Symbolic representations social media and photography in Nigeria

Abstract

The medium of “photography” has encompassed the world, but depending on the cultural context, it has different aesthetics that come with different associations and implications. Using social media as an example, this article explores how the social conventions of art influence popular Nigerian photography and create a unique style: there is a strong focus on the staging of people, who are usually shown in front of simple backgrounds as full body shots, whereas in a comparison group, people appeared more integrated in situations or places and there was more preference for narrower cuts. In addition, Nigerian photography places a lot of emphasis on color and heavy retouching. These aspects are consistent with African art in general, which is often more concerned with conveying abstract concepts than authenticity. In this way, Nigerians appropriated photography in their own way, emphasizing the symbolic rather than the indexical function of photography. Nigerian popular photography can be understood as a continuation of classical African art rather than a break with its tradition.

Keywords:

• identity
• photography
• social media
• aesthetics
• Nigeria

1. Introduction

This article is about popular photographic aesthetics and its characteristics in Nigeria. Photography—the same technique everywhere—has yet produced different social uses and different looks in different cultural contexts. Nowhere is this more evident than on social media, where hashtags make it easy to compare.

Although this article was written from a perspective of cultural anthropology, it is not about the “ethnographic context” criticized by Jan Vansina (Vansina, 1999), in which the historical development of the works receives little attention and the otherness, the difference from so-called “Western” aesthetics is in the foreground. Following Eberhard Ortland, we argue that intercultural aesthetics should “avoid the naïve universalist assumption that aesthetic concepts should be applicable invariably in any historical context, as well as the relativist resignation that ‘we’ will never know what all these things mean to ‘them’” (Ortland, 2003, p. 130).

2. Aesthetics in Nigeria

In Africa’s most populous country, visual aesthetics play an important role. Thus, the film industry is second to the oil industry with regard to foreign exchange generation (Iyamah, 2013): to say “that the Nigerian theatre and movie industry, especially Nollywood, for more than a decade has contributed immensely to the development of the country culturally, economically and socially is an understatement” (Edeki and Emeni 2019). There is also an active fashion design scene with creations that are echoed in many African countries and whose designs and cuts have long since transcended African borders. As in many other African countries, hair art is omnipresent, as are sculptures, masks and paintings.

Pan-African tendencies are clearly visible in Nigerian visual aesthetics. The graffiti with which the students at the University of Nigeria Nsukka were allowed to decorate their outdoor theater offer an impressive example: more than 50% of the freely chosen motifs contained Pan-African aspects, e.g. depicting the outlines of the continent or showing people in traditional dress or with hairstyles from other parts of the continent. In photo shoots experienced in participant observation itself, there were clear references in styling to quite different parts of the continent, such as the Maasai from the Kenya region. However, no exact copy is attempted, but rather the visual elements of the other culture are used as inspiration. African aesthetics as a whole have long been defined as “aesthetic forms that evoke the image and emotions of Africa” (Oju, 2012). Campbell writes about “a quest for unity amongst continental and diaspora Africans, a revival of undeniable so-called African traits and traditions, and finally, political and economic independence” (Campbell, 28), and Esedebe addresses a “belief in a distinct African personality, rehabilitation of African past [and expression of] pride in Africa” (Esedebe 4, cited in Secovnie 32).

Nevertheless, the question arises whether one can speak of a common aesthetic at all with regard not only to a country like Nigeria with 215 different ethnic groups, but even to a continent with countless languages and cultural contexts. Therefore, the article will not expand its focus too widely.

3. Photography—a global medium

With regard to early photography, Christopher Pinney notices an upcoming “anxiety about photography’s revolutionary introduction of a ‘sense of sameness in the world’, the mechanisation and industrialisation of perception, the rise of the ‘aesthetics of the same’” (Pinney, 2008, p. 59). In contrast, he states that the richness of detail inherent in photography “produces a surplus and profane realism which exceeds the requirements of a narrow national iconography. Photography has too many meanings for any efficacious nationalist instruction” (Pinney, 2008, p. 59). The question here, then, is whether a particular look of the photographs can be identified as typically “Nigerian.” Photography looks back on a long history in West Africa: “Photographs have been documented […] since the mid-nineteenth century, very nearly synchronous with their occurrence in Europe and America” (Borgatti, 2013, p. 324). Thus, with regard to photography in Nigeria, one can by no means speak of a foreign or even imposed technology.

