesian properly. This is, of course, different from the question of the status of Dawan, Rote, Sabu, or Helong languages as local or regional languages, because history and ethnic identity can be easily traced to these languages.

The reason a language can survive or shift is due to the attitude of its users. Research on adolescents aged 17–20 years in Kupang shows a shift not only in culture and lifestyle such as how to dress and socialize but also in the language (Suminar, 2019). These teenagers are more likely to use Kupang Malay or typical slang of teenagers than to use Dawan language which is their mother tongue. Another study conducted by Nugroho (2020) revealed that adolescents in Kupang and perceive that other areas such as Jakarta, Java, or Bali have a higher status than Kupang. This kind of understanding can also occur in the use of language. For example, the use of Betawi expressions such as lu or loe “you”, gue “I”, kagak “no/not”, will be considered much more prestigious than Kupang Malay or the local language.

So, there is a relationship between language maintenance and factors outside of linguistics such as cultural, psychological processes (Landry et al., 2022) and history. Similarly, Fishman (1991) says that language is related to ethno-cultures. The interrelationships between language use and psychological, social, and cultural processes are fundamental in shaping language maintenance and shift. In the same way, Holmes (2013) argues that the value of minority languages among their speakers contributes to reversing the shift of language to majority languages. Minority languages tend to be maintained if they are considered as markers of minority group identity.

The existence of language in a particular group or community is caused by demographic strength, power, and prestige. The choice of one particular language or code over another always has social significance. The debate about the status of Kupang Malay or other regional languages in Kupang city is of course related to the ideology of ethnicity. There is a contradiction between a person who cannot, for example, speak Sabu but still considers himself a person or a Sabu tribe because his parents are Sabu (Yanti, 2019). So, it seemed speaking the tribe’s language is not necessary to make someone qualified as a member of that tribe.

2.2. Landscape linguistic

The use of language in public spaces known as landscape linguistic (LL) studies (Landry & Bourhis, 1997) is an important and interesting subject from a sociolinguistic point of view. This study provides insight into how individuals and communities create, negotiate, compromise, and even reject linguistic practices and discourses that are built in the public sphere. The uniqueness of LL as a research tool lies in the fact that it is flexible enough to accommodate a wide range of data, thus enabling researchers to adopt even the broadest definition of what a linguistic landscape is (Gorter, 2018). The existence of language on signs or signs in public spaces shows the existence of the language in the lives of its users. In addition, it also plays an important role as a marker of identity (Said & Rohmah, 2018). Thus, keeping the language alive is also an attempt to maintain that identity.

3. Research method

This is a qualitative research conducted to reveal the contestation phenomena of local language in public space. This research was conducted in the city of Kupang during June 2022. The Kupang city consists of six sub-districts and 51 villages. The data was obtained along all the main roads in the Kupang city as shown in Figure 1.

Figure 1. Map of Kupang city.

Data collection was carried out through participant observation methods with photographic techniques using digital camera. Those photos are selected to eliminate the same signs. For example, the name of the bank Tanaoba Lais Manekat which consists of three photos or restaurant and food stall that uses the word se’i consist of seven photos but is counted as seven data but considered as language sign. This is aimed to know the number of data in a language. Furthermore, name of place or village on name board of an institution that require etymological analysis to determine their linguistic origin also do not count as one of the languages, for example, Oeba, Namosain, or Nunhila. So, a deeper etymological analysis is needed to determine the origin of these words. The name of the place on the sign in the public space that is counted is the name of a place that can be explicitly understood as one of the languages, such as Oesapa, Mau Lafa, or Fotufeto. Place names such as Kelapa Lima, Kayu Putih, or Tuak Daun Merah do not count as Kupang Malay because they are the same as Indonesian. Thus, writing in Kupang Malay language on public space signs is counted as having a structure of Kupang Malay.

The data involved in this study are only the local languages of the indigenous tribes of East Nusa Tenggara province, not immigrants such as Javanese, Minangkabau, Banjar, or Balinese even though these data are found. Generally, the non-NTT languages found are the names of food stalls as shown in the following picture. Such data do exist but are not counted because this research is focused on analyzing the presence and distribution of local languages East Nusa Tenggara in Kupang City. These languages are categorized as non-local languages because the speakers of these languages are immigrants. This is of course different from the languages in Table 1 above. Thus, the local languages in this article referred to the language of the indigenous tribe East Nusa Tenggara, not immigrant tribes such as Javanese, Balinese, or Chinese. These tribes are considered to be the ones that contribute to form or originating the city of Kupang. Those tribes were brought by Dutch government to stay and live along the coastal of Kupang as shown in Figure 2.

