Portrayal of the COVID-19 pandemic in political cartoons in Tanzania

Abstract

Previous analyses of Tanzanian political cartoons unearthed corruption practices, impingement of democratic processes, stereotype representation of gender relations, and power relations between politicians. The outbreak of COVID-19 pandemic opened another avenue to investigate the contents of political cartoons in Tanzania, as had already been reported in Jordan, Nigeria and South Africa. This paper looks into the messages contained in caricatures of Nathan Mpangala and Ali Masound (Kipanya) through the lens of the theory of multimodality, Three pertinent verdicts emerge: (i) the foregrounded messages concern cautions about the spread of COVID-19 pandemic, preventive measures on the onset of coronavirus, control measures after the penetration of the pandemic in Tanzania, and the role of the interim President of Tanzania; (ii) as the traditional of caricatures, satirical and metaphorical styles had been employed by cartoonists to derive the intended messages; (iii) the predominance of Kiswahili (over English) appears to suggest the choice of the language of public communication to be reverted to Kiswahili-only, rather than the presence regulations, which permit both Kiswahili and English.

Keywords:

• coronavirus
• gendered representation
• political cartoons
• political leaders
• Swahili metaphors
• Tanzania

1. Introduction¹

This paper invokes the theory of multimodality to account for the proper interpretation of the messages contained in the political cartoons about COVID-19 in Tanzania, a country, which is highly criticized for not observing COVID-19 protocols in between the first half of 2020 and second half of 2021 (Bashizi et al., 2021; Gruenbaum, 2020, 2021; Kiptinness et al., 2021; Meek, 2021; Mumbu & Hugo, 2020; Richey et al., 2021). The paper examines the contents of the political cartoons created by Nathan Mpangala and Ali Masoud (Kipanya) on the basis of four milestones provided for in the framework of multimodal discourse analysis: (i) the iconographic connotations of the messages contained in political cartoons; (ii) the attributive nature of the pictures contained in political cartoons; (iii) the setting produced by cartoonists in deliverance of values, identities and actions in political cartoons; and (iv) the salience of the message as embedded in the colour, position and size of the pictures in political cartoons (LeVine & Scollon, 2004; Machin & Mayr, 2012). Also, the paper accounts for the source domains and target domains of the metaphorically represented cartoons of COVID-19 in comparison with the work of Bwenge (2016).

The motivation for conducting this investigation stems from the outbreak of COVID-19 in Wuhan, China, in December 2019 and subsequent recording of the pandemic in North Africa since February 2020 and sub-Saharan Africa in March 2020. In the African continent, too much information had been generated about the source of the coronavirus, the spread of COVID-19, the vaccination in developing countries, the position of Africa during coronavirus attack, the economy of African states due to COVID-19, the aid for COVID-19, among others (see Boswell, 2020; Lone & Ahmad, 2020; Mfinanga et al., 2021; Rudwick et al., 2021). In Tanzania, too much information had been generated under the themes of screening for and treatment of COVID-19 patients, the relations of Tanzania with neighbouring states during COVID-19 pandemic, the position of President John Pombe Magufuli, and power relations between Tanzania and donor states (Ettang, 2021; Gruenbaum, 2021; Lone & Ahmad, 2020; Meek, 2021; Mumbu & Hugo, 2020; Richey et al., 2021). A glance at the Tanzanian newspapers confirms that the abundance of information about COVID-19 have attracted the attention of the political cartoonists in between March 2020 and September 2021. The contents of the information in political cartoons could be accounted for properly using the theory of multimodality (C. J. Forceville, 2006; Van Leeuwen, 2004) which the current investigation has adopted.

Another motivation for the current investigation stems from the lacuna available in the previous investigation of political cartoons in Tanzania. Only a couple of publications have appeared on this subject matter (Beez, 2006; Bwenge, 2016; Lugome, 2012; Lusekelo, 2016; Omari, 2019). A brief review of their findings is offered in two paragraphs, then incorporation of their conclusions appear in the discussion section of the current paper. Lugome (2012) analyses five political cartoons, which foreground the representation of male-female power relations in Tanzania. In the cartoons, women are portrayed as potential constituencies that aspiring politicians tend to woo. In the analysis, the author found that the political constituencies had been caricatured into pictures of women who could be given so many promised that hardly get fulfilled. In other words, the political cartoonists assume the citizens in the political constituencies to be represented as women because gender relations in Tanzania treats women stereotypically as indecisive. Similarly, Omari (2019) analysed the satirical and stereotypical representation of women in cartoons that portray the two main football teams of Simba Sports Club (Simba) and Dar Young Africans (Yanga) in Tanzania. Cartoonists capture the reality in that women are stereotypically assumed to be indecisive, unsuccessful and submissive to men. Apart from the analysis of satirical cartoons, the stereotypical representation of females in Tanzania appears even in publications, which investigated the subject matter using survey methods in real society (see Hedges et al., 2016; Mntambo, 2021; Ngaiza, 2010, among others).

The political cartoons analysed by Bwenge (2016) foreground only the issue of corruption, popularly known as rushwa or ufisadi in Kiswahili language. On the one hand, the issue of corruption is portrayed to have engulfed the House of the Parliament, the Central Government, President Jakaya Kikwete, Minister Kingunge Ngombare Mwilu, and Prime Minister Edward Lowassa. On the other hand, with regard to the fight against corruption, the opposition political leaders are portrayed as being suppressed by the Government of Tanzania. The political cartoons analysed by Lusekelo (2016) foreground the debates emanating from the 2015 General Elections in Tanzania. Three prominent contenders, which appeared in Masoud Kipanya’s political cartoons were John Pombe Magufuli (Chama cha Mapinduzi “Revolutionary Political Party”), Edward N. Lowassa (CHADEMA ‘Development and Democracy Opposition Political Party) and Ibrahim Lipumba (CUF “Civic United Front”). The central message contained in the debates was corruption and integrity (Lusekelo, 2016).