Photographs can be analyzed on different levels, for example, with regard to the motifs depicted, but also the way they are depicted—for example, with regard to shapes and colors (McNatt, 2007) and the intended message of the images. In the scientific literature on photography, special importance is attached to portrait photography with numerous subgenres such as fashion, beauty, lifestyle and event photography. With a view to social media, this is probably even more the case. Portrait photography is considered to be closely interwoven with the identity of the person portrayed (Barthes, 1989, p. 89), as it not only allows the person to preserve an “image” for posterity, but also to shape this image to a certain ridge itself (Jerrentrup, 2021, p. 69).

Culturally distinct conventions emerged early on in portrait photography: already in Victorian group portraits, it can be observed that “Westerners and Africans often present themselves differently to the camera—indicating a different aesthetic of self-presentation. Westerners in slacks affect a relaxed posture, with legs or ankles crossed, to show their dominance over the situation, as opposed to Africans in robes or wrappers, who sit squarely, staring sternly at the camera, with hands and feet visible—complete—as their way of showing control over the moment” (Borgatti, 2013, p. 324). And—especially in the context of recent photography and social media—editing is also important (Hegert, 2021).

Furthermore, it should be noted that photography should also be considered particularly important in terms of its impact on other types of representation: photography had “effects on older forms—not the least of which is the visual reinforcement of their identification with particular person(alitie)s. Older forms have also had their effects on the African portrait photograph” (Borgatti, 2013, pp. 315–317).

4. Instagram and social identity

After having looked at photography in general, the social medium Instagram will be in focus and with it the photographers’ aspirations to appeal to a bigger audience—thus, to create “popular” pictures.

Social media are defined as “highly interactive platforms via which individuals and communities share, co-create, discuss, and modify user-generated content” (Kietzmann et al., 2011, p. 241). Instagram, unlike platforms like Twitter or Facebook, is based on photographs: it is not possible to post only text, unless it is laid out as an image. Thus, Instagram is particularly suitable for analyzing popular cultural aesthetics.

Popular cultural aesthetics is closely linked to cultural identity, a phenomenon that is nowadays at the center of much research in the social sciences, as well as in psychology and art studies, because identity is less than ever a “given” but has become a working project. Cultural identity is defined as a value-based connection (Szudra, 2007), for which cultural traditions recognized as their own, shared customs and beliefs are fundamental (Bailey & Peoples, 2011, p. 19). Distinction is said to be a base for cultural identity, as it is formed in distinction to others (Niekisch, 2002, p. 27).

Yet, in the face of diasporas, multiple affiliations, and, in the case of African countries, the feeling of a Pan-Africanism, these definitional aspects appear a bit shaky. Identity is contested, may be fluid, and ever-changing, but still remains a fundamental need. The present work is intended to contribute to this topic, as photography has “significant effects on communication [and] identity” (Winston, 2013, p. 2): presentation on social media—whether through self-portraits or images that mean something to oneself in some way—is how users communicate and construct something about themselves, about their personal, social, and cultural identities. Identity is one of the phenomena considered central in the social sciences today, precisely because identity is no longer or only given, but must be created. People belong, determined by their biology, but also by their choices, to different social categories such as gender, class, ethnic and religious groups or also to the scientifically and politically discussed category of race. To feel positive social identity, based on a positive self-evaluation, is a central need for people, so that in case of negative comparison results, group changes take place, new comparison dimensions are chosen or strategies of creative reinterpretation are used (Tajfel and Turner 1979). Narrative identity is also important here, “the stories people construct and tell about themselves to define who they are for themselves and for others” (McAdams et al., 2006, p. 4). The dynamic nature of social media provides a suitable setting for this.

It is important to mention that the purposeful creation or manipulation of digital self—identity, an aspect of technology of the self, in a virtual space such as Instagram has social and cultural implications which are defined within the mutual interaction between biological and narrative identity (Ahmedien, 2020, 1372).

Self-representation on social media has been assumed to have a particularly democratizing potential (Duffy, 2013; Farinosi & Fortunati, 2020, p. 43;), as people can shape their stories themselves here: Not only can people select special moments for photos, but in the sense of staged photography, they can create these moments in the first place. In addition, photos can be easily edited with appropriate software that is now readily available. With themes that pick up on the zeitgeist or the interests of a group, potentially anyone can gain fame. However, this should not obscure the fact that people who are particularly present in social media, e.g. influencers, often belong to advantaged classes and have more money, more education, and better looks than others.

5. The sample

To obtain a sample that was as independent of the researchers as possible, a new Instagram account was created and then the first 100 posts were selected under the hashtag #nigerianphotography, which directly addresses cultural or national identity. Students active on Instagram in the fields of “Media” and “Fine Arts” confirmed using the hashtag rather frequently. It is noticeable that the hashtag is often used alongside the hashtags #nigeria, #beauty, #Africa, and #africanphotography.