Figure 2. Sample of non Kupang or East Nusat Tenggara languages in culinary signs.

Table 1. Type of sign which included

No	Signs of Written Language, Which Included
1	Street signs
2	Advertising signs
3	Warning notices and prohibitions
4	Information signs (hints, times)
5	Religious signs
6	Graffiti (walls, writings on modes of transportation, whether parked or passing)
7	Writings on inscriptions
8	Name boards (offices/institutions, hotels/inns, stalls/restaurants, shops, commercial businesses/other services).

The collection of signs is focused on signs of written language in one of the local languages of East Nusa Tenggara. The signs collected covers:

1. All signs along the main roads that are visible and readable to pedestrians

2. Signs of written language, which include:

The written language of the following signs or signs does not counted:

The data collected is classified based on the form and type. Language forms consist of monolingual, bilingual, and multilingual signs. Types of signs consist of official signs (top-down) and private signs (bottom-up). Official signs are signs made by the government such as public signs, road signs, or public announcements from government organizations. While, privet signs are signs produced by individuals or companies, for example, shop signs or commercial signs. All data were analyzed to find the distribution of the presence of these languages in the public space. The findings were analyzed qualitatively. Data analysis is combined with literature study to produce a conclusion and novelty of this study.

4. Findings

There are thirty nine data of written language in four local languages found in the public space of Kupang city. Those local languages found are Dawan, Sabu, Rote, and Kupang Malay. Data of multi-lingual signs such as Beta Punk Café or Beta Pung Mobile are counted as Kupang Malay. Details of the language names and the number of signs found can be seen in the following Table

Those local languages are very little seen in public spaces and are used in nine types of outdoor signs as shown in Tables 2, 3 and 4 below.

Table 2. Type of sign not included

No	Signs of Written Language, which not included
1	Signs in buildings and private accommodations
2	Writings that are mostly deleted, damaged or torn
3	Names of people or places
4	Writings that appear twice or more will still be counted as one data.

Table 3. Number of sign in languages

No	Language name	Number of sign
1	Dawan	21
2	Sabu	6
3	Rote	7
4	Kupang Malay	5
	Total	39

Table 4. Distribution of the local language based on the type of signs

No	Type of sign	Number of sign	Remark
1	Transportation sign	9	Name of bemo or graffiti on bemo or pickup trucks
2	Religious	6	Church name
3	Food	1	Culinary
4	Inscription	2	Monuments
5	Street sign	6	Street name
6	Warnings	1
7	Commercial advertisement	3
8	Place	5	Place name
9	Name board	6	Name of shop, bank, restaurant
Total		39

As stated that there are four local languages found on outdoor signs or signs in Kupang with Dawan language being the most widely used. Kupang Malay language which is the lingua franca for the people of Kupang city is the least found, which only 5 data.

Figure 3 above is an example of a public space sign contains an appeal from the government of Nunbaun Delha village to maintain a clean environment. The writing on the sign is included as Kupang Malay language because the grammatical characteristics of the language such as the words beta “I”, kitong “we/us”, basodara “fellow”, deng “with”, and dong “they”. Kupang Malay is not totally different from Indonesian. The difference lies in several linguistic features that distinguish it (Djahimo, 2020).

Figure 3. Sample of sign in Kupang Malay.

Based on this understanding, the writing of street name boards, for example, Jl. Perintins Kemerdekaan, Jl. Cendawan, or Jl. Mekar are considered Indonesian, but Jl. Kabesak or Gg Bok satu is counted as Kupang Malay because the word kabesak is the name of a hard tree and bok “bend/turn” in Kupang Malay. Likewise, the writing of the names of local languages such as Jl Dalek Esa and Jl Uki Ta’un is counted as one of the local languages, namely Rote and Dawan language as shown in Figures 4 and 5. While, street signs that require analysis or are not explicit as one of the languages are still not counted.

Figure 4. Sample of street signs in Dawan Language.

Figure 5. Sample of street signs in Rote Language.

The Dawan language which is most widely used in the public spaces of Kupang City is found in the type of church name signs and writings or graffiti on transportation modes, each of which has 6 signs. The types and number of signs that use the Dawan language can be seen in Table 5 below.

Table 5. Types of sign in dawan language

No	Type of sign	Number of sign	Remark
1	Food	1	Culinary
2	Religious	6	Church name
3	Inscription	1
4	Street sign	3	Street name
5	Transportation sign	6	Name of bemo or graffiti on bemo or pickup trucks
6	Bank	1	Name of bank
7	Place	3	Place name
Total		21

The language most commonly found in religious signs, namely the name of the church and writings or graffiti on land transportation modes in Kupang city. In general, the writings on the land transportation have religious meaning, such as Uis Neno Nokan Kit “god be with us”, Tetus “blessing”, or Oehonis “Divine water” as shown in Figure 6.