The focus of the previous analyses had covered the political cartoons, which were created between 2007 and 2015. In fact, much of the political cartoons investigated represented the political debates during the General Elections of 2010 and 2015, except Beez (2006) and Omari (2019) who investigated the cartoons in sports. The literature shows that political cartoons discuss several matters that surround African affairs, namely, corruption, democracy, economy, environment, gender relations, power relations, sports, xenophobia, etc. (Conradie et al., 2012; Eko, 2010; Hammett, 2010). Of recent, studies of the contents of cartoons have also incorporated the representation of information about COVID-19 pandemic (Kupolati et al., 2021; Rutherford, 2020; Younes & Altakhaineh, 2022). This new phenomenon surrounding the field of caricature had not yet been investigated in Tanzania, hence the current contribution fills this lacuna.

2. Framing COVID-19 within the theory of multimodality

In this paper, two theoretical approaches had been adopted. On the one hand, the multimodal discourse approach (Machin & Mayr, 2012; Van Leeuwen, 2004) is adapted to account for the meaning generated by the texts provided in the cartoons. On the other hand, images in the cartoons embed metaphorical content, which are accounted for using metaphors in pictures and multimodal perspectives (C. Forceville, 2008; C. J. Forceville, 2006).

2.1. Texts in the multimodal discourse

Van Leeuwen (2004) established that posters constitute three faces, namely, the image, the language, and the topography, which should be interpreted as a single communicative act. This claim points out to the fact that political cartoons contain meaning that could be interpreted correctly once we examine images and texts given in the cartoons. This is perfect, as Van Leeuwen (2004) pointed out in this quotation:

Perhaps we should view posters and similar texts (e.g., display advertisements) in the same way–as single, multimodal communicative acts, especially inasmuch as the cohesion between the verbal and the visual is usually enhanced by some form of stylistic unity between the image, the typography and the layout (Van Leeuwen, 2004, p. 7).

In chapter 2 of their book, Machin and Mayr (2012) prescribe strategies to be applied in the analysis of the semiotic choices based on words and images. This paper adopts four guidelines articulated in the chapter. These four milestones help to earmark the important corners of the political cartoons for the foregrounding of the message and less important parts of caricatures for the purposeful backgrounding information as deemed necessary by the cartoon artists (Van Leeuwen, 2004; Yuen, 2004).

The pertinent milestone concerns the iconography of the images. Apart from direct denotation of facts, images in cartoons tend to offer semiotic connotation of the message. Machin and Mayr (2012, p. 50) argue that “all images connote something for us. For example, an image of a large house can connote wealth and excess.” In the analysis of the political cartoons, the paper looks at the images contained therein and interpret the connotative meaning emanating from the socio-economic, cultural and political issues emerging during the outbreak and spread of COVID-19 in Africa in general and Tanzania in particular.

The second milestone involves attributes of the images in which Machin and Mayr (2012, p. 51) pointed out that they concern “ideas and values communicated by objects and how they are represented.” In the analysis, this paper considers every part of the pictures contained in the political cartoons. Nonetheless, much attention is paid on the foregrounding by the locus of attention proposed by Yuen (2004). It is the setting of the images produced by cartoonists that much attention is paid upon. The setting of the images assist in deliverance of values, identities and actions in political cartoons. Based on the point advanced by Machin and Mayr (2012), in interpretation of the images from political cartoons, consideration is on the physical landscape presented by the cartoonists. The author of the current paper strives as much as possible to associate the setting of the whole image with the real-life situation in Tanzania.

The last milestone is salience, which Machin and Mayr (2012, p. 54) define as “certain features in a composition are made to stand out, to draw our attention to foreground certain meanings. Such features will have the central symbolic value in the composition.” The foregrounding is usually associated with the locus of attention being highlighted by colour, size and position of images (Van Leeuwen, 2004; Yuen, 2004).

In analyzing the images in political cartoons, on the basis of salience, much attention is paid upon the representation of the late President John Pombe Magufuli and President Samia Suluhu Hassan on the subject matter of the prevalence of COVID-19 in Tanzania. The paper unearths facts that lingered in the mass media as regards denial of President Magufuli and acceptance by President Samia Suluhu Hassan (Gruenbaum, 2021; Meek, 2021; Mfinanga et al., 2021; Richey et al., 2021).

The reaction of the population of Tanzania is another foregrounded information that the paper wants to unearth from the political cartoons. The existing literature about COVID-19 in Africa in general (Lone & Ahmad, 2020; Rudwick et al., 2021) and Tanzania in particular (Gruenbaum, 2021; Meek, 2021; Mfinanga et al., 2021; Mumbu & Hugo, 2020; Richey et al., 2021) tend to popularize that the Tanzanian masses have been betrayed by political leaders into abandoning lockdown and then turned reckless as regards the prevention against COVID-19. The paper aims to unravel any manifestations of these allegations in the political cartoons produced in the country.

In the course of the interpretation, texts offered in the political cartoons form an important vintage. Machin and Mayr (2012) argue that the choice of the vocabulary, such as verbs and nouns contribute to the passing of the intended message to the public. Likewise, Yuen (2004) argues that the size, colour and position of the text in an image provides a pertinent clue as to its values in the political cartoon. In this regard, the paper takes vintage of the choices of words, mainly from Kiswahili language (Asheli, 2022; Lusekelo, 2022), the fonts used for the texts, and their lining as paramount in selecting the message shared with the public.

2.2. Metaphors and the interpretation of the source and target domains

The source domain and target domain are given priority in the interpretations of the metaphors presented in the cartoons by Nathan Mpangala and Ali Masoud (Kipanya). The analysis builds on the combination of picture signs and written signs in images (C. J. Forceville, 2006). While C. Forceville (2008, p. 464) pointed out that “pictorial metaphors are monomodal: their target and source are entirely rendered in visual terms, just as their verbal sisters have a target and source entirely rendered in language,” it appears that caricatures comprise both the images and texts; therefore, they qualify to be called multimodal. As pointed out above, this is in line with C. J. Forceville (2006) that recognizes the presence of pictorial signs and written signs within a single caricature.

