The negative cultural impact of tourism and its implication on sustainable development in Amhara Regional State

Abstract

Tourism is a modern and growing industry that has a high impact on human life. The interface between culture and tourism is immense, and they have both negative and positive outcomes for one another. Studying the impact of tourism on culture has become a hot topic of discussion among concerned scholars. If it is managed properly, it contributes to the preservation and enhancement of cultural diversity and sensitivity. Otherwise, it can destroy the cultures of destination communities. The Amhara region is known for both tangible and intangible cultural heritage, which has been the source of tourists’ attractions. The purpose of this research is to assess communities’ perceptions of the negative cultural impact of tourism on destinations. A mixed-methods research approach, predominantly qualitative research, was used. The findings indicate that tourism has contributed to the commoditization of the culture of society, the erosion of the local communities’ socio-cultural assets, and the production of inauthentic products. Even importing alien cultural products from abroad in mass and presenting them to tourists were identified as negative outcomes. Thus, it informs us that the concerned stakeholders have to take responsibility to minimise its negative impact, which in turn enhances the positive outcome.

Keywords:

• tourism
• culture
• negative impact
• communities
• perceptions

PUBLIC INTEREST STATEMENT

This article tries to address the impact of tourism on the destination. Tourism is an emerging industry that has both positive and negative impacts in social, economic, cultural, and environmental dimensions. The concept of tourism is integrated with social, environmental, cultural, political, and personal issues. To make tourism more sustainable, enhancing positive impacts like income diversification, job creation, the preservation of heritage, and environmental protection are essential features. On the other hand, minimising the negative impact of tourism, such as economic injustice, seasonal jobs, commoditization of culture (inauthenticity), environmental degradation, etc., has to be handled to ripen the fruit of tourism. To achieve the stated outcomes, the community’s awareness of its impact is essential. The responsive tourism lens is used for this study to enhance the sustainability of tourism at the destinations. As the findings indicate, tourism’s impact is not well pronounced on destinations, even if it is practically increasing.

1. Background of the study

Recent research on the impact of the development of tourism provides a far more nuanced picture. “Impacts” can include both cultural reinforcement and change. For instance, development in remote areas can reduce labour migration from rural to urban areas by offering alternative employment opportunities. This helps to preserve intergenerational families and regional ritual observance (Leite & Graburn, 2009, p. 40). Additionally, in heavily visited locations, travellers and the tourism sector as a whole can become an essential element of local culture rather than being perceived as an alien force impinging on otherwise unspoiled native ways of life. The local-global nexus is where contemporary research places the development of tourism, showing how cross-sectorial networks, intermediaries, and global circuits of symbolic, cultural, and economic capital further complicate postcolonial relations and ongoing interactions with tourists (Leite & Graburn, 2009; Meethen, 2001; Ness, 2003).

Cultural tourism today appears to be everywhere, and in many people’s perceptions, it also appears to have attained all-powerfulness. Therefore, local, national, and transnational organisations have embraced cultural tourism on a worldwide scale. The European Commission supports cultural tourism as a significant sector, and the newly developing nation-states of Africa and Central Europe regard it as a support for national identity. UNESCO encourages cultural tourism as a way to preserve the world’s cultural legacy. It has evolved into an essential method of financial support for cultural practises and regional inventiveness in many regions of the world (Richards, 2007; Su et al., 2016).

The cultural impact of tourism needs to be carefully considered because it has the potential to benefit or harm communities. As a result, tourism as a whole has traditionally been seen as a force for altering moral standards and social mores. Social change results from interactions between tourists and the local inhabitants, especially in remote societies. The influence can be felt at the individual and family levels through the deterioration of conventional norms, as well as at the societal level (crime, prostitution, etc.). As a result, interactions between locals and visitors can have an impact on creative expression by presenting fresh opportunities (a good effect) or by stifling originality (Kim, 2011, p. 2; Zhuang et al., 2019).

Traditional culture is being packaged and handled like a product for sale, with tourists and businesspeople from the tourist industry having rights over it instead of natives. To give visitors fleeting images of what art used to be and to provide them with flimsy, fake experiences, shallow, unauthentic art forms are created. As a result, locals lose their ownership rights to their cultural heritage, and the local culture is financially exploited. Various pieces of evidence indicate mass-produced, widely disseminated local souvenirs or artefacts that have little in common with authentic, regional creations can be found anywhere (Korstanje, 2017; Reisinger & Dimanche, 2010; Singh, 1985).

When cultural heritage is revived as part of tourism development, interest in the host culture is frequently renewed, increasing demand for historical and cultural artefacts. If it is not handled properly by the concerned stakeholders, the social and cultural fabric of the community can be harmed by changes in lifestyle, such as altering local travel habits to avoid tourist congestion and forgoing downtown shopping (Kim, 2011). The “demonstration impact” of visitors, which refers to locals adopting visitors’ behaviours, and the availability of tourist amenities, may change traditions like dating conventions, particularly those of more structured or traditional cultures. The possibility of finding and marrying a non-local partner could potentially strain families (Kim, 2011; Zhuang et al., 2019). Jaafar et al. (2015:3–4) illustrate the social and cultural impacts of tourism as the mechanism by which modifications are made “in the value systems, individual behaviours, family relationships, collective lifestyles, moral conduct, creative expressions, traditional ceremonies, and community organisations of destination communities”.

Notably, studying the local residents’ attitudes, thoughts, and feelings is one way for researchers to obtain information about the impact of tourism. As the most instantaneous and directly affected group, residents are more sensitive to tourism’s impact (Andriotis, 2005), because the communities’ attitude is essential for visitor retention, satisfaction, and recurrence inspection (Yan, 2013). Therefore, this study is intended to find out the perceptions of destination communities about the negative cultural impact of tourism on the destination and its implications for its sustainability. Creating awareness among the local communities about the negative impact of tourism is an essential condition for developing a well-planned tourism industry at tourist destinations of Amhara Regional State. Therefore, to achieve this stated objective, a mixed research approach was used.

The concepts of development, human rights, peace, and security are indivisible and interrelated. Each cannot be treated or achieved on its own. They could be understood as consistent dimensions of one goal, whether it is called development, well-being, or human security. There is a general consensus that any deficit in one dimension will have an impact on the others (Öztürk & Terhorst, 2012). This hypothesis is ascertained by the 2005 UN Charter, as the notion of “larger freedom” also encapsulates the idea that development, security, and human rights go hand in hand. The synergies and the three pillars were affirmed at the 2010 Millennium Development Goal Summit and in the 2005 World Summit Outcome, which “acknowledged that peace and security, development, and human rights are the pillars of the United Nations system and the foundations for collective security and well-being.” The Summit established that development, peace and security, and human rights are all intertwined and mutually reinforcing. The overall framework of the post−2015 development agenda could be framed around these three broad sets of goals (Piece, 2012).

Both culture and tourism are important components of development. Indeed, in the context of a well-travelled world, it is difficult to consider one without the other. While there is a clear role for culture and tourism to be part of development in an economic sense, their roles extend beyond this as integral parts of human development whereby social well-being and basic human freedoms and rights are exemplified and enriched by travel and cultural exchange (Boukas, 2013; Piece, 2012).

Therefore, from the above definitions, the concepts of tourism and development are interwoven and interdependent. Hence, it is imperative that the issues of the environment, culture, human rights, security, economic equity, and environmental sustainability be integrated into the three concepts. Therefore, studying the structural and cultural aspects of tourism has implied the issue of development. This study wants to focus on the culturally sensitive nature of tourism. Thus, throughout the article, the researcher equated responsive tourism with sustainable development.