Figure 6. Sample of the use of Dawan language in public space in Kupang.

The government of Kupang city respects the identity of indigenous tribes, although there is no policy regarding the use of language in the public spaces. The commitment and involvement in respecting the identity of the people of the city of Kupang can be seen in the use of the Dawan (Timorese, Atoin Meto) and Rote languages. The Dawan language is used on the statue at the intersection as one of the gates to enter the city of Kupang from El Tari Airport. On the statue is written Uisneno Nokat Kit which means God be with us. While the Rote language is used as the name of a park in the city, namely Ina Bo’i which means dear mother or dear women. Helong language is also used publicly even though it is only found on the logo of the Kupang municipality, namely Lilaunol Dael Banan which means develop me with a sincere and conscience heart as shown in Figure 7.

Figure 7. The use of helong, rote and dawan language by the government of Kupang city in public space.

The language of the Solor tribe as one of the tribes that took part in the origin of Kupang city is not found except for the name of the village that is Kelurahan Solor “Solor village”. The Chinese on the other hand as a tribe who also played a role when the Dutch came to rule were only found in symbols or people’s name used as shop names.

The most important thing to pay attention to is the existence of the Kupang Malay language as a lingua franca for the people of the city of Kupang. This, of course, needs a deep discussion from various aspects or point of view because it involves ideology, social, and politics as well as linguistics. The analysis and interpretation of these findings is discussed in the discussion section.

5. Discussion

Based on the data presented in the findings, discussion and analysis is dealing with the distribution or representation of local languages, types of distribution, possible reasons for the existence of these languages, and possible language policy. The existence of four regional languages, namely Dawan, Sabu, Rote, and Kupang Malay is not in doubt because it is the language of the tribes that has existed since there was no Kupang city as it is today. Based on the data on the distribution of language based on the type of outdoor sign, it was found that the signs in the means of transportation and religious signs. Likewise, the most common language found is Dawan language. This language appears as a name or writings as graffiti on the body of the bemo, truck, or pickup trucks. The languages used in this type are words with religious meaning or about love. The existence of Dawan language or other local language is related to the owner or the driver of the vehicle. Here, there is not only a pride as an Atoin Meto tribe but also the feeling of belonging to their mother tongue. Atoin Meto is the name of Timor tribe which speak Dawan language. This language is also called Uab Meto or Molok Meto.

Dawan language is also found to be used in six religious signs. This religious sign is related to the use of language in religious signs such as the name of the church. These churches are located in a place where the majority of the congregation is Atoin Meto (Timorese). The use of Dawan language in this church can be observed as an effort to maintain local identity that society. The choice of particular words in Dawan language is one of the efforts to maintain the language and culture of the Atoin Meto people as the majority in the area or place. From the socio-political aspect, this can also be observed as the dominance of the Atoin Meto culture from other tribes in the region. The name of the church can indicate the way individuals and groups use language to construct individual and collective ideologies and identities.

The Dawan language terms used as the name of these churches are terms that build the spirit of faith and also unity among congregations. Although the number is small but the presence of the Dawan language as the name of the church which is a public institution and is in the public sphere become an indicator of the existence of local languages. In the type of outdoor sign related to culinary, there is only one word, namely se’i means to grill. Etymologically, the word se’i refers to a meat processing, that is to grill. The lack of culinary signs in public spaces may be due to the lack of culinary entrepreneurs from indigenous tribes or culinary names. Another thing is that not many types of authentic food can be sold in this industry.

The absence of a local name in the culinary industry can be understood due to economic factors. For example, a café called BETA PUNK CAFÉ & RESTO. The word punk is pronounced the same as pung in Kupang Malay which means to own or to have. So, BETA PUNK CAFÉ & RESTO is more likely to be read as BETA PUNG CAFÉ & RESTO which means MY CAFÉ & RESTO. Another example as the name of a restaurant called WAROENK. This word is pronounced WARUNG that is the food stall. This kind of language game is used to manipulate the psychology of the reader or consumers. The use of Indonesian or English is considered to be more “selling” than the local language.

Kupang Malay is the only local language that found in warning signs and instructions in Kupang city. This is understandable because Kupang Malay is the lingua franca for the tribes in Kupang. The use of the Kupang Malay rather than the Indonesian language tends to be closer to the communities. The use of the Kupang Malay language in this public space shows the pride of the Kupang community in having a sense of pride in speaking Kupang Malay although remain debatable regarding the status of this language. The existence of the Kupang Malay language is closely related to the history of trade and contacts on the island of Timor and more specifically to the city of Kupang. The use of the Kupang Malay language on signs in public spaces is one of the proofs of the community’s recognition regarding the existence of the language.