In the analysis of the metaphors in this paper, the context of occurrence of the caricatures is given an upper-hand. C. Forceville (2008, p. 264) argued that “an object is metaphorized because of the visual context in which it is placed.” In the paper, the COVID-19 situation in Tanzania is interpreted as manifesting in the cartoons. Consequently, the multimodal theory combines the signs adopted by cartoonists, the sensory perception of Tanzanians, and the material culture around the cartoons.

The metaphorical interpretation in this paper contributes to the previous analyses (C. Forceville & van der Laar, 2019; Younes & Altakhaineh, 2022). C. Forceville and van der Laar (2019) who utilized the visual and multimodal perspective to account for the metaphorical representation of the political facts about the politician Geert Wilders in the Netherlands. Two important codes in the interpretation of the political cartoons are source domain being mapped into the target domain. In the course of interpretation of political cartoons in Tanzania, the paper provides the source and target domains. Younes and Altakhaineh (2022) point out various source domains during the outbreak stage of the pandemic (e.g. COVID-19 is the king), in the course of the impact (e.g. COVID-19 during Ramadan and COVID-19 as a wrestler), during the fight against the pandemic (e.g. doctors are soldiers) etc. The source domains include animals, food, human, sports and war, among others. In section 5.2, it will be shown that the source domains for the cartoons in Tanzania include pharmacy shop, grave, house, human, motorcycle and tree. The target domains had been the spread, prevention and cure of COVID-19.

The application of theory of multimodality to arrive at metaphorical representation of message is not novel. As discussed in the literature above (and will be evident in section 5), the studies by Bwenge (2016) analyzed metaphorical representation of corruption through the source and target domains. One of the major source domains in the baobab tree, which is used to represent the corruption. In the current paper, the same source domain is used to represent death due to COVID-19. Similarly, both Lugome (2012) and Omari (2019) analyzed cartoons, which contain the source domain of shy-woman that represents lured idea or constituent. The purpose of the current investigation is to compare Kiswahili metaphors in previous studies, with the current ones surrounding COVID-19 in the country.

3. Methodology

The data analyzed in this paper come from artistic works of two prominent cartoonists in Tanzania, namely Nathan Mpangala and Ali Masoud (Kipanya). Both popular cartoonists have a long history of the political and socio-economic situations of Tanzania, which they represent through cartooning (Späth, 2014). Nathan Mpangala produces cartoons through Nafasi Art Space. He also established Nathan Mpangala Foundation and Wafanye Watabasamu Project. Nathan Mpangala shares his artistic work through Independent Television (ITV), a local television station. Ali Masoud (Kipanya), the first winner of the East African cartoonist founded by Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, is the CEO of KP Media and Inawezekana Foundation. He is also a producer of Power Breakfast Session at Clouds FM in Tanzania. Ali Masoud shares his political cartoons through Mwananchi Communications that produces Mwananchi dailies.

Both cartoonists publish their artistic works through mass media in Tanzania. Nathan Mpangala releases his cartoons daily through Independent Television (ITV) in the country, while Ali Masoud (Kipanya) publishes his cartoons through Mwananchi Newspaper, the dailies circulated countrywide. Also, these cartoonists releases their cartoons through social media and blogs available globally (Lusekelo, 2016; Späth, 2014).

In Tanzania, COVID-19 pandemic did strike in early 2020 and reached peak in late 2021 (BBC, 2021; Meek, 2021; Reuters, 2021). The political cartoons of Nathan Mpangala and Ali Masoud (Kipanya) were gathered during the period between early 2020 and late 2021. Both cartoonists produce hundreds of political cartoons in a year, making at least one cartoon a day. Hypothetically, each cartoonist might have produced 360 for the period of 12 months during the course of the two years of the total chaos caused by the pandemic. However, both cartoonists cover socio-economic and political issues that arise in the country and beyond (Lugome, 2012; Späth, 2014). Therefore, a purposeful selection of political cartoons, which cover COVID-19 pandemic was executed for the period of two years.

4. Representation of COVID-19 in political cartoons

The context in which the caricatures were created surrounds the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic in the world. Two epochs unfolded in Tanzania. On the one hand, President John Pombe Magufuli recognized the outbreak and spread of the disease in the second phase of 2020 but took reluctant steps to adhere to the COVID-19 protocols imposed by the World Health Organization (Gruenbaum, 2020; Kiptinness et al., 2021; Meek, 2021; Richey et al., 2021; Shivji, 2021). Consequently, cartoons created during President Magufuli’s era depict this scenario. On the other hand, the demise of President John Pombe Magufuli and the swearing in of President Samia Suluhu Hassan marked another epoch surrounding COVID-19 in Tanzania (BBC, 2021; Gruenbaum, 2021; Reuters, 2021; Shivji, 2021). These two epochs constitute different contexts of caricatures for COVID-19 as presented in the subsequent sections.

4.1. The outbreak of coronavirus and spread of COVID-19 in Tanzania

Figure 1 portrays the outbreak of COVID-19 amidst the advancement in technology. In the image, the foregrounded word CORONA “coronavirus” is tearing away the humanly flesh of the body called DUNiA “the world”. The foregrounded humanly body DUNiA is crying and complaining that technology did not help, as depicted in the text that goes as: SIAMINI! TEKNOLOJIA YOTE HII NILIYONAYO “I can’t believe! With all the technology I have.” In this caricature, the cartoonist warns the public that the world is facing the deadly disease.

Figure 1. An image of the world struggling with the outbreak of COVID-19.

In Tanzania, COVID-19 is claimed to have been brought from outside. In Figure 2, Masoud Kipanya portrays the motorist carrying a passenger who happens to carry two bags. The picture contains the symbolic representation of COVID-19. It is plausible to argue that the cartoonist represents the fact that Coronavirus outbreak happened elsewhere. It was recorded in Tanzania in people travelling from outside (Mumbu & Hugo, 2020), which is represented by the passenger.