The idea of meaningfully including a variety of stakeholder groups throughout the decision-making process is widely acknowledged as essential to fostering a sense of shared accountability for the sustainable exploitation of any resource. An important presumption is that local stakeholder groups, in particular, have a direct need to minimise the effect of any resource use on future generations (Landorf, 2009). Additionally, it is believed that local stakeholders have better knowledge of how to incorporate a community’s demands and resources into larger regional and national systems, as well as its economic, environmental, and socio-cultural needs. Aas et al. (2005); Welford et al. (1999), and Landorf (2009) both note that the extremely fragmented nature of the tourism business highlights the need for formal coordination and greater collaboration in the planning process than is currently the case to fully utilise the tourism potential in a proper way.

1.1. Theories on the impact of tourism

Various scholars have tried to identify theories and models concerning the study of how the impact of tourism influences the perceptions of local communities and vice versa. For this purpose, Butler’s (1980, 2019] tourism area life cycle model, Doxey’s (1975) index of irritation model, Smith’s (2012) host and guest model, and the social exchange theory have been identified. Each model has its own strengths and shortcomings, even if presenting them is beyond the scope of this article. For the sake of this research, social exchange theory is used as a lens.

Social exchange theory has been considered an appropriate framework for developing an understanding of residents’ perceptions of tourism impacts (Selwyn, 1990; Allen et al., 1993; Ap, 1992; Nash & Smith, 1991). Social exchange theory suggests that individuals will engage in exchanges if (1) the resulting rewards are valued; (2) the exchange is likely to produce valued rewards; and (3) perceived costs do not exceed perceived rewards (Nunkoo, 2016; Zhang et al., 2021). These principles suggest that residents will be willing to enter into an exchange with tourists if they can reap some benefit without incurring unacceptable costs. Theoretically, residents who view the results of tourism as personally valuable and believe that the costs do not exceed the benefits will favour the exchange and support tourism development (King et al., 1993). The benefit of using social exchange theory is that it can accommodate explanations for both positive and negative perceptions and examine relationships at the individual or collective level. The assessment of residents’ perceptions of tourism’s impact, which is the main cause of support for tourism, is dependent on what residents’ value (Lopes et al., 2019, Látková et al., 2012; Wang & Pfister, 2008).

1.2. Rationale of the study

Destination communities frequently perform various functions in the tourism industry, including those of vendors, service providers, artisans, and even ethnic attractions. They frequently have an extensive understanding of the local environment, culture, and customs, and they have the expertise and know-how to handle local meanings and problems. These are essential components to ensuring that tourist growth is knowledgeable, suitable, and not in conflict with regional customs and ecosystems (Su et al., 2016). Local citizens must be willing participants in the process for a tourism-based economy to flourish there. Their views of tourism and how it affects communal life must be continuously evaluated (Allen et al., 1988; Kim, 2011). The fact that they affect how the local population views tourism makes understanding its socio-cultural effects crucial. Whether or not they have a friendly attitude may play a significant role in the successful development of tourism in a destination. Effective tactics to prevent potential conflicts between visitors and hosts are aided by the capacity to characterise and quantify the varied sociocultural effects of tourism on the local populations (Daye, 1997, Brunt & Courtney, 1999; Kim, 2011; Zhuang et al., 2019).

The development of tourism policy and practise in Ethiopia has a history spanning more than half a century. The present government of Ethiopia, in its plan for accelerated and sustainable development to end poverty (MoFED, 2006) and in the growth and transformation plan (MoFED, 2012), has identified tourism as one of the key sectors of economic growth, and more emphasis is given to its contribution as a job creation means, source of income, and economic growth for citizens (Amogne, 2020: 49). The impact of tourism in Ethiopia is huge in terms of socio-cultural, environmental, and economic dimensions (Eshetu, 2014; Feseha, 2012, Alamineh et al., 2015; Tesfaye Zeleke, 2015). Ethiopia, which is considered the cradle of humanity and the only uncolonized nation in Africa, stands first in the region with 12 UNESCO-designated world heritage sites. Although there is enormous potential, the country’s tourism industry does not perform as well as it could. In 2015, Ethiopia placed 118th out of 141 nations in terms of its competitiveness in travel and tourism across all categories (Wassie & Dhaliwal, 2017, p.1). In the recent past, the tourism sector in Ethiopia has been flourishing in tandem with its relative economic growth. It was also stretching out under relatively stable peace and security as compared with some other African countries. For this reward, Ethiopia got the accreditation of “Top Destination in the World for Tourists” by the European Council on Tourism and Trade (ECTT) in 2016 (Ali, 2016, p. 7).

Despite some of the aforementioned improvements in the sector, the impact of tourism in Ethiopia is expressed in terms of absurdities and doubts. The ownership of abundant tourism resources, on the one hand, and the failure to connect these resources for development, on the other, was meager considerations of the prevailing contradictions (Mulugeta, 2012; Tesfaye Zeleke, 2015). Ethiopia, “a mosaic of more than 80 ethnic groups,” has many tourist attractions, including “… historic routes, Lucy., Lake Tana., the Great Rift Valley lakes, Danakil Depression and Dallol., World Heritage Sites, and National Parks (MoCT, 2015: Tesfaye Zeleke, 2015, p. 4). Appropriately, it has also set the explanation as “the birthplace of coffee, and the home of the Arch of the Covenant.” While these mentions specify the presence of ample tourism resources, the notion of reaping substantial benefits from these resources remains unconvincing and persistent, making them less significant (MoCT, 2006:17; Tesfaye Zeleke, 2015).

There is little research on the perception of local communities in Ethiopia, in general, and in the Amhara area, specifically, on how tourism affects the local communities’ cultural heritage negatively. There are few and fragmented studies on tourism that concentrate on historical past of the industry (Birtukan, 2017; Binayew & Yeheyis, 2016; Getachew, 2007, Ayalew, 2009; Tafesse, 2016). There have been few literatures on the Lake Tana Region’s potential for ecotourism that take into account its complex problems (Sefrin, 2012; Woldu & Coetzee, 2018). Alamineh et al. (2022) conducted a study on empowering women in ecotourism, emphasising their involvement in the tourism industry. The aforementioned study did not address the negative cultural impact of tourism and its repercussions for sustainability by taking the local communities’ perceptions into consideration. Even if the cultural impact of tourism is a recurrent problem in the study sites in particular and Amhara Regional State as a whole, and the study sites, there is a lacuna of knowledge to address the issue. Therefore, this study focused on giving due attention to the negative cultural impact of tourism at the destinations by assessing the perceptions of local communities. Studying communities’ awareness about the negative impact of tourism is essential for future tourism development by minimising the negative impact, which in turn can enhance its positive contribution, which is in turn a prerequisite for sustainable tourism development. Responsible tourism has at present become the inclusive concept for the presence of sustainable tourism, which is the perspective of this study. To address the stated objective, this research article is guided by the following research questions:

• To what extent do the local communities perceive the contribution of tourism to cultural commoditization at the destination?

• To what extent do the local communities perceive the contribution of tourism to the expansion of inauthentic culture at destinations?

• To what extent do local communities believe tourism contributes to the destruction of cultural norms and values at the destinations?

2. Research methodology

2.1. Justification for the site selection

For the quantitative method of data collection, two tourist attraction sites were selected (Bahir Dar and Debark Town). The Bahir Dar tourism corridor is known for both natural tourist attractions (like Lake Tana and its ecological diversity and Tis Abay Fall) and cultural attractions (the different monasteries that are found around Lake Tana). Debark was selected due to its position in the famous natural attraction of Semien National Park, which is attributed to its unique flora and fauna and its astonishing natural landscape. For qualitative research, the three tourism routes (Bahir Dar, Gondar, and Debark) were selected for this study. Since most of the key informants and focus group discussants were tourism experts, tour guides, and other tourist service providers, the information they provided included the main tourism routes in Amhara regional states (Lalibella, Bahir Dar, Gondar, and Semain National Park tourism routes).

