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CULTURAL STUDIES

Survival strategies of two changing societies’ customary consultative assemblies: The orahua of Nias and the kerapatan adaik of West Sumatra

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Article: 2286733 | Received 29 May 2023, Accepted 17 Nov 2023, Published online: 14 Dec 2023

Abstract

The discrepancy between customary governance systems and official village government systems can potentially result in conflict between indigenous communities and village officials, as evidenced in South Nias. Employing descriptive-qualitative field research that utilizes observational methods, interviews, and source documentation, this study provides a comprehensive understanding of how the orahua and the kerapatan adaik customary assemblies in North Sumatra’s Nias Island and in West Sumatra, respectively, conduct consultations to resolve issues. The study reveals that the capability of the customary consultation systems to operate as a platform for negotiations has been curtailed as a result of changes made to formal government systems and the restricted transfer of customary consultation values. The process of reinforcing customary consultation systems to maintain local identity and knowledge is deemed suboptimal. The research’s contribution is in promoting awareness among customary consultation stakeholders to involve women, young people, and non-nobles in the future. The research suggests the need for strengthening the orahua and the kerapatan adaik customary consultation systems through academic publications, which can serve as guidance for developing regional laws focused on improving the generational transfer of traditional consultation values.

1. Introduction

In light of the digital era’s development, diverse societal changes are perceived to render traditional institutions and practices obsolete. The antiquated social systems are deemed insufficient to address the continuously evolving challenges of modern-day living. However, this phenomenon does not apply to the traditional consultation systems present in certain Sumatran communities, which instead grow stronger. These customary consultation systems are upheld to resolve various issues that emerge in society. Matters related to government programs, such as Direct Cash Aid (Bantuan Langsung Tunai, or BLT), clean water programs, and state electricity, are discussed and resolved through traditional consultation assemblies. The retention of local institutions has become a pivotal concern, given apprehensions about traditional structures’ disappearance in the digital age, as digitization increasingly pervades nearly every aspect of life.

To date, research on customary institutions has primarily concentrated on the erosion of traditional institutions due to the intensification of modernization (Inglehart & Baker, Citation2000). The preservation of local institutions is often associated with ecology, particularly with how local institutions contribute to environmental conservation (Batiran & Salim, Citation2020; Kajembe et al., Citation2003). However, the role of social institutions in decision-making processes has received scant attention. The orahua in Nias and the kerapatan adaik (or kerapatan adaik nigari) in West Sumatra are two social institutions that play a pivotal role in resolving various issues and in decision-making in Sumatra. This offers a new perspective on the connection between traditional institutions and the needs of contemporary society. As Ibrahim (Citation2022) demonstrates, traditional values and institutions can strengthen the social order of modern society. Therefore, it is imperative to investigate the relevance of traditional institutions in addressing contemporary challenges in life.

The objective of this article is to complement prior research that has neglected the pertinence of traditional institutions in resolving contemporary societal issues. More specifically, it is crucial to thoroughly examine the reasons behind the persistence of specific traditional institutions. Correspondingly, aside from delineating the functions and importance of customary institutions in society, this paper also tackles two questions: Why are traditional institutions still upheld in societies that progressively embrace digital technology? And how has this happened? To this end, one of the traditional institutions that endures in a society that highly adopts digital technology is the musyawarah adat or customary consultations. This furnishes a framework for comprehending the cultural dynamics confronting nearly all societies and their diverse layers under the weight of digital technology.

This article is premised on the notion that traditional communities can sustain themselves by resorting to customary consultations that are intrinsic to the orahua system of Nias Islanders in North Sumatra and the kerapatan adaik system of the Minangkabau people in West Sumatra. These long-standing traditions are widely recognized for their effectiveness in resolving issues. By following this strategy, the Nias and Minangkabau communities are able to address problems encountered in their respective regions. For some Sumatran communities, this strategy has proven to be a powerful tool in preserving and developing their indigenous cultures. Thus, the orahua and kerapatan adaik traditions represent survival strategies that serve to safeguard the local cultures of Indonesia.