Figure 2. A picture of a passenger as an in-coming of COVID-19 disease in Tanzania.

Based on Figure 2, the foreign nature of coronavirus is foregrounded further by the first text produced by the motorist that reads: EAPOTI AU UBUNGO? “Airport or Ubungo?” In Dar es Salaam, Ubungo is the famous cross-country bus terminal (Schotsman & Bryceson, 2006), while EAPOTI “Airport” has reference to Mwalimu Nyerere International Airport. Since Dar es Salaam is reported as one of the most hit regions in the country, the cartoonist selected the names to target the way in which the disease came from neighbouring countries by means of bus transport. Alternatively, the cartoonist indicates that the pandemic was brought in by passengers who came by flights.

HIV/AIDS and tuberculosis (TB) had been the killer diseases in Tanzania. Research confirmed that “the major causes of mortality include acute febrile illness such as malaria, AIDS, acute lower respiratory infections, tuberculosis, and perinatal causes” (Mrema et al., 2012, p. 36). The cartoonist portrays the passenger wanting to be dropped at a terminal which is ahead of HIV/AIDS and TB in the text that passenger produced, which reads: NIACHE HAPO MBELE KWA AKINA UKIMWI NA TIBII … “Drop me at the place ahead of HIV/AIDS and TB”. The choice of these words wants to underscore the stern threat, which is now paused by coronavirus amidst the prevalence of the other killer diseases of HIV/AIDS and TB in Tanzania.

During the coronavirus situation in 2020, the Government of Tanzania instituted lockdown, strengthened sanitation, closing of schools and colleges, releasing of a large number of prisoners, and expanded sanitization (Bashizi et al., 2021; Mumbu & Hugo, 2020; Otieno & Adu-Gyamfi, 2021; Rapisarda & Byrne, 2020). Nathan Mpangala represents one of the strategies to fight against COVID-19 being lockdown (Figure 3) and another strategy being avoidance of hand shaking (Figure 4).

Figure 3. The lockdown situation during COVID-19 in Tanzania.

Figure 4. Caution about hand shaking during COVID-19 in Tanzania.

In Figure 3, the cartoonists created a picture of a young man looking outside through the window. The foregrounded information here being people had to remain home so as to fulfil the requirement of the lockdown. The text underscores of the need to cease gatherings: HALI IMEKUWA TETE, VIJIWE KWA HERI! “The situation has worsened, stop gatherings!”

Another message contains the warning about coronavirus known in Kiswahili as KIRUSI CHA KORONA. Figure 4 portrays a picture of a person who warns the public that hand-shaking is risky. The texts read: AKIKUPA MKONO UPOTEZEE. KORONA HAITANIWI. “If one extends a hand, ignore it. Corona cannot be mocked.”

The third strategy to combat COVID-19 had been wearing of face masks (Bashizi et al., 2021; Mumbu & Hugo, 2020; Richey et al., 2021). But President John Pombe Magufuli criticized wearing face masks produced outside Tanzania. Later, one President, John Pombe Magufuli made statements, which appeared to ban the use of face masks on the ground that God served Tanzania from the coronavirus pandemic (Gruenbaum, 2021; Meek, 2021). Later he advocated to use locally manufactured and tailored face masks. Ministers could not stand that ban, as shown in Figure 5.

Figure 5. Face mask as a new phenomenon in Tanzania.

The struggle of power relations is revealed in the picture of the Minister named WAZIRI in Swahili. As many Tanzanians stormed into pharmacies (called ironically as FAMAS in the cartoon), ministers of the Government of Tanzania could not stand doing so owing to the ban produced by President John Pombe Magufuli. As a result of confusion between political position and safety from coronavirus, WAZIRI “the Minister in the Government of President John Pombe Magufuli” wants to buy a face mask, as shown in the text: HAMNA BARAKOA NINAYOWEZA KUVAA KWA NDANI, NJE ISIONEKANE KAMA NIMEVAA!? ‘Is there a face mask that I can wear inside that could not be seen in the outside!? The pharmacist is astonished with such an inquiry on the ground that face masks have to be worn in the outside of the face. Also, perhaps the pharmacist is astonished with the inquiry emanating from the minister. But Shivji (2021) argued correctly that President John Pombe Magufuli was feared by his appointees and his decision was always and legally final, as revealed in this quotation:

The messianic variant of civilian Bonapartism best describes the Magufuli phenomenon. Messianic Bonapartism rules by fiat of the leader. It legitimises its rule not only by material measures in the interest of the down-trodden or oppressed (called wanyonge in Tanzania) but also by metaphysical appeals. The late President Magufuli used both in good measure. (Shivji, 2021, p. 4).

The debate on the effectiveness of lockdown, drugs and vaccines lingers around the world through the mass media (Ettang, 2021; Favilli et al., 2020; Gruenbaum, 2020). Although Tanzania recorded COVID-19 infection as early as March 2020, President John Pombe Magufuli challenged the western drugs and vaccines until his death (Gruenbaum, 2021; Meek, 2021; Mfinanga et al., 2021; Richey et al., 2021). President John Pombe Magufuli advocated for traditional medicaments, which included herbaceous tea, steam/vapour 2ytreatment, nutrition-based treatment, etc. (Bashizi et al., 2021; Mumbu & Hugo, 2020; Richey et al., 2021). Gruenbaum (2020, p. 239) points out that “Tanzania’s president, John Magufuli, looked to ‘prayer and snake oil’ to fight the pandemic, the Institute for Security Studies said, after he claimed Christian rituals killed coronavirus, then sent a plane to collect a herbal potion touted by the Madagascan president.”