2.2. Limitation of the study

The perception of local communities may be affected by the distance in which the local people live from the main centre of the tourism destination, the extent on which their livelihood depends, and the issue of gender and age factors not taken into consideration by the quantitative research design. Thus, the researcher recommended that future research incorporate the aforementioned variables to make communities’ knowledge about the impact of tourism more inclusive.

2.3. Research design

In terms of philosophical stance and research schemes, this study used a blend of methods. Various researchers acknowledge that the investigation of a specific social phenomenon is frequently accomplished through the use of various methods. Kalof et al. (2008) stated that mixed methods… enhance understanding of a topic typically studied from a qualitative or quantitative perspective. It also enabled a shift towards thinking that qualitative and quantitative orientations are complementary rather than competing perspectives. Researchers could consider both causal (quantitative) and interpretive (qualitative) questions when designing their research projects.

An exploratory sequential mixed methods design was used for this research. In this design, qualitative data was collected first to explore the experience of informants with the phenomenon under investigation, which was followed by quantitative data collection. Two principal alternatives of the exploratory design are the theory development alternative, in which the bigger objective of the mixed methods study is to develop a theory, and the instrument-development alternative, in which the objective is to develop a refined instrument to test a hypothesis (Bowen, Rose, and Pilkington, 2017). For this dissertation, an exploratory sequential mixed-methods design was used to address the latter objective. Fundamentally, the study employed multiple strategies for collecting data, using multiple sources of data, and applying diverse approaches to analysing the data. This will help to triangulate the results obtained from different sources, which will maximise their validity, reliability, and trustworthiness. Then the triangulation data analysis technique was used to substantiate the collected data, as well as indicated in the data analysis section.

2.4. Sources of data and participants of the study

The study used a community approach that involved residents, tourism entrepreneurs, tourism authorities, owners or managers of accommodation establishments (AEs), travel agencies, car rentals, restaurants, bars, and tourist shops, who are assumed to have major influences on the Amhara region’s state tourism development. The participants of the study were chosen based on purposive and snowball sampling, which are very essential sampling techniques to get suitable informants for the study.

NB. From the indicated Table 1 informants, the number of female informants’ is only six. Women only participate in tourism authorities and as owners of tourist hotels. The other tourism-related activities (hotel manager, tour guide, tour operator, and car rental) are predominantly occupied by men.

Table 1. Informants profile and their number for semi-structured interview

Category of informants	Tour guides	Tour operators	Tourism authority and expert	Tourism experts and hotel managers	Other stakeholders	Total
Number of informants pre category	6	3	6	8	9	32

2.5. Quantitative data collection procedures and sampling

Residents of Sefeneselam from Bahir Dar city and residents of Kebele 03 from Debark town have been in one way or another dependent on tourism for employment and/or income and were selected for this study. A self-administered questionnaire survey was conducted on a face-to-face basis with a proposed sample of about 300 head households. 1726 households were selected from Sefeneselam kebele from Bahir Dar town and 1858 heads of households from kebele 03 of Debark town. To minimise the sample error, 20 households were included in the sample, which means 10 households per study site. One way of selecting a suitable size of sample for the purpose of surveying is that set out by Ryan (1995, p. 177), which is based upon certain assumptions. The simple random sampling method looks suitable when the lists of the units studied are accessible. This technique was worth it in the sample survey conducted with households. It is possible to access the lists of the residents from the respective study kebeles. Thus, in this study, a simple random sampling technique was employed. According to Ryan, in the case of a finite population where the population size is known, the formula used to calculate the sample size is:

n = Ns2

(N−1)B2 + s2

Z2

Where n = sample size

N = population size

s = standard deviation or estimate

B = allowable error

z = z score based on desired confidence

The total population of the study was acquired from the Amhara National Regional State Bureau of Finance and Economic Development (ANRS BOFED). The bureau estimates or calculates the households of the region based on the household forecast rate of the country. Based on this estimation, the household of Sefeneselam is 1726, while kebele 03 of Debark is 1858.

In this specific case, the population size is 1726 and 1858in the aforementioned Kebeles. The sum is 3584 (from ANRS BOFED details). As referred to by Ryan (1995), the standard deviation is estimated at 1.25 (or the range divided by 4), and taking a confidence level of 95% gives a z-value of 1.96, which is customary. Setting the allowable error for the measurement item at a 4% tolerance level (B = 0.2) gives the above sample outcomes.

Map of the study sites with its tourism Routes, 2023.

2.6. Data sources and sampling for qualitative method

For this study, data from both primary and secondary sources were used. We did key informant interviews and in-depth interviews. Interviews were conducted with senior citizens, tour guides, tour operators, tourism officials, hotel managers, transportation service providers, and other people who are thought to be more knowledgeable about the topic of the cultural influence of tourism. All interviews were taped with the participants’ permission. Participants for the conversation were carefully chosen by taking into account factors like social obligations, gender, and age. As a secondary source of information, we also used print and online research publications that are closely related to the impact of tourism. We used non-probability sampling while using such qualitative methodologies, concentrating particularly on purposive and snowball samplings. This tactic gives me the flexibility to interact with individuals (of all ages and genders) who have a variety of experiential knowledge and to investigate their perspectives and interests. To find competent and suitable informants in the study locations, we often used snowball sampling and purposive sampling strategies.

2.7. Qualitative data collection techniques and analysis

Despite the fact that there isn’t a completely clear-cut distinction between the different phases of fieldwork, the stages of getting to know farmers and familiarising ourselves with various local lifestyles in houses, fields, and social gatherings comprised the first phase of my fieldwork (Eriksen 2001; Anteneh et al., 2021). As a result, we began to take part in a variety of sociocultural activities and events that gave us insight into how people behave, think, speak, and act, as well as how they express and justify their worldviews and reasons. We had numerous opportunities to take part in events like cultural festivals, ceremonies, religious celebrations, and commemorations, as well as various social gatherings, throughout the entire ethnographic fieldwork. This gave me the chance to close the communication gap between the community and us as researchers. We were able to construct a forum and have discussions with community members both individually and in groups thanks to this strategy. As a result, we were able to get first-hand reports of how the locals perceived the effects of tourism.

We created a set of leading questions for semi-structured interviews based on participant observations and casual chats. Elders, tour guides, tourist agencies, tourism officials, hotel management, transportation service providers, and others were all interviewed for these purposes. We had the freedom to ask follow-up questions depending on the discussion because the interview guide’s open-ended questions were made that way. If a participant has already provided an answer during the conversation, we integrated some of the mentioned questions. As a result, the semi-structured interviews’ guiding questions were continuously adjusted to reflect any new themes that emerged from earlier interviews or observations. As a result, we were able to better understand the impressions, knowledge, and views that were communicated and follow the participants’ own sense of what is vital and important (Anteneh et al., 2021).

The majority of the interviews took place over protracted periods of time and in circumstances where taking notes was insufficient in and of itself. Based on each informant’s previous informed consent, we recorded using tape. After that, the recorded interviews were arranged, translated, and transcriptions made for additional study. We conducted FGDs (each group consisting of 8 to 12 people) with elders, tour guides, tourist agencies, tourism officials, hotel management, transportation service providers, and others, following qualitative approaches and semi-structured interviews in particular. Each FGD sought to complement semi-structured interviews with participants by gathering additional information (Anteneh et al., 2021). We also took advantage of the chance to converse with focus group participants to learn more about their differing opinions and the varying depths of their knowledge on the sociocultural, economic, and political problems that lead to blood feuds in the neighbourhood.