2. Literature review

2.1. Survival strategy

In the realm of social systems, survival strategy pertains to the process of developing resilience, strength, and adaptability by individuals or groups in response to changes in societal circumstances (Fahlberg et al., Citation2020). Beyond simply adapting to changes, survival strategy can also be considered a means of enhancing individual resilience amidst fluctuating social environments (Singha & Chakrabarty, Citation2022). This highlights survival strategy as a dialogic situation that involves interactions between communities and social structures. Resilience is nurtured and cultivated through a thorough understanding of social modalities within a given society (Tarisayi & Manik, Citation2021). Roussos (Citation2021) outlines five models of community resilience strategy, including 1) co-option by community authorities, 2) protection from larger forces or authority, 3) resistance and the formation of autonomous bodies, 4) exodus, and 5) acculturation or assimilation into larger institutions. Therefore, survival strategy is a way for individuals or groups to maintain their presence within society.

Survival strategy is employed as a means of societal resilience in various social contexts, including economic sustainability, the resilience of minority groups, and the continuity of cultural customs. As noted by Prasanna et al. (Citation2021), survival strategy in the context of economic sustainability can be observed in the adaptive practices of small businesses in the face of global competition. To remain competitive, these businesses apply strategic variables such as product innovation, marketing strategies, and efficient and sustainable business practices. Additionally, survival strategy in the context of minority groups, as discussed by Rodgers (Citation2021), can be observed in the resilience of Black women. These groups have adapted the “angry black woman” and “strong black woman” strategies as adaptive responses to discrimination in both academic and social settings. Meanwhile, in the context of cultural customs, survival strategy is evident in the sustainability of local culture, such as the traditional music of the Kuki indigenous community in Northeast India, which involves the use of bamboo trumpets called pengkul. Khongsai and ManiBabu (Citation2021) note that, in a modernizing society, the use of pengkul remains an irreplaceable communication tool and a symbol of traditional values and beliefs, owing to its unique production and usage processes.

2.2. Customary consultation

According to Dewi et al. (Citation2020), a customary or indigenous community refers to a territorial or geological entity that possesses its own resources and has citizens who can act with autonomous legal unity. This suggests that indigenous communities are self-sufficient entities that encompass legal, governing, and environmental unities. These communities typically comprise native descendants who reside in specific regions and maintain kinship ties among families (Danu et al., Citation2021). To preserve their cultural authenticity and pass on their customs and traditions to future generations, indigenous communities abide by the principles and values passed down from their ancestors (Gunara et al., Citation2022). The resulting independence influences the social system of these communities. Kisno Hadi (Citation2021) adds that the sources of authority within indigenous communities include concepts such as leadership, tribal states, societal structures, and decisions made through customary consultation, or “musyawarah adat” in Indonesian.

In customary or indigenous communities, customary consultation is applied in diverse scenarios, including matters concerning marriage, inheritance, and legal justice. For instance, in the Kajang tribe of Bulukumba, South Sulawesi, musyawarah adat related to marriage is conducted to resolve violations such as silariang (elopement), nipitianangngi (pregnancy out of wedlock), sexual harassment, or salimara (marriages between individuals of different social statuses. Such violations are settled through customary consultations led by customary officials such as ammatoa (traditional leader of the highest degree), galla-galla (a group of traditional elders with different roles), and the offending party (Raodah, Citation2020). In the context of inheritance rights, customary consultations are conducted among customary leaders, religious figures, village heads, and extended family members to determine who can receive which inheritance and the amount of inheritance that each party should receive. The decisions are based on a consensus reached through a customary consultation (Alimran et al., Citation2020). Customary consultations in judicial law address dispute resolution or customary violations, with Acehnese communities utilizing legislative regulations and customary laws as the basis for decision-making. Formal hearings are then conducted by official bodies such as the gampong (village-level) and mukim (municipality-level) institutions (Mawar, Citation2021).

2.3. Changing society/digital society

Social transformation within the digital society context is a process of transition in community life activities that were initially rooted in physical practices, but are now carried out using technology, as explained by Vinogradov et al. (Citation2022). The fast-paced evolution of technology presents numerous opportunities for societal growth and transformation towards a digital society, as outlined by Nguyen et al. (Citation2022). Such a society is distinguished by technological advancements, swift data processing, the application of artificial intelligence, and changes in global landscapes, all hinged on technology, as highlighted by Rechinskiy et al. (Citation2022). The traditional lifestyle in the digital society undergoes a metamorphosis into a more electronic resource-based way of life, according to Mvula et al. (Citation2022). These changes affect not only theoretical conceptualizations, but also relational practices and the continuity of community experiences, as argued by Baldassar (Citation2023). Sin (Citation2015) points out that while accessibility benefits are present, traditional interactions offer a distinct value that technology may fail to provide.