The use of herbaceous and medicinal plants had been reported to be opted for the prevention and treatment of COVID-19 (Maurya & Sharma, 2020). In Figure 6, the cartoonist represents the choice that President John Pombe Magufuli opted for, namely, the use of NYUNGU “herbal steam/vapour treatment”. In the text, Masoud Kipanya wrote: TUKISHAPIGA NYUNGU TUPEWE VYETI “Once we have used herbal steam, I will be wise to give us certificates”. In this image, the cartoonist portrays Kipanya as a school student, who have taken up a face mask as a protection gear. The choice of the word VYETI “certificates” has reference to medical records, which are issued in conventional facilities.

Figure 6. Kipanya is talking about steaming medicaments for COVID-19.

The picture in the cartoon portrays a school student wearing a face mask, as this was one of the strategies instituted after the opening of schools in June 2020 (Mumbu & Hugo, 2020). Thus, apart from the decline of the institutionalization of strategies to combat coronavirus, the public still used face masks in Tanzania.

4.2. Coronavirus situation after the death of President John Pombe Magufuli

With regard to fight against coronavirus, the death of President John Pombe Magufuli turned out to be a relief to political leaders in the country. First of all, as reported in the mass media, President Samia Suluhu Hassan re-instituted the COVID-19 protocols, mainly after the second and third waves of the pandemic (BBC, 2021; Meek, 2021; Reuters, 2021; Richey et al., 2021). Secondly, the President allowed the discussion about the prevalence of the pandemic in the country (BBC, 2021; Reuters, 2021). Thus, the university academia opened up talks about the pandemic, which appeared to have been silenced by the iron hand of President John Pombe Magufuli. It has become obvious now that the fear that lingered in the atmospheric conditions of the educationists (Shivji, 2021) had been removed. Though this claim could hold water, it is unfortunate that even Shivji (2021) produced his piece that describes the features of the Fifth Phase of the Government of Tanzania after the death of the President John Pombe Magufuli. This affirms that the downfall of President John Pombe Magufuli had been a relief to Tanzanians, mainly the elite cadre. Likewise, the cartoonist shows in Figure 7 the uprooting of the baobab tree, which is a caricature of the downfall of the major obstacle to the fight against COVID-19 in Tanzania. The cartoonist selected the picture of a famously large plant, which is a representation of the massive political power that President John Pombe Magufuli did bear in his own hand (Shivji, 2021).

Figure 7. Uprooting of a baobab tree as a symbolic representation of death of a great man.

In Figure 7, the composition of the picture shows a very dry and dusty terrain covered by scattered baobab trees. The terrain also contains images of remnants of skeletons, which is a symbolic representation of the risky and deadly landscapes in a given country. It is plausibly correct to interpret this image as being the representation of the country’s leadership through the iron hand of President John Pombe Magufuli. Also, it is also correct to interpret the picture in the cartoon as the power of God being the one that caused the death of President John Pombe Magufuli. The picture contains a chain hanging from a sky, a symbolic representation of the supremacy of the supernatural power that could be exerted on great people who depended on God, as did President Magufuli (Meek, 2021; Shivji, 2021).

Figure 8 shows the satirical representation appears to involve the caricature of Masoud Kipanya being dressed in the formal attire of the Chama Cha Mapinduzi (Revolutionary Political Party) in Tanzania. Lusekelo (2016) showed that political parties in Tanzania have specific attires, which the cartoon artists represent in the caricatures. In a way, the caricature wants to address the importance that President John Pombe Magufuli possessed.

Figure 8. Kipanya is talking to a grave of President John Pombe Magufuli about face-masks.

The literature also shows that after the death of President John Pombe Magufuli, the Government of Tanzanian resumed the fight against COVID-19. President Samia Suluhu Hassan has made it categorically that Tanzanians must fight openly the pandemic. The strategies to fight the disease include face masks, sanitization, social distancing, etc. (Gruenbaum, 2021; Makoni, 2021; Meek, 2021; Mumbu & Hugo, 2020). Figure 8 contains Kipanya talking to the grave, which is likely to be interpreted as housing the late President John Pombe Magufuli, who was against the use of face masks supplied by foreign companies. The first text, which is a statement of fact, reads: HUWEZI AMINI SASA HIVI WOTE WANAVAA BARAKOA “You cannot believe, now everyone wears a face mask.” The second text, which is interrogative, reads: HATA NANILIU? “Even that one?” The message communicated here could be interpreted as the current leadership of the country has betrayed the mechanism that they stood for during the leadership of President John Pombe Magufuli.

Personal images are opted by Tanzanian cartoonists. This is evident in the themes that have been identified by researchers of cartoons in Tanzania, which include personification of women and men during the general election campaigns in the country (Lugome, 2012) and stereotypical representation of women as unsuccessful and compliant and men as successful and decisive (Omari, 2019). The choice of images of women unfolds in the cartoons analysed in the current paper (Figure 9). The context surrounding this image is as follows. The outbreak of COVID-19 in Wuhan, China, in 2019 and its spread to Africa in February and March 2020 marked an era of anxiety and fear worldwide. Manufacturing of drugs, vaccines and the vaccination processes had become an important part of debate on COVID-19 and the safety of the world (Miller, 2021; Richey et al., 2021). Skepticism against these drugs and vaccines appeared in media (Ettang, 2021). Similarly, Tanzania denied taking in vaccines previously particularly under the influence of the late President John Pombe Magufuli (Gruenbaum, 2021). As the result, the cartoonist represents this situation in Figure 9.

Figure 9. Male and female persons negotiating about COVID-19 vaccine.

In the caricature, which comprises a white male person called CHANJO “vaccine” and a black female named TANZANIA, the tête-à-tête should be revolving around the introduction of COVID-19 vaccination. The choice of the images is not unique for COVID-19 as Lugome (2012) pointed out that males appear to lure females in the Tanzanian political cartoons. In this scenario, it would be plausible to suggest that western nations appear to lure Tanzanians, through our female president, as regards the effectiveness of COVID-19.