In terms of data analysis, preliminary data analysis began even as data collection was taking place. We summarised our fieldwork diary while on the field in order to describe and document actions. Every day, we participated in fieldwork and conducted first-hand analysis. In order to identify major themes and issues, field data was rigorously evaluated. To find the earliest patterns of data, I reorganised, semi-analysed, and summarised the contents. In order to grasp the overall structure of the data, we also engaged in transcription, categorization, and coding of incomplete data. Then, using the predetermined codes and subcodes, we used indexing (Denzin 2000). In order to enhance the additional qualitative information gathered through interviews and field notes, audio tapes were also transcribed, themed, and coded (Anteneh et al., 2021). The entire collection of reorganised and tagged field notes as well as condensed reports was read again, and the critical passages were underlined in accordance with the themes that were emerging. To make it easier to handle for the final write-up, the interpreted and summarised field notes were transcribed and analysed in the form of a report.

2.8. Quantitative data analysis

The initial step in analysing the data will be putting together descriptive statistics. Thus, the mean (or average value) and standard deviation will be reported. The Chi-square test of association will be an essential tool for looking at the prevailing associations among the interactional variables. Cross-tabulation results will help to discern the general patterns seen among the associated variables. Hoyle et al. (2002) expounded on the measures of association as a form of descriptive statistics instrumental in summarising the relationship between variables. The results discussed the prevailing relationships among the variables compared through column percentages. In the analysis, the perception of the community using the Likert-scale was used. On the Likert-scale, 4 represents a higher amount, 3 represents a medium amount, 2 represents a small amount, and 1 represents not at all.

2.9. Triangulation analysis

The analysis applies a mixed-convergent design. Convergent Mixed Methods Design: One-phase design where both quantitative and qualitative data were collected and analysed, and then the analyses of the quantitative and qualitative data were compared to see if the data confirmed or contradicted each other. According to Creswell et al. (2011:77), this design was optimal as it allowed the researcher to “triangulate, … compare, and contrast quantitative statistical results with qualitative findings for justification and validation purposes”. Thus, a convergent design that mixed the data from qualitative and quantitative sources was used for the overall analysis.

3. Ethical considerations

3.1. Research ethics

Research ethics need to be observed during the study to protect participants from harm and ensure their confidentiality of information. Research ethical issues to consider include:

• Obtain consent from respondents

• Maintain confidentiality of issues obtained from respondents

• Make sure respondents are not harmed in any way

• Do not manipulate answers

• Respect respondents’ right, e.g., when they refuse to answer certain questions

• Adhere to standards set in the research area where the study is taking place

• Avoid using technical jargon when possible;

• keep language simple

• Respect the right of the respondents to withdraw their participation from the study at any time

• Gender awareness: assign as many female enumerators as possible and provision of awareness creation on how to collect data in gender norm conservative community.

3.2. Consenting

The research adheres to international best practises in research ethics. The study will use verbal consent from the informants and written consent from the Bahir Dar University of Social Sciences Ethical Clearance Evaluation Committee (Ref. No.: PGRCS 698/2022) at the approval date of 10 December 2022. The researchers got informant consent from each participant by addressing their rights as participants in the study, giving them time to ask questions, and then giving verbal consent if they agreed to participate in the household survey, focus group discussion, and key informant interview. To use the tape recorder and photo, the permission of the informants and their consent were obtained (See Table 2).

Table 2. Sample size for the household survey per respective sites (Residents sample)

Study site	Region	Zone	Name of District	Sample kebele	HHHs at kebele	sample size	Added sample	total
Bahir Dar	ANRS	Bahir dar	Bahir dar	Sefeneselam	1726	141	10	151
Debark	ANRS	North Gondar	Dabark	Kebele 03	1858	139	10	149
Total sample for residents is equal 300. NB: The researcher took additional 10 samples for each study population to minimize sample error.						280	20	300

Source: The Amhara National Regional State Bureau of Finance and Economic Development ANRS BOFED (2019)

3.3. Confidentiality

It is important that the researcher protect the confidentiality of study information. As part of research, the work may involve collecting confidential information. The researchers must not show any materials collected to anyone who is not a member of the study team. The presentation of photos in the study is only done based on the ethical clearance we got from the Bahir Dar University of Social Sciences Ethical Clearance Evaluation Committee and the consent of the informants in the field and from archival sources.

The researchers must always use discretion when expressing personal opinions or debating points during discussions. This is important because an expression of disapproval can cause people to change or conceal their behaviour, which means that the researcher cannot observe the behaviour that he or she has been trained to record.

4. Data analysis and presentation

4.1. The negative impact of tourism on the indigenous culture

As much as tourism has a positive impact on the destination, it also has a negative impact. Thus, in this research article, the negative impact of tourism on the destinations was addressed by assessing the perceptions of the local communities.

4.1.1. Destroys the tradition and value of the society

The perception of the local communities about the negative impact of tourism on destroying the culture and values of their society is expressed to a lower degree as indicated in the above Table 3. 41.2% and 30.4% of the respondents’ perceptions are expressed as not at all and a small amount, respectively. According to 20.6% of respondents, the negative impact of tourism on destroying the tradition and value of the local community is moderate amount. While only 7.8% of respondents believe it has a greater impact on destroying societal traditions and values. The perceptions of local communities about the negative cultural impact were at ebb, which indicates that the communities can support the development of the industry in the future if responsible types of tourism are implemented.

Table 3. Tourism destroys the tradition and value of the local communities

		Frequency	Percent	Valid Percent	Cumulative Percent	Median	Mode
Valid	not at all	122	41.2	41.2	41.2	2.00	1.00
	A small amount	90	30.4	30.4	71.6
	A moderate amount	61	20.6	20.6	92.2
	A High amount	23	7.8	7.8	100.0
	Total	296	100.0	100.0

According to data collected from the key informants and FGDS, the negative impact of tourism at the destination is not well recognised by all sections of the community. However, informants who have direct relations with the industry identify some of its negative impact, as illustrated hereunder.

Commoditization is observed at a few tourist destinations. There is a practise of selling everything regardless of its religious and social values. People are presenting their tangible and intangible assets for sale. This is a social crisis, and presenting everything to the market destroys the identity of society. As I ascertained from observation field data and ascertained from key informant interviews, in Gondar and the Zege Peninsula religious artifacts like crosses, books and religious clothes have been presented for sale everywhere and by everybody. They have been presented as commodities to be sold and purchased for tourists.

In most cases, religious organisations like churches and monasteries have been opened for foreign tourists to visit. For foreign tourists, everything is open, regardless of their religion or other criteria. There are two types of artefacts in and around the church. Those artefacts that can be accessed by every member of the community and other types of artefacts are considered sacred, and it is religiously forbidden for ordinary people to see and touch them. Only those priests who have the right or are religiously acknowledged can access them. So they are preserved in the inside circle of the church and no one is allowed to visit them (KIIs in Zege Peninsula, February, 2022).

The Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahdo and monasteries have their own dogmas and norms for anyone who wants to visit them. Among these dogmas and norms is the prohibition of non-believers from entering the church compound. Non-believers also know these rules and regulations so that they respect the norms and values of the church. In the same vein, the national tourists do not visit the church and the monastery since they know the aforementioned issues. However, foreign tourists are permitted to visit all parts of the church except the Bête Mekidese (the inner circle of the church where the Tabot, or replica of the Arch of Covenant, is located). Most of the tour guides and administrators allow foreign tourists to visit the churches and monasteries in lieu t of money. Tourists do not respect religious values and norms because they are unfamiliar with them. Their desire is to see and learn new things at any place they visit. Foreign tourists consider everything to have material value, and they want to have it or buy it for their own purposes. In due course, the tourism industry is inculcating their ideology, thinking, and ways of life on the alien culture at the destination, even if it is not well recognised by the local people at the moment (Ibid.).