The sample was collected in April 2022, Instagram suggested the “most popular” posts, so some may well date back a year or two. All posts were publicly posted, and by providing hashtags, it is also clear that these are posts whose authors would like them to be seen by many people. This reduces any ethical dilemmas.

However, this should not hide the fact that the hashtag is also used by people of non-Nigerian origin who spend their vacations in Nigeria, for example, although this is probably a very small proportion, according to estimates that take into account the image motifs and the image descriptions, a maximum of 5%.

In addition, it must be noted that of course not every photographically involved person from Nigeria uses Instagram, and even if they do use the platform, they may choose different hashtags or none at all. It is conceivable that those who use the hashtag are more intensely concerned with national or cultural identity. At the same time, these are people who obviously want to be found on Instagram, i.e. intend public attention. The photos in the sample were subjected to an ethnological content analysis (see Joffe, 2011, p. 209), which sorted the images into various categories. Overlaps are certainly recognizable here.

First, stylistic characteristics were analyzed. The color intensity of many images is striking. Larger areas are often found in a saturated color. There were only 4% black and white photos and 1% color key, a technique where the entire image is desaturated but one element, usually a brightly colored one like a red apple in this case, is left in color.

Furthermore, many photographs were obviously heavily retouched, especially with regard to skin editing, color enhancement, and three-dimensional look.

Among the photos were mainly pictures of young women, in more than 40 % full body or nearly full body shots and in less than 30 % close-up. Nearly 30% of all photographs consisted of studio pictures against a monochrome background—including pictures of men and babies. Traditional-looking, often pan-African inspired clothing was seen in about 20% of the photos. At 3%, street photographs were quite rare in the sample, once as a fashion photo, once as a documentary image of a jam market, once as a fighting event. Landscapes were also only visible in 3% of the photos, once with an elephant, once with a cow and once with a cat in the foreground. Food was also featured in 5% of the photos, twice as advertisements, i.e. in layout photos, three times as images of specific dishes. Twice wigs or hairpieces were shown, once a historical statue.

6. Interpretation of the data

The data require an interpretation, which takes into account usage patterns of the medium and, in order to be able to evaluate the numbers correctly, at least allows for broad comparisons.

Since one of the authors is from Germany, Germany was used as a comparison. However, the comparison with a European country like Germany is not unproblematic, since English is not spoken on a daily base in most European countries. As an informal survey with German students has shown, the two equivalent hashtags are used less than Nigerians use #nigeria and #nigerianphotography. So, it can be assumed that more photos using #germany or #germanphotography are uploaded by tourists and not by Germans. According to the survey, the hashtag #deutschland, the German-language equivalent for Germany, is also used less frequently by Germans who would like to showcase their photographs, possibly because Germany has less of an emphasis on national identity due to its troubled history. Nevertheless, taking these aspects into account, the comparison shows a clear tendency, a special selection of topics and type of presentation, which suggests conclusions about popular aesthetic aspects in Nigeria compared to Germany.

It was found that the hashtags #germany and #germanphotography showed more pictures of landscape, architecture and technology than #nigeria and #nigerianphotography. Under #germany and #germanphotography, too, photos of people clearly dominate with almost 75%. Yet, persons are usually more embedded in contexts, such as landscape, street or interiors than in the Nigerian sample. According to Siegman (1980), the depiction of humans plays a particularly important role in African art. However, these depictions often refer to more abstract concepts: “African artists praise a carved figure by saying that it ‘looks like a human being.’ Artists seldom portray particular people, actual animals, or the actual form of invisible spirits. Rather, they aim to portray ideas about reality, spiritual or human, and express these ideas through human or animal images” (Vogel, 1986).

Then, as in other African art forms, saturated colors play a more important role: McNatt (2007) states that in contrast to the primary colors in Europe red, yellow and blue, in Africa red, black and white are supposed to be the primary colors in large parts, as they appear in numerous traditional contexts, which may also be due to the availability of these colors. In fact, the photos in the sample also show a frequent occurrence of strong red but also green tones. Such saturated colours are less frequent in the comparison sample.

Furthermore, the sample showed a preference for full body shots, whereas the comparison sample preferred smaller image sections. This corresponds to Borgatti’s research: in 2003, he took pictures of his research subjects in Okpella both as close-ups and as full bodies and let them choose which image they wanted to have printed out: he himself often preferred a narrower image section, whereas “they generally opted for a full-figure portrait, or as they put it, the ‘complete’ one” (Borgatti, 2013, p. 325).