The texts of Figure 9 include the words: USIOGOPE “Don’t be scared”, CHANJO “vaccine” and TANZANIA. It becomes opaque now that the conversation is about vaccination for COVID-19 in Tanzania. In addition, Figure 9 constitutes emoji for love, which indicates President’s Samia Suluhu Hassan’s negotiations about the COVID-19 situation in the country.

Some scholars such as Cusinato et al. (2021, p. 298) have shown that “the emergency situation posed by COVID-19 has notably contributed to highlight the potential effectiveness of drug repurposing in addressing the urgent need of clinical ready assets, particularly in comparison to canonical drug discovery and development pipelines.” Other scholars have been reported to doubt the effectiveness of the COVID-19 drugs in America, Europe and Africa (Favilli et al., 2020; Richey et al., 2021). This situation rendered African states floating in between the two camps. Some countries (e.g. Kenya, Rwanda and South Africa) joined the side of states which opted to trust drugs and vaccines for coronavirus (Gruenbaum, 2021; Mumbu & Hugo, 2020), while other states (e.g. Tanzania) opted for traditional treatment (Gruenbaum, 2020; Mfinanga et al., 2021).

The choice of local drugs and violation of COVID-19 protocols, albeit during the reign of President John Pombe Magufuli (Meek, 2021; Richey et al., 2021; Shivji, 2021), created a panorama of issues regarding the immunity of Tanzanians and authenticity of the coronavirus information generated from the country. In Figure 10, Ali Masoud (Kipanya) composed a cartoon that metaphorically relates the immunity of Tanzanians. Both Hurricane Jobo and COVID-19 threatened the wellbeing of Tanzanians. In April 2021, the disastrous tropical cyclone named Hurricane Jobo was reported to be heading to the coast of Tanzania during the prevalence of the second wave COVID-19 (Reliefweb, 2021).

Figure 10. Two caricatures for storm and COVID-19 talking about Tanzanians.

An interesting part of the caricature is the conversation between these deadly events. JOBU (Hurricane Jobo) asks Coronavirus this question: HALOO COVID! VIPI HAPO BONGO WANASEMAJE KUHUSU UJIO WANGU? “Hello COVID! What do Tanzanians say about my arrival?” The satirical inquiry here is all about the level of preparedness of Tanzanians to avoid the detrimental impact that Hurricane Jobo could render the country. The reply that COVID-19 offers is fascinating: AAH! HAWA JAMAA HAWANAGA TAIMU SIJAWAHI ONA DUNIANI! “Ah! I have not seen guys who never mind like these ones.” This means that Tanzanians have not prepared well enough for the impact of Hurricane Jobo in such a similar manner as had been for the second wave of coronavirus.

5. Discussion

5.1. Metaphorical representations of COVID-19 in Tanzania

Cartoons on COVID-19 offer possibilities to construe numerous metaphors in the context of Swahili-speaking Tanzanians. In this section, five metaphors have been discussed.

The metaphor MARADHI NI IMANI “suffering is a belief” is attested in the cartoons. In this metaphor, the source domain is supernatural power and the target code is the suffering of humans. In the first place, leadership in Tanzania and Tanzanians at large did not believe on the outbreak of the pandemic (Figure 1). Likewise, the late President John Pombe Magufuli believed that God shall relief Tanzanians out of the pandemic (Makoni, 2021; Meek, 2021). The metaphor of MARADHI NI IMANI “suffering is a belief” continued to linger the minds of Tanzanians even after the demise of President John Pombe Magufuli (Figure 8). In the image, Kipanya, dressed in Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) “Revolutionary Political Party” attire, talks to the grave about “believing”. Leaders and members of the political party resumed wearing face masks, which were prohibited during his leadership.

The metaphor AMRI YA RAIS NI KITISHO “The Presidential instruction is scary (frightening)” unfolds in the cartoon produced on the 20^th February 2021 (Figure 5). In the caricature, the source domain is a nice outfit (suit) won by the minister and the target domain is fear imputed to President John Pombe Magufuli. In the first place, the silence of the appointed leaders in Tanzania is reported by Paget (2020, 2021) and Shivji (2021) to have been caused by the authoritative leadership of the appointing person, namely the late President John Pombe Magufuli. Metaphorical representation of this situation manifests in Figure 5 that represents a political leader in Tanzania named WAZIRI “minister” who fails to execute COVID-19 protocols since he is scared of the President. Based on the theory of multimodality, the bodily size of the picture in the cartoon represents the authority that the minister appears to possess. But the text provided in the image indicates the non-authoritative figure of the same minister. In fact, the minister wants to observe COVID-19 protocol by purchasing and wearing a face mask but he cannot exercise that freedom in public perhaps owing to fear of the authoritative leadership of the appointing body, namely, the president of the country.

The metaphor KUNG’OA MBUYU NI KIFO CHA RAIS “uprooting of a baobab tree is death of the President Magufuli” arises from the cartoons produced on the 29 April 2021 by Ali Masoud Kipanya. In Tanzania, baobab trees are large and difficult to uproot. In the cartoon, a strong chain from the sky is used to uproot the baobab tree (Figure 7). The source domain here is the baobab tree, and the target is the death of a celebrity, namely President John Pombe Magufuli. The metaphor offers two interpretations. On the one hand, every human being is immortal irrespective of their powers on earth. On the other hand, supernatural powers can terminate the life of any person. In line with Meek (2021) and Shivji (2021), President John Pombe Magufuli died at the peak of COVID-19 pandemic in the country. To the surprise of the world, after his death the uplifted COVID-19 protocols began to be re-enforced in Tanzania (BBC, 2021; Gruenbaum, 2021; Reuters, 2021). This happened because the baobab (President John Pombe Magufuli) passed away and in-coming leaders enforced the CVID-19 protocols.