The above argument is supported authors Skoll and Korstanje (2014) as religion and tourism can be incompatible adversaries that diminish the peace endorsing developments which give emphasis intercultural variations rather than harmonies. Some activities bringing by tourists may be not be fit with the religious beliefs of the local people. Due to this, two or more values may cause immutable divergences that lead groups to disagreement and violent conflict. Conflict arises in this situation because tourism fosters intergroup connections more quickly.

According to KIIs and FGDs, the other negative impact of tourism is related to the erosion of the local communities’ social assets. In the past, every stranger had been considered a guest and had received respect from the people. And the local people had been treating them with hospitality, and there was no expectation of an equivalent return for their services. But over time, due to the development of the tourism industry, the local people changed their behaviour when receiving guests. Social exchange developed between the tourists and the local people. The local people present their cultural products for the tourists’ consumption in return for their service, for which they have received money. Through time, the concept of monetization, or commercialisation, of everything has been adapted by the destination communities. As a result, local communities develop the wrong perception that foreigners are the source of money. In the worst scenario, the youth are rushing to ask for money rather than considering them as guests and treating them as the local culture dictates. At some destinations, tourists have been asked to pay for any activity or interaction they have with the locals. For instance, if a tourist comes and asks to take a photo with someone, he or she may have to pay for it. The other thing is dependency syndrome. The local people assume the tourists have everything and are undermining themselves for economic gain. For them, tourists are considered to have everything.

As the data collected from FGDs, KIIs, and field observation ascertained, due to the presence of mass tourism and to satisfy the lust of tourists, the local people began to produce different artefacts for sale. The indigenous people have been producing various artefacts to represent their social, religious, and political identities or achievements. Thus, they have been produced by professionals who have detailed knowledge of the destination community. As the arrival of tourists increases over time, the original artifacts or cultural heritage that can be produced by cultural specialists become insufficient to satisfy the visitors’ interest. Non-professionals or ordinary people have begun to get involved in the production of these artefacts in order to meet the interest of the tourism demand. In due course, the artifacts have been produced by the local community as a whole. The cultural heritage that has been produced in such a manner does not represent the socio-cultural, political, and religious values of the local communities. They are not produced by incorporating the arts and the values that they represent. Most patricians and crafters are uneducated and lack the skills and knowledge of how and for what purpose they can produce it. The artefacts have been produced from simple materials and decorated with non-authentic ones. At present, the materials used for producing the artifacts have been imported from abroad, and do not have aesthetic, cultural or social values.

For instance, there is a general belief and practise that the cross was made of wood, metal, and other precious materials. But now one can find a cross that is made from plastic and related materials. In the past, only Meskel (cross) was found in fixed and appropriate places around the church and monasteries, and it was sold by church communities. But now you can find it everywhere and buy it from by anyone, even those who do not have a religious affiliation. The church clothes that can be worn by the priests at the moment are produced by anyone. But in the past, it was used by church communities and was made from fixed raw materials. But now the raw materials are imported from abroad, such as Kenya, China, and other countries. Thus, the local industry cannot become competent in producing much production for tourism, even if they produce original cultural products (KIIs and Field Observation, January, 2022).

Photo 1. Religious artefacts were presented for sale in the town of Gondar. Field Photo, January 2022, by the researcher.

The above illustration is affirmed by the literature, as indicated hereunder. It is sometimes asserted that as international travel increases and there is an excessive demand for tourism-related goods, local cultures, traditional ways of life, and indigenous cultures, among others, are being lost in many communities. The non-traditional artisans are given assignments to produce “original art,” which is pseudo-native items, in order to meet tourist demand for local arts. The original artistic shapes were supplanted with crude, mass-produced forms that were frequently constructed haphazardly and carelessly. As a result, conventional artistic shapes and designs become less high quality, and their artistic, symbolic, and meaningless qualities and meanings disappear. Traditional artistic genres are being replaced by worthless, commercially-driven pseudo-traditional arts (Haug, 2007; Terzidou et al., 2008).

According to a generally accepted theory in the literature, tourism devalues culture by turning it into a product that is packaged and sold to visitors. Researchers have looked at how the presence of tourists has changed hospitality, identity, performance, photography, and crafts. Graburn has talked about the transition from “authenticity to memento” in traditional art to souvenirs (1984:415; Cole, 2007). Additionally, the performing arts have been commercialised. Performances have been reduced and made more diverse to appeal to tourists, much as artefacts have been made smaller (Soejono 1997). One response to the result of difference and “otherness” being consumable tourism commodities is the recognition and affirmation of local identity (Macdonald 2002) and the (re)creation of ethnicity (Adams, 1997: 101; Cole, 2007; MacCannell, 1984).

4.1.2. Commoditization of culture

The other negative impact of tourism is the commoditization of local cultural products, as explained by key informant interviews. At present, the practise and presentation of cultural products and the production of cultural artefacts is not based on their real meaning. Religious and other socio-cultural manifestations have been presented to the tourists. But in some circumstances, their presentation does not really represent the original products, and the purpose of presenting them is mostly based on monetary values. For instance, clothes, crosses, and other artefacts that have been produced by Chinese companies are presented at different monasteries on Lake Tana, ascertained by informants and field observation. The Chinese company has been imitating and producing the style and design of the traditional clothes and other artifacts of the Amhara Region State and importing them to both national and international consumers. Even if religious clothes and other artefacts were produced somewhere else and imported to tourist destinations, the merchants could present them for sale at a cheaper price than the locally produced ones. The imported clothes, crosses, and artefacts are not produced by keeping the quality, style, socio-cultural, and religious representation of local people. Even the raw materials used to produce these artefacts and traditional clothes are not original and are produced from standardised industrialised products. Generally, it loses the indignity and uniqueness of art.

The above-illustrated argument about the negative impact of tourism is supported by the literature. Religious rites, traditional ethnic rites, and festivals might be simplified and sanitized to comply with visitor expectations as a result of tourism, creating what has been referred to as reconstructed ethnicity. Basic changes in human values may take place once a place is marketed as a tourist destination and the visitor’s desire for mementos, arts, entertainment, and other goods starts to exert influence (Kim, 2011).

The FGDs affirmed the above argument as such; tourists do not identify which one is authentic or inauthentic; their preferences mainly depend on the price of cultural products. And the local people also do not understand its negative impact on their religious and cultural practises. They only see it from the standpoint of monetary gain. Experts from the Bureau of Culture and Tourism know the cause of this and have expressed the challenge as such. The local cottage industries as well as individuals who have the skills do not produce much production in a short period of time while keeping the arts and designs that really inculcate the social and religious values of the communities. Due to this, it has failed to meet the needs of tourists adequately. As an alternative, the local merchants have begun to import clothes, crosses, and artefacts from alien cultures that they could imitate and produce.

Experts from the Culture and Tourism Bureau of Amhara Regional State expressed the extent and the reasons why the local people initiated the importing and presenting of alien cultural products for local and international tourists at the celebration of Kirstos Samra¹ and Christmas religious festivals. For instance, if one takes religious tourism in Kirstos Samra, the pilgrimage number is between 50,000 and 60,000. The other well-known religious tourist attraction in the Amhara region is the Lalibela which is celebrated in Tahsas 29 of the Ethiopian calendar (January 7 in Gregorian calendar) can be attended by 250,000–300,000 tourists. Local industries and individual crafters do not produce a sufficient number of local products to address the interests of both local and international tourists. So, to address the high demand from tourists, merchants prefer importing such products at lower prices, and at the same time, they can get more profit from such imported materials. As a result of the tourists’ high demand for cultural and religious artefacts, the local people import alien cultural products, which have been eroding the local culture.