In addition, the strong retouching seems to move the depicted persons away from the individual towards an ideal image. Beauty plays a fundamental role here. Three-dimensional skin retouching (“dodge and burn”-method), for example, is currently a trend in many regions and cultural contexts and has been pushed by the beauty industry through products such as glow foundations and highlighters. However, skin retouching is much more discreet in the comparison photographs from Germany. Although the “Western” view of beauty often suggests a distraction from the essential, Buckley points out that beauty, especially with regard to photography, is related to both modernization and moral health (2013, 296): with increasing economic resources, broader sections of society can focus on beauty and develop their own concepts of beauty discursively. A national or regional beauty provides a way of organizing diversity according to a single aesthetic that cultivates and lays claim to the passionate engagement and interest on the part of its observing audience” (Buckley, 2013, p. 296) Retouching has a long tradition in Africa. In the mid-20th century, for example, in Ghana, photographs were processed with graphite pencils to lighten the skin tone and reduce wrinkles to create an ideal (Wendl, 2001).

African art is generally understood to be symbolic rather than representative (Arnaut, 1991; Omatseye & Emeriewen, 2010). The simplifications and exaggerations are often to be understood in a conceptual sense (Adewumi & Faida, 2017) in order to underline certain statements. Overall, Adewumi & Faida come to the following conclusion: “Symbolism has taken the center stage in the artistic expressions of the traditional Africans.” (Adewumi & Faida). Despite these generalizations founded on perceived similarities in physical representation, patterning techniques and color usage (Makinde & Aremu, 2014), African art is of course culturally defined and relative (Akpowowo, 2010; Oyinloye et al., 2020).

The so-called Western art, however, often refers more to visual, physiognomic similarity and personal identity, which developed in the period of Romanticism that brought with it the idea, “that personality may be communicated through idiosyncratic facial features and expression” (Borgatti, 2013, p. 318). In several African cultures, on the other hand, social identity is emphasized with a stress on ideals of arrangement and expression (Borgatti, 2013, p. 318). Social status is often expressed by certain accessories, and even in art forms such as representational Yoruba àkó art, there is a corresponding tendency towards idealization: “Photographers themselves often describe their role as similar to that of a praise-singer” (Buckley, 2013, p. 303). This looks back at a long tradition: before the invention of photography, mirrors that were acquired from European slave traders, served a similar function. Even before, lackeys complimentarily described to chiefs how they looked after getting dressed. In this line, portrait photography and its presentation serve to enhance “the reputation and attractiveness of the sitter” (Buckley, 2013, p. 305). In the connection of portraits with memory, Borgatti explains, that “in many non-Western cultures, memory may be seen as active, always in the present, a transaction or negotiation rather than a reproduction, much as portrait figures and masks indicate rather than replicate their subjects” (2013, 322).

7. Conclusion

Photography has crossed all borders and through the help of social media made different styles more accessible than ever, still has not led to a worldwide homogenous mainstream aesthetic. On the opposite, photography not only encompasses various aesthetics, but also enables people to express their own ideas about aesthetics with their own cultural identity.

Looking at our sample, it can be stated that the Nigerian style of photography is less mimetic and more representational than other conventions. Thus, it can be seen in line with African art traditions that transcend the realm of photography, in which symbolic values plays an important role.

In Germany, it is not only the real-life resemblance that apparently plays a bigger role, but also the perception of photography as a medium that—in contrast to other media or art forms—has a direct relationship to reality. In the vocabulary of semiotics, this has been called indexicality. Indexicality sets photography apart from painting on the one hand and computer graphics on the other. This mindset has enabled German-born photographers such as Juergen Teller to gain fame with their snapshot aesthetic. In Nigeria, on the other hand, the indexical function recedes into the background in favor of the symbolic one. “Truthfulness,” as it seems, is less connected to visual resemblance, than to concepts that are embodied by the models, to what they stand for. Similar to Indian aesthetics, in Nigeria, there seems to be a preference for an aesthetic that features something absolute and consequently less enthusiasm about photography’s potential to capture a fluid moment.

Thus, it can be stated that this analysis serves as an example of how popular photography forms different aesthetics and extends technologies of the self depending on the cultural context and has by no means led to standardization even in the globally operating realm of social media.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.

Additional information

Notes on contributors

Maja Tabea Jerrentrup

Maja Tabea Jerrentrup is a New Media and Intercultural Communication Professor at the University of Applied Sciences, Lanshut Germany. She is a widely-travelled photographer and researcher interested in identity and representation within and between global communities

Ndubuisi Nnanna

Ndubuisi Nnanna is a lecturer in Theatre and Film Studies at the University of Nigeria Nsukka. His research interests are in the role of media in migration studies and cultural heritage preservation. He is currently at the University of East Anglia, UK for further studies and research in Film and Television.Maya and Ndubuisi are partners in an international research collaboration in Film and New Media between the University of Applied Sciences Landshut Germany and the University of Nigeria Nsukka