The literature appeared that documents the socio-political structure that is being metaphorically represented by the terrain with an uprooted baobab tree (Figure 7). Both Meek (2021) and Shivji (2021) describe the nature of the government led by the late President John Pombe Magufuli. Shivji (2021) describes the president as bearing superior and authoritative powers bestowed to him by the supernatural power. Based on the theory of multimodality, the size and position of the figure is very central in foregrounding the information therein. In the picture, the largest of all the baobab plants in the area is being uprooted by the largest chain floating from the sky. On the one hand, the size of the baobab tree connotes the authority that President Magufuli did possess, which is articulated by Shivji (2021) as being very powerful and authoritative (see also Paget, 2020, 2021; Richey et al., 2021). On the other hand, it becomes opaque now that the death of the president has been associated with the decision of the supernatural power to eliminate him perhaps through the deadly pandemic of coronavirus in the country, as has been reported by western mass media (Shivji, 2021).

Meek (2021) wants to establish that since some prominent leaders in Tanzania have died of COVID-19, President John Pombe Magufuli might also have died of the pandemic though the media did not capture such claim. He believes that “many accounts within and beyond Tanzania reveledrevealed in the possibility that Magufuli died of COVID-19 as this would seem to prove the ineffectualness of his COVID-19 denialism, his anti-imperialist stance, and the promise of Pan-African solidary and self-sufficiency” (Meek, 2021, p. 164). The cartoonist appears also to support this account as the chain symbolically represents a supernatural power from heaven is used to uproot a large baobab tree.

The metaphor MWANAMKE NI MWOGA WA MAPENZI “A woman is scared of love” unfolds in the cartoon produced on 9 March 2021 (Figure 9). This cartoon also has the source domain of white male figure representing COVID-19 vaccines advocated by European and American countries and a female black person standing for Tanzania. With regard to the coronavirus situation, two prominent figures stand out in Tanzania, on the one hand, the late President John Pombe Magufuli and the female President Samia Suluhu Hassan, on the other hand. The former president single-handedly criticized openly the drugs and vaccines for coronavirus from China, India, Europe and the USA (Gruenbaum, 2020, 2021; Makoni, 2021; Meek, 2021), while the later president remedies the situation by forming a probe team for the pandemic in the country and institutionalization of measures to combat the situation (BBC, 2021; Reuters, 2021). It should be underscored here that these two figures emerged amidst COVID-19 pandemic. In fact, President Samia Suluhu Hassan became the sixth president of Tanzania, succeeding the late President John Pombe Magufuli, who passed away on 17 March 2021. As from this date, Samia Suluhu Hassan began as acting president, “the first woman to lead Tanzania and currently Africa’s only political, rather than ceremonial, female head of state” (Gruenbaum, 2021, p. 197). It has come to our knowledge that the mass media in Tanzania contemplated on the discharging of office of Her Excellence Samia Suluhu Hassan.

Further changes on the COVID-19 pandemic concerned the re-enforcement of the COVID-19 protocols after the demise of President John Pombe Magufuli. This unfolds in the metaphor KABURI NI KIFO CHA MAGUFULI “The grave is the death of President Magufuli”. Metaphorically, the power of President John Pombe Magufuli appears to have vanished with his death. In Figure 8, the cartoonist presents a picture of person in Chama Cha Mapinduzi (“Revolutionary Political Party”) attire talking to the grave. Based on the theory of multimodality, the colour of the person is a typical representation of the true and realistic political party of Chama Cha Mapinduzi (“Revolutionary Political Party”). In addition, the grave must have been caricatured to represent President Magufuli, who stood against the utility of face masks, commonly known as BARAKOA in Kiswahili language (Asheli, 2022; Lusekelo, 2022). It is also metaphorically plausible to argue that the name NANILIU “someone” represents the current president, who by party regulations becomes the chairperson of CCM. Gruenbaum (2021, p. 6) reports that the “Tanzanian president, John Magufuli, has died, aged 61. His vice-president, Samia Suluhu Hassan, announced on state television that he had died from heart failure in a Dar es Salaam hospital on 17 March.” Since the current president advocates for the remedies of COVID-19, including wearing face masks (BBC, 2021; Reuters, 2021), it becomes plausible for the interpretation of the political cartoon as pointing to the current president.

Lastly, the gender representation of women in cartoons is reported to be associated with political constituencies (Lugome, 2012) and losing (failing) football teams (Omari, 2019). In the current investigation, I found that Tanzania, which has violated the COVID-19 protocols (BBC, 2021; Gruenbaum, 2021; Reuters, 2021), has been embodied as a shy woman (Figure 9). On the other hand, an image of a white male represents the countries of origin of vaccines and advocates of vaccination. It is correct to interpret the male figure in Figure 9 as a representation of European countries from which the popular vaccines for coronavirus originate, e.g. Pfizer-BioNTech (Germany), AstraZeneca (England), Moderna (USA), Sinopharm (Beijing-China), Johnson and Johnson Janssen (the Netherlands), among others. It is also plausible to argue that the female image represents President Samia Suluhu Hassan, who is “the first woman to lead Tanzania and currently Africa’s only political, rather than ceremonial, female head of state” (Gruenbaum, 2021, p. 7).

5.2. Predominance of Kiswahili-only in political cartoons about COVID-19

The language question in Tanzania is central in understanding the purpose and target of the communicating the message. This is true because the utility of Kiswahili happens to target the majority of Tanzanians, while the choice of English is meant for the minority few, mainly the elites in the education sector (universities, colleges and schools) (Blommaert, 1992) or the political elites and educated business cadre (Blommaert, 2013). Numerous ethnic community languages do not feature in any of the formal domains (Petzell, 2012). This has happened even for the language in political cartoons, which underscored the use of Kiswahili-only texts. This is strange because through the Sera ya habari na utangazaji (News and Broadcasting Policy) of 2003, the Government of the United Republic of Tanzania instituted the use of Kiswahili and English in the mass media and other public spaces (URT United Republic of Tanzania, 2003). In fact, previous studies have found that both Kiswahili and English are used in the mass media (Lusekelo, 2017) and language in public spaces (Bwenge, 2009; Lusekelo & Mdukula, 2021). The predominance of both languages is reported in these publications. But the language of COVID-19 in political cartoons is particularly Kiswahili-only.