Tourists’ desire mementos, arts, crafts, and cultural expressions, as shown by Kim (2011), and in many tourist locations, artisans have responded to the rising demand by changing the design of their wares to better suit the preferences of the new clients. Tourists’ attention benefits artists’ self-worth and contributes to the preservation of a cultural tradition; yet cultural loss might result from the commoditization of cultural items. Getz (1991) stated that a lot of writers have expressed concern about how tourism is affecting traditional cultures. Cultural items like festivals, music, dance, and rituals are frequently subjected to commoditization. Residents of destination areas quickly discover that culture is not always what it appears to be. “In both cases, the rewards became monetary and divorced from their cultural meaning” (Getz, 1991: 60).

Some key informants, particularly tour guides and the culture and tourism bureau, gave information about the preparation of tourism in artificial ways. In the Amhara region of Ethiopia, the dominant artefacts have been found in and around churches and monasteries. There are two types of artefacts in and around the churches and monasteries. Those artefacts that can be accessed by every member of the community and other types of artefacts are considered sacred, and it is religiously forbidden to see and touch such sacred religious artefacts. Only those priests who have the right or are religiously acknowledged can access them. So they are preserved in the inside circle of the church, and no one is allowed to visit them.

The religious books that have been used to teach religious ethics and norms to the community have served as a means of attracting tourists from different parts of the world. They are made of goat skin (brana) and are unique and indigenous to the Ethiopian church. So they served cultural tourist attractions in the monasteries of Ethiopia as well as in the churches. In different monasteries, there are museum centres which can serve as a means of displaying the ancient artefacts and religious books at the respective monasteries and churches. The above presentation of different worldviews, that is, the categorization of cultural-religious products into accessible and inaccessible domains, is articulated by the literature as such.

The contemporary man is driven to become a tourist in order to “go off the beaten road” and “in with the indigenous” by his desire for authentic experiences, which is seen as being comparable to a religious journey to the ultimate reality. This is accomplished by attempting to enter society’s “back area,” which is said to contain and expose people’s secrets or true lives. Tourists are not, however, being shown the institutional “backstage,”. Instead, it is a “manufactured” rear area that was created to seem real; this is known as “staged authenticity,” and as a result, it merely becomes another “front stage”. As a result of being trapped in these “fake” backstage areas, visitors’ quest for authenticity is futile (Haug, 2007, p. 31).

Key informants from churches and monasteries expressed their views about the interface between tourism and cultural heritage as follows. People have produced cultural heritage without respecting the culture and religious values of the communities it represents. They are not produced by incorporating the arts and the values that they represent. Most patricians and crafters are uneducated and lack the skills and knowledge of how and for what purpose they can be produced. Works of art are produced from simple raw materials and decorated with non-authentic materials. Since the imported materials from abroad are produced by machines, they do not have aesthetic, religious, or socio-cultural values. For instance, if one looks at the variation on how to make a cross in the Orthodox Tewhdo Church, there has been a difference across time. In the past, it was made of wood, metal, and other precious materials. However, it is now made of plastic and other readily available materials. In the past, the cross was found in areas where the church considered it appropriate, which had been around the church or monasteries, and it was owned and sold by church communities. But now you can find it everywhere and buy it from anyone, even those who do not have a religious affiliation.

In addition, the church clothes that can be worn by the priests at the moment are produced by anyone who does not have knowledge or skill about them. But in the past, it was produced by church communities and was made from culturally or religiously acknowledged raw materials. But now the religious clothes are made of raw materials that are imported from foreign countries, as well as any materials that are used by any person. Thus, the local industry cannot become competent at producing much for tourism. This is due to the fact that they have been producing original clothes from religiously acknowledged raw materials.

Another attempt was made to change the celebration of the Epiphany holiday in Gondar to carnival tourism. The Epiphany of Gondar has been celebrated only for religious purposes, and along the way, it serves as a tourist attraction. But most of the Gondar Diaspora and investors developed a proposal to change its name to Gondar Carnivals, which is aimed at incorporating different socio-cultural and economic activities. Carnival tourism can inculcate an expression of culture that encapsulates music, dance, costumes, pageantry, and performance. This proposal shows that they want it to be more inclusive and participatory, regardless of religious affiliations. However, such a claim incited resentment among orthodox Christian adherents. In order to preserve the unique culture of Epiphany as a religious holiday and to preserve its cultural and religious traditions and norms, the communities do not accept the proposed claim.

The above finding, which indicates the negative impact of tourism on the value and religious tradition of the local community, is backed up by literature. Value is changed as a result of cultural commercialization from holy to profane and from authentic to unauthentic (Shahzalal, 2016; Shephered, 2002). One of the greatest examples of commodification is found in a case study by Greenwood (2012) in Spain, who uses the ritual as an example of commodification by modifying or even erasing the original meaning for outsiders before selling it in an exhibition. In this sense, Cole (2007) summarises that tourism is the process of gathering numerous cultural elements, occasionally adding something artificial to make it eye-catching, packaging it, and then selling it to visitors.

When culture is viewed as a product to be bought and sold and monetarily abused, it is transformed into a paid performance. Traditional festivities and rituals are advertised as daily entertainment options and are prepared in advance. As a result, tourists have inaccurate ideas about the country they are visiting that are shallow and pre-planned. The right to own and use their culture may be taken away and turned into a commodity, as evidenced by the commercialization of culture. Usually, the described cultural practises are what result in culture change (Cole, 2007; Reisinger & Dimanche, 2010).

According to key informants, horse races have historically been used to commemorate the Epiphany and obtain religious rewards. But now the trend has changed and horses have been serving as a means of acquiring income for their owners. Horse owners are paid for a portion of their horse’s time (usually no more than five minutes). The locals have to pay 100 Ethiopian birr while foreign tourists have to pay between 300 and 500 Ethiopian birr to get the service. In the past, the horse race was used only to celebrate the Epiphany festival annually. It was not used for commercial purposes. Literature also supports this finding. People watch feres gugs, or conventional horse races, to pass the afternoon of Timket (Epiphany). This festival-related activity mimics jousting from the Middle Ages in Europe. Participants don headdresses made of baboon hair and capes fashioned of lion’s manes. Their horses are adorned with vibrant velvets, brocades, and tassels. The military techniques used by mounted soldiers in earlier times may have inspired the game itself. The members of one band of riders attempt to knock the members of the opposing band off their horses while brandishing bamboo lances (ENA, 2019).

The majority of Awi people practise Orthodox Christianity. In actuality, each community has a sizable number of churches. As seen throughout the fieldwork, each church celebrates its yearly feast and blessing with exceptional religious fervour. Due to the abundance of horses in the region, riders contribute significantly to the religious celebration by escorting the Arc of the Covenant and by performing horse gugis, an activity that has been prevalent in the studied area for a very long time. Every parish has a big gathering of horsemen who accompany the Arc of the Covenant from its church to the location of the holy water sprinkler on the day of the yearly religious event. They add colour to this holy ceremony by hoisting the national flag and raising the horsemen’s chants, which are accompanied by trumpets (Kebede & Were, 2020).

Photo 2. Horse riding as a means of income generating at Gondar Epiphany; Field Photo, January 2022.

4.1.3. Contributes for the expansion of inauthentic culture and history

As shown in Table 4, tourism’s negative impact on the expansion of inauthentic culture and history at local destinations is expressed by the residents’ perception as follows. The perceptions of respondents on tourism’s impact on the expansion of inauthentic culture and history at destinations are expressed as not at all and a moderate amount by 33.8% and 31.4% of respondents, respectively. While 27.0% and 7.8% of the respondents expressed their perception of the negative impact of tourism on disseminating inauthentic culture, and history in moderate amount and a high amount, respectively. As illustrated by the figure, almost two-thirds of the respondents negate the impacts of tourism on the expansion of inauthentic culture and history. Thus, tourism’s negative impact on this issue is not well understood by the local community. In other words, the negative impacts of tourism on infiltrating inauthenticity are not well recognised by the local communities.