Recognition of the existence of local languages by the government can also be seen from the presence of statues written in Dawan and Rote languages. The shape of the statue and the language used is very large size. While, and the position of the statue’s existence have helped shape people’s perceptions, not only of language but of the identity of these two tribes. In addition to the two statues, one of the regional banks is also named in the Dawan language, namely Tanaoba Lais Manekat means “to serve with love” (lit: Let us are practicing love). The use of Dawan language in the name of a bank as a public institution is an advantage in terms of language preservation. Everyone from various ethnic groups or at least who has transacted with the bank must know this Dawan language words. This bank was started as a foundation to provide capital to the congregation to develop their business. At that time, the product being implemented was in the form of soft loans to individuals and groups.

The use of Dawan language in the name of a bank proves that name of a business it is not totally influenced by the economic selling value but is related to the perception of the sign maker or the one who gives the name. Service products determine economic benefits, not the name of the company. If there is, probably very little. By the same understanding, business names such as names of places to eat (restaurants, stalls, restaurants, and cafes) can have the same perception as a form of locality without reducing the quality of their products. The perception of someone who judges according to another culture is better than one’s own is the reason for the shift in language and culture. Reflecting on the two cases regarding the statue and the name of the bank above, it is clear that the intervention of the government and also public institutions such as banks or schools is very much needed in terms of the maintenance and the existence of local languages.

The language play on business names such as Beta Punk Café & Resto, or Waroenk shows the ideological value and the value of internationality in the public sphere. The use of English or language games as exemplified is contrary to the sociolinguistic situation in Kupang. The people of Kupang city are multi-lingual but not English speakers or at least are diaspora communities. The case of the dominance of the English language is due to the high literacy and the prestigious dimension associated with the language as a lingua franca for the rest of the world. (Farran & Hortobágyi, 2020). Besides, tourism is one of the aspects that influence the spread of English. So the existence of English or language games like those found in Kupang city seemed to only to accommodate the demands business but not to fulfill the language needs of the local community. Therefore, language policies is encouraged for the preservation of national and minority languages.

The complexity of the shift in the local language in Kupang city can be observed from a political, social, and economic perspective. The local languages in Kupang city have shifted into minority languages. The term minority in this paper contains messages of hierarchy and marginalization. It should be noted here that there is no shift or the reduction in number of the member of a local tribe in Kupang. Quantitatively, the number of population is increased but the language is shifted or even disappeared. At this level, socio-economic factors contribute to the shift towards the majority language and lead to the loss of the minority group’s language.

Thus, the social and economic goals of an individual in a community can be used as an indicator to calculate how fast or slow a shift is. A rapid shift occurs when people really want to “succeed” in a society where knowledge of a second language is a prerequisite for success (Holmes, 2013). Therefore, formal and informal support for a language is an important force in maintaining the vitality of a language. At the policy level, the state, in this case the local government of Kupang city, is responsible for formal support through legislation and protection, while informal support is borne by individuals and community groups, communities, and non-governmental organizations. Language policies in an area have proven to be effective in preserving and revitalizing languages, for example, in Bali, Indonesia (Mulyawan, 2021). Unfortunately, until now there is no government regulation regarding the use of Kupang Malay or other regional languages in NTT, especially the city of Kupang. The only government regulation regarding the use of language is the East Nusa Tenggara is Governor’s Regulation No. 56 of 2018 concerning the use of English every Wednesday. The presence of this regulation clearly shows the ideology and direction of the government’s language policy towards regional languages. The language policy in Indonesia is contained in the Law of the Republic of Indonesia Number 24 of 2009 concerning the flag, language and state symbols, as well as the national anthem. In addition, there are two other regulations related to language, namely Government Regulation of the Republic of Indonesia Number 57 of 2014 concerning the Development, Guidance, and Protection of Language and Literature, and also improvement of the function of Indonesian. Another policy is found in Presidential Regulation Number 63 of 2019 concerning the use of the Indonesian language. Policies at the local level are needed to be more focused because the linguistic situation in each region in Indonesia is of course different and has its own characteristics.