The predominance of Kiswahili is obvious not only in the political cartoons investigated for this paper but also in cartoons analysed by Bwenge (2016). The use of code-mixing of Kiswahili-and-English texts is common place in the language of public spaces (Bwenge, 2009; Lusekelo & Mdukula, 2021). But the texts analysed by Lugome (2012) show the code-switching between English and Kiswahili, while texts in Bwenge (2016) exhibit caricatured English words such as KUTUKONFYUZI “to confuse us”. The same would be expected for the language in political cartoons about COVID-19. But Kiswahili-only texts predominates. Even a couple of English words that manifest in the political cartoons investigated for this paper have been caricatured into the syllabic structure of Kiswahili, which is an agglutinative language: FAMAS “pharmacy”, EAPOTI “airport”, TAIM “time” and TIBII “TB or tuberculosis”. I argue that Kiswahili-only texts are preferred for the purpose of communicating the pertinent message about COVID-19 pandemic in Tanzania. Kiswahili text is required because the majority of Tanzanians command fully Kiswahili language. Only a small fraction of Tanzanians speaks English with precision (Lema, 2021; Petzell, 2012). Cartoonists, therefore, opt to send the message to the public about COVID-19 pandemic in the medium of the public, namely, the Kiswahili language.

The observation in the preceding paragraph is in line with the findings reported in language studies on COVID-19 in Tanzania reveal the predominance of the coinage of Kiswahili words, such as vitakasa mikono “sanitizer” and vibuyu chirizi “water dispenser” and new Kiswahili abbreviations such as UVIKO (Ugonjwa wa Virusi vya Korona) “The disease of Coronavirus” (Asheli, 2022; Lusekelo, 2022). The same is attested in the contents of the political cartoons analysed in this paper. Borrowing of the new words from English is also available in the literature (Asheli, 2022; Lusekelo, 2022), as well as in the data points presented in the paper.

Lema (2021) wants to suggest that ethnic community languages, which have been championed in the research about traditional medicine, should be uplifted in usage and institutionalized in Tanzania. This would have helped the promotion about research on COVID-19 remedies in that plant names manifest in ethnic community languages, which do not have a one-to-one correspondence with scientific names of plants. I did not find any utility of texts oriented to a given ethnic identity. Therefore, cartoonists have adopted significantly the use of Kiswahili-only in deliverance of the message about coronavirus in Tanzania.

6. Conclusion

The representation of information contained in political cartoons is a replica of the actual happenings in the society. Thus, the artistic portrayal of the COVID-19 issues caricatured by Nathan Mpangala and Ali Masoud (Kipanya) provide a typical representation of the situation of coronavirus in Tanzania. Audiences, however, have to approach the subject matter with caution as understanding of the contents of the political cartoon requires interpretation based on a multimodality framework that helps to identify the source domains and subsequent target domains. In the cartoons, the source domains included an attire (nice suit), large baobab tree, graveyard, and shy woman. These were mapped with features of scared ministers, death of a celebrity during COVID-19, and an important political figure in the country. It appears that the choice of the baobab tree and shy woman is commonplace in the landscape of political cartoons in Tanzania (see Bwenge, 2016; Lugome, 2012; Omari, 2019)

An important point that arises from the foregoing discussion is about the role of the political leaders in handling the COVID-19 situation in the country. The constitution of Tanzania allows the president to discharge with great cautions the tender cases, such as the outbreak of killer diseases and occurrence of disastrous phenomena. The decision of the late President John Pombe Magufuli to be reluctant upon the COVID-19 protocols appears to have influenced the entire population in the country (Meek, 2021; Shivji, 2021). Likewise, the decision of the current President Samia Suluhu Hassan to strengthen the re-enforcement of the COVID-19 protocols in the country has already begun witnessing institutionalization of the protocols. Consequently, the voice of the President of Tanzania is primary in institutionalization of the protocols for combating the pandemic.

Linguistically, an important point that arises from the presentation of the datasets in this paper concerns the choice of the language of communication. Kiswahili is given the primary vehicular of communication of coronavirus messages. This is substantiated by the choice of language in the texts provided in political cartoons. The choice of the language mastered by the majority is also reported in Mauritius and South Africa whereby the language of the public is opted for in passing the required information about COVID-19. The choice of Kiswahili by Tanzanians, therefore, is not a unique phenomenon. This claim is not novel, rather it supplements the claim that appeared in other publications on COVID-19 (see Asheli, 2022; Lusekelo, 2022).

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.

Additional information

Notes on contributors

Amani Lusekelo

Amani Lusekelo, an Associate Professor of Linguistics in the University of Dar es Salaam, holds a PhD (African Languages and Literature) from the University of Botswana in Botswana and MA (Linguistics) from University of Dar es Salaam in Tanzania. He teaches courses covering contact linguistics, field methods in language studies, ethnolinguistics and ethnobotany, theories of morphology, and theoretical syntax. He conducts research in areas of lexical borrowing, language in education, ethnobotany, linguistic landscapes, anthropological linguistics, and language grammar. He mentored nine doctoral students and currently has seven PhD students. Some of his publications include ”Locating the Hadzabe in the wilderness”, Utafiti Journal, volume 17(1), 2022; ”African languages - Linguistic, literacy and social issues”, University of Western Cape/CASAS, 2021; ”Linguistic and social outcomes of interaction of Hadzabe and Sukuma in north-western Tanzania”, Utafiti Journal, volume 15(1), 2020; ”African linguistics in eastern Africa”, In A history of African linguistics, Cambridge University Press, 2019.

Notes

1. I am grateful to Nichlous Asheli Nyenza for the discussion about the contents of the political cartoons in Tanzania. I thank Florence Rutechura for pointing to me the utility of the theory of multimodality in the analysis of the contents of political cartoons. The anonymous reviewers of the paper pointed out to a number of lines that needed corrections and some literature to read. I am grateful to them. Nevertheless, the remaining shortfalls, if any, are mine.