Table 4. Tourism contributes to the expansion of inauthentic culture and history at destination

		Frequency	Percent	Valid Percent	Cumulative Percent
Valid	not at all	100	33.8	33.8	33.8
	A small amount	93	31.4	31.4	65.2
	A moderate amount	80	27.0	27.0	92.2
	A High amount	23	7.8	7.8	100.0
	Total	296	100.0	100.0

The KIIS and FGDs asserted that producing original cultural products is costly, time-consuming, and not able to produce enough amounts to satisfy tourist demand. So people prefer to produce inauthentic products and even import them from abroad in mass and present them to tourists. Since the tourists are aliens to our culture, they do not identify which one is authentic and which one is not. Their preference is determined only by price rather than the originality of the cultural products.

As evidences were acquired from KIIS, the local people imitate the food habits, clothing styles, hearing styles, and behaviours of tourists, which in turn results in the loss of an indigenous way of life. The negative cultural and social impact of tourism is immense and unforeseen for the local people as well as the policymakers. There are various problems that arise concerning the handling of heritage. Heritages that have religious and social values may be found in inappropriate places and have been subjected to being sold illegally. At present, most people do not have knowledge about its social, cultural, and religious values. They only want to get money from the tourists. As long as they can get money, the people can present their entire heritage, whether communal or private, for sale. In particular, traditional closures, what we call “Shema,²” are presented for sale in mass production, but most of them are not the real representative of indigenous Shema. Worse, at the moment, merchants have imported the inauthentic clothing from abroad. Because they are mass-produced without quality and true design, imported and inauthentic clothing is less expensive than indigenous clothing. For instance, they are imported from abroad, but they are not good enough at representing the culture and traditions of the local community. They are not made from original materials and are designed so that they do not represent the reality of destination culture. The local artisans and craftsmen produced quality clothes but faced competition from those with inauthentic products. The other thing is that the local producers are not able to transform indigenous technology since it can be substituted by foreign industries. And they are also losing their indigenous culture since it has been overtaken by the global market.

Staged authenticity refers to the adaptation of cultural manifestations to suit the interests of visitors or even the staging of performances as though they were in real life. Staging will always occur as long as visitors only seek a fleeting look at the local scene and way of life without any knowledge or even interest. Tourists are occasionally given a marketed and styled depiction of a destination’s cultural identity, which may lack authenticity, according to Lickorish and Jenkins (1997). For instance, this is now taking place in several regions of South America. Native Americans have turned into mercenaries and modified their traditional dances for the advantage of visitors (Kim, 2011).

Because contemporary living promotes increasing levels of reproduction and hence lacks the authenticity that is thought to be found in the lives of other primitive people, MacCannell stated that modern man seeks experiences of “authenticity” through tourism. Modernity (or “modernization”) cannot advance without a sense of instability and unreality. Modern people believe that realism and authenticity may be found elsewhere, in other historical eras, other civilizations, and in simpler, more uncomplicated ways of existence (Haug, 2007, p. 31).

It may be claimed that the tourist sector plays a significant role in the process of establishing or defining authenticity because a large portion of tourism is based on instantly recognisable visual images or symbols (Olsen, 2002). It is sometimes required to essentialise culture in order to win over visitors by endorsing a few chosen, reified, and clichéd signs or pictures that may be engraved as emblems of a culture and serve as outspoken declarations of cultural distinctions. Usually, the signs that have the most opposing implications and are the most readily apparent to travellers are chosen as emblems. Signs that mention “traditional,” “hunting,” and “gathering,” for instance, stand in contrast to what one may consider “modern,” which is purchasing food with money. Indigenous peoples fit well into the tourism image of the real Others because they are frequently seen as “Noble Savages,” leading pristine, simple lives uncontaminated by civilization (Haug, 2007, p. 32). Travel brochure, guidebook, and postcard publishers are one example of how they try to appeal to particular images in “Western” awareness of how the others are supposed to be. In order to approach tourism as the consumption of genuine cultural symbols, the problem of cultural commercialization or commoditization must be addressed (Adam, 1984; Haug, 2007, p. 32).

4.1.4. Contributes for the introduction for alien culture and norms

The inhabitants’ assessment of tourism’s detrimental effects on the spread of foreign culture and norms at local locations is shown in Table 5, as follows. According to 31.1 percent and 33.4 percent of respondents, respectively, there is no influence at all and a moderate amount of tourism on the spread of foreign culture and customs in destinations. While a moderate number (23.6%) and a high amount (11.5%) of respondents, respectively, indicated that they perceived tourism have a detrimental influence on the spread of foreign culture and traditions.

Table 5. Tourism contributes to the introduction of alien culture and norms

		Frequency	Percent	Valid Percent	Cumulative Percent
Valid	not at all	92	31.1	31.1	31.1
	A small amount	99	33.4	33.4	64.5
	A moderate amount	70	23.6	23.6	88.2
	A High amount	34	11.6	11.6	99.7
	Missing system	1	.3	.3	100.0
	Total	296	100.0	100.0

In the first place, the local people, particularly the youth, imitate the behaviour and ways of life of tourists. The local people imitate the dress styles, hairstyles, and ways of acting. Imitation is considered a means of modernization at some destinations in the region, which are the epicentre of tourists’ arrival. Speaking the language of tourists even without internalising its meaning is becoming common practise and is considered a manifestation of modernization. Others like homosexual practises, lesbians, prostitution, etc., have been expanding. At present, the one who has the dollar can do everything. So tourism becomes a destructive industry by importing alien culture and ways of life (KIIs, April 2022).

The other is the importation and imitation of western types of culture in the service sector. The majority of hotel services, in particular, adopted western or modern types of service for their customers. The type of clothes the employees wear as a service providing modality mostly follows western style. Food items, utensils, beverages, and other types of services have been imported from abroad. This is due to the fact that the owners have believed that the importation of such items makes them more competent to attract foreign as well as local tourists (Ibid.).

Literature comes up with two opposite results concerning imitation or demonstration effects as such. The demonstration effect in tourism refers to how locals adopt the behaviours and manners of visiting tourists. The locals are envious of the visitors’ superior material goods and long for similar possessions. The demonstration effect has the advantage of encouraging residents to increase their output and productivity. Particularly in developing nations, hosts may be inspired to work more because they may observe the lifestyle that visitors aspire to. However, the pricey cameras and watches that tourists are carrying might be a cause of resentment, even menace, in addition to appreciation and inspiration to work more (C. Monterrubio, 2016). Demonstration effects can be disruptive, and residents may grow resentful of visitors if they cannot purchase the products and lead the lifestyles they model. The exposure of the host society to the products or lifestyles of tourists may make the hosts unhappy with what they previously thought was acceptable. When locals realise they cannot be as wealthy as visitors and have the same standard of living, the demonstration effect can frequently lead to jealousy, anger, and even hatred of tourists in developing host nations (C. Monterrubio, 2016; J. C. Monterrubio & Mendoza-Ontiveros, 2014).