Several provinces that have regulations related to language include Bali, West Java, Central Java, East Java, Yogyakarta, West Nusa Tenggara, North Sumatra, Lampung, and Central Kalimantan. Some of the provinces mentioned above do not directly regulate language policy but are contained in language learning as local content in schools. The provinces of Bali and West Java have the most policies related to language because they separate education, arts, and language in public spaces. There are logical and political reasons why a region does not have a language policy. For example, the province of East Nusa Tenggara because of the problem of diversity. The city of Kupang is a multi-cultural, multi-ethnic and multi-lingual area. Thus, legalizing a language as a lingua franca will of course hurt other ethnics. Therefore, formulating a language policy, especially for Kupang city, is important to consider common interests. It must be done carefully so that politically not to hurt each other. The language policy must cover all ideologies, which means that all languages have the same position.

Whatever the presence of ethnicity, culture, and language, but the unity Flobamora (Flores, Sumba, Timor, Rote) or Tirosa (Timor, Rote, Sabu) in Kupang city should not fade or disappear. The motto of Kupang city as the city of Kasih “love” must remain in the hearts of every citizen of Kupang city, including immigrants from outside the province of East Nusa Tenggara.

6. Conclusion

Using language on outdoor signs as a way to maintain the vitality of the language. It can be concluded that the local languages in Kupang city are continuously shifted by the times. The use of local languages in public places is not only one way to maintain the vitality of the language but also relates to ideology and power. Therefore, formal and informal intervention or support for the vitality of a language is important. A joint movement is needed to maintain the language as a tribal identity or at least as the wealth of the diverse people of Kupang city.

A multilingual model is considered to be the most appropriate language policy for a multilingual city of Kupang. This model recognizes all the mother tongues of each tribe that makes up the city of Kupang including Kupang Malay. Each individual or group may choose what language they want to use. In the field of education, for example, the policy of teaching language in schools as a lesson of local content is an obligation but the choice of what language to be learned is the right of the students. This policy requires the right strategy in its implementation but this is important to do in order to maintain the identity of Kupang as a multi-ethnic city. The success of this such language policy is closely related and mutually supportive with other aspects such as social, economic, and political. Therefore the responsibility is not only on the government but also the community as the owner of the language.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Additional information

Funding

The authors received no direct funding for this research.

Notes on contributors

Naniana N. Benu

Naniana N. Benu is lecturer in the English Education Study Program at the Artha Wacana Christian University Faculty of Teacher Training and Education. He teaches linguistic courses such as morphosyntax, semantics, and phonology. Master of linguistics education was completed in 2014 and has attended a doctoral program (S3) in linguistics since 2021 at Udayana University, Indonesia. His research interest is in linguistics and education and publishing articles in national and international journals, book chapters, and a book. He is also active as speaker at seminars, both nationally and internationally.

I Ketut Artawa

I Ketut Artawa has joined the English Department Udayana university since 1983. His educational background includes a bachelor degree (BA) and doctorandus (Drs.) degree in English language and literature from Udayana University, MA degree in Linguistics graduated on the first day of June 1992 and PhD degree in Linguistics graduated on the twenty-fourth day of March 1995 from La Trobe University. He was awarded an outstanding lecturer by the Faculty of Letters in 1997 and Udayana University in the same year and He obtained my professorship in Linguistics in 2005. His research interest is in linguistics and he has conducted some researches about typology linguisitc, syntax, and landscape linguistic. He has supervised many bachelor papers, theses and doctorate dissertations. He has also participated as guest and invited speaker in a number of national and international seminars.

Made Sri Satyawati

Made Sri Satyawati is a lecturer at Indonesian Department, Faculty of Humanities, Udayana University, Bali, Indonesia. She obtained her Master Degree in Linguistics from Padjadjaran University, Bandung, Indonesia in 1999 and she got her Doctorate Degree in Linguistics from Udayana University in 2010. Her research interest is in linguistics and she has conducted some researches about syntax, typology, and semantics. Her publications involve study on Indonesian language and some local languages in Eastern Indonesia. She has supervised many bachelor papers, theses and doctorate dissertations. She has also participated as guest and invited speaker in a number of national and international seminars.

Ketut Widya Purnawati

Ketut Widya Purnawati is a Lecturer at Udayana University since 2001. She was graduated from the Department of Japanese Literature at Padjadjaran University in 2000. She was continuing his Masters and Doctorate Degree in the Udayana University Linguistics Program, graduated from Master’s Program in 2009 and graduated from Doctoral Program in 2018. In 2005-2006 attended the Long-term Training for Japanese Language Teachers at the Japan Foundation, Saitama, Japan. In 2015 received a Research grant from the Hyogo Overseas Research Network to conduct joint research at Kobe Womens University. Her research interest is in linguistics and she has conducted some researches about syntax, typology, semantics, and landscape linguistic. She has supervised many bachelor papers, theses and doctorate dissertations. She has also participated as guest and invited speaker in a number of national and international seminars.