4.1.5. Contributes to the development of low self-esteem concerning culture values and norms of the communities

As the perception of the respondents indicates in Table 6, above, tourism did not contribute to the development of low self-esteem in the local communities to high amount. 41.2% of the respondents perceived that tourism did not contribute to the development of low self-esteem at the destinations. 25.0% of the respondents perceive that tourism contributes to the development of low self-esteem to a small amount. 18.2% and 15.5% of the respondents perceived that tourism contributes to the development of low self-esteem indicated moderate amount and a high amount, respectively. Thus, the perception of local communities concerning the negative impact of tourism is at emerging or developing stage. Almost two-thirds of the respondents’ perceptions indicated that tourism has a positive contribution to make in developing self-esteem.

Table 6. Tourism contributes for the development of low- self-esteem in the local communities concerning their cultural value and norms

		Frequency	Percent	Valid Percent	Cumulative Percent
Valid	not at all	122	41.2	41.2	41.2
	A small amount	74	25.0	25.0	66.2
	A moderate amount	55	18.6	18.6	84.8
	A High amount	45	15.2	15.2	100.0
	Total	296	100.0	100.0

As articulated from qualitative data sources (KIIs and FGDs), tourism is a global force, it induced an alien culture, which can destroy our ways of life. Most of our communities have perceived that the whites are superior and their products and style of life are assumed to be better than their own. This comes from the wrong assumptions or perceptions of the local people about westerners. They think that their products are inferior and that the imported goods have good quality. So the young generation has begun to imitate the style of dressing, the way one acts, feeding habits, smoking and its style, using packed foods and other cultural and social norms.

As ascertained by tour guides, some international hotels have given only their services to international tourists. There are hotels and lodges that do not want to serve the local people. They call the national people as “habesha³”. They have invested in the hotel industry to serve international tourists who can come with dollars.

Even the local tour guides, who can create a direct link with the hotel and foreign tourists, do not have their services. They provide hospitality services for foreigners, unlike local customers. Almost all standardised hotels in Amhara Regional State have been constructed and give service mainly to international tourists. They set their prices according to the standards of foreign tourists. So it is very difficult for national tourists in general and for local people in particular to get the necessary services. This is an indication of how tourism, in one way or another, creates low self-esteem in the community, particularly among those stakeholders who can reap the benefits of it. The other is the expansion of begging in tourist destinations. The local people have developed a kind of stereotype that being white is rich and being non-white is poor. Thus, many of the local people, particularly the younger generation, have been involved in begging when they see tourists. As the findings from quantitative and qualitative data show, tourism mainly creates pride in their culture, tradition, and history. However, some host-guest interactions create the opposite of that. Thus, the development of responsible tourism is essential to enhancing the fruit of tourism and minimizes its negative repercussions.

5. Concluding and recommendation

5.1. Conclusion

The result of quantitative data showed that the perception of local communities about the negative impact of tourism on their culture is small. This shows that the negative impact of tourism on the culture of the communities is not well pronounced or known by them. But as qualitative data sources affirm, tourism has a negative impact on the culture of local communities, even if its impact is not well understood by commoners. The main negative impact of tourism is expressed in terms of the commoditization of the society’s culture. The trend of selling everything regardless of its religious and social values has been increasing. In some tourism destinations, people have been presenting their tangible and intangible cultural assets for sale. Among the study sites, the commoditization practices have been well pronounced in Gondar, Bahir Dar, and the Zege Peninsula. Religious artefacts like cross, books and priest clothes have been presented for sale everywhere and by everybody.

The other negative impact of tourism is erosion of the local communities’ socio-cultural assets. In the past, every stranger had been considered a guest and had received respect from the people. And the local people had been treating them with hospitality, and there was no expectation of an equivalent return for their services. But over time, due to the development of the tourism industry, the local people changed their behaviour when receiving guests. Social exchange developed between the tourists and the local people. The local people present their cultural products for the tourists’ consumption in return for money. The harmonious interaction between the gusts and hosts is deteriorating with time.

As the findings indicate, in due course, as the influx of tourists has increased, producing original products is costly, time-consuming and not able to produce enough amounts to satisfy their demand. So people prefer to produce inauthentic products and even import them from abroad in mass and present them to tourists. Since the tourists are aliens to the culture of the destinations, they do not identify which one is authentic and which one is not authentic.

As the finding of this study shows the negative impact of tourism is not well understood by the mass of the communities. Only those individuals who have direct contact with the industry clearly recognise the negative impact of tourism on the culture of the local communities. If such negative impact is continued and expanded, it may affect the perceptions of the local communities which are the necessary condition for their support in tourism development. Without the community support it is unthinkable to implement the issue of sustainable tourism development in the region.

5.2. Recommendations

• The main negative cultural impact of tourism is expressed in terms of the commoditization of society’s culture. The trend of selling everything regardless of its religious and social values has increased. This has resulted from a lack of awareness among the local communities and other stakeholders about the long-term negative impact of it on their unique and indigenous culture. Therefore, the culture and tourism bureau, in collaboration with other stakeholders, has to create awareness among the communities and other concerned bodies about the impact of tourism in the future.

• The other negative cultural impact of tourism is creating an inauthentic culture at the tourists’ destinations, even if what is authentic and inauthentic is subjective for interpretation based on time series and the viewers’ point of view. Thus, appropriate tourism development planning is essential in order to present authentic culture and preserve it for future generations.

• For the success of any tourism industry, minimising its negative impact on destinations is essential. The knowledge and participation of different stakeholders are essential for reducing the negative cultural impact on the one hand and for culturally responsible tourism development on the other. Therefore, the Culture and Tourism Bureau, in collaboration with national and international stakeholders, has to design and implement responsible tourism development strategies and plans at each tourism destination based on its own specific cultural context.

Disclosure statement

There is no conflict of interest in this work. All sources of information in the article are properly acknowledged.

Additional information

Funding

The work was supported by the Haramaya University

Notes on contributors

Gubaye Assaye Alamineh

Gubaye Assaye Alamineh is a senior lecturer at Bahir Dar University and a Ph.D. candidate in peace and development studies at Haramaya University. He has 17 years of teaching, research, and community service experience at public universities in Ethiopia. Gubaye has research interests and experience in migration, development, peace, tourism, culture, conflict, and conflict resolution mechanisms. He has more than seven publications in internationally accredited journals. He has enormous experience presenting various research outputs at national and international workshops.

Jeylan Wolyie Hussein

Jeylan Wolyie Hussein is a professor of peace and conflict studies at Haramaya University. His research has focused on the dynamics of identity construction and reconstruction in the context of inter-ethnic conflicts with resource underpinnings and other related issues.

Yalew Endaweke Mulu

Professor Yalew Endawoke Mulu is a professor of psychology and has immense experience in skilled research, e-learning, staff development, lecturing, and higher education. He is a strong education professional who currently works as a consultant at the Ministry of Education in addition to his teaching and research engagements.

Bamlaku Taddesse

Bamlaku Tadesse Mengistu (Associate Professor) in Peace and Conflict Studies He is currently working in the Faculty of Leadership and Governance Studies, Department of Peace and Conflict Studies. He did research concerning conflict, conflict resolution, and development issues.

Notes

1. Kristos Samra (Ge’ez: , romanized: Kristos Šemra, c. 15th century) was an Ethiopian female saint who founded an eponymous monastery in Lake Tana. She is one of Ethiopians over two-hundred indigenous saints and the earliest of about 14 Ethiopian female saints. After the Virgin Mary, she is considered one of the female saints by Ethiopians who conceived as virgin and totally sinless. She is venerated by the Eritrean Orthodox Tewahedo Church, the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church, and the Coptic Orthodox Church of Alexandria, with her feast day on 30 August. (en).

2. Traditional clothes which made of Cotton.

3. Habesha means: Habesha refers to Ethiopian-Eritrean people, regardless of their nationality, tribe ethnicity or citizenship. It also includes any other cultures they may have. This term is inclusive of the Ethiopian-Eritrean Diaspora and various Ethnic groups in Ethiopia