Indigenous communities have been widely affected by technological advancements, as they have had to navigate the relocation of social communication and networking to digital spaces (Yamamura, Citation2023). The digital world offers complex opportunities for consultation and public communication, allowing for the free interpretation and commenting on ideas. For these communities, the changes provide the potential for a more universal cultural space (Ariño Villarroya & Llopis Goig, Citation2020), but they also bring the possibility of global paradigms penetrating and redefining local culture’s values, meanings, and practices (Cabalquinto, Citation2023). Digitalization of indigenous rituals is limited to knowledge transfer, and it falls short of transferring values and meanings (Geronimo et al., Citation2022). Kornbluh (Citation2022) posits that while digital technology functions at a symbolic level as infrastructure, it is unable to implement the ideology of indigenous rituals. Therefore, it is clear that technological development cannot always fully reposition the traditions of communities.

3. Methodology

This research is based on oral narratives related to indigenous consultations in two locations, namely West Sumatra and Nias. Both regions have a long history, including those related to customary consultations as remnants of their cultural artifacts. Since ancient times, the Nias and Minangkabau communities have been known for their democratic way of life, by applying democracy through consultation to achieve consensus. Even today, indigenous consultations are still stored in the collective memory of both communities. Each customary consultation has its uniqueness with different versions, showing its oral and diverse elements.

The research was conducted at specific locations. In Nias, the study was carried out in the Hilinawalo Batusalawa Village (Fanayama Subdistrict, South Nias) and Tumori Village (West Gunung Sitoli Subdistrict, Gunung Sitoli City) from November 6 to 12, 2022. Meanwhile, in Sumatra Barat, observations were made at the medan nan bapaneh or open spaces of Balai Saruang in Pariangan Village (Pariangan Subdistrict, Tanah Datar Regency) as well as Balai Galogah Jambangan Batu and Balai Panitahan at the Governmental Center of Jambu Lipo Kingdom in Lubuk Tarok Village (Sijunjung Subdistrict, Sijunjung Regency) from October 22 to 28, 2022.

In order to verify that the community still retained the information, this qualitative study necessitated the collection of field data, as well as the use of archaeological evidence in the form of stone seats. The study’s informants were divided into two groups: key informants and supporting informants. The former group was made up of individuals who were at least 40 years old during the study, possessed a minimum elementary school education level, and were indigenous members of either of the local ethnic groups. In addition, they were expected to possess a deep understanding of their respective local language and culture and be capable of articulating themselves clearly. The latter group was made up of younger leaders who assisted in the literature review to provide supplementary data for this research. There are eight key informants in this study, four of whom are from Sumatra Barat: 1) Aresno Dt. Andamo, the head of Tanah Adat Regency’s Lembaga Kerapatan Adat Alam Minangkabau (Customary Assembly of Minangkabau Region) or LKAAM; 2) Safroni Dt. Kayo, the head of Kerapatan Adat Kabupaten Tanah Datar (Customary Assembly of Tanah Datar Regency); 3) Tuanku Rajo Godang Firman Bagindo Tan Ameh Rajo Alam, the head of Kerapatan Adat Kabupaten Sijunjung/ King of Jambu Lipo Kingdom in Sijunjung Regency (Customary Assembly of Sijunjung Regency); and 4) Yulihardi, Pangilomo of Jambu Lipo Kingdom in Sijunjung Regency. Meanwhile, the four key informants from Nias are: 1) Mr. Nazuro Buulolo, a si’ila (knowledgeable elder) who is also a nobleman; 2) Pujieli Buulolo, who is the sorahu or chairman of Badan Permusyawaratan Desa Hilinawalo Batusalawa (Village Consultative Body); 3) Mr. Sozatula Zebua, who is the head of Lembaga Adat Desa Tumori (the Traditional Institution of Tumori Village); and 4) Mr. Devid Kriscahyadi Buulolo, a si’ulu or nobleman.

The strategy to data gathering involved field observation and exhaustive interviews with both categories of informants. The key informants comprised of revered figures such as traditional leaders, religious heads, and elders, whereas supporting informants consisted of village heads, representatives of the community at large, women and youth representatives. In-depth interviews were conducted using the snowball and gatekeeper techniques to amass a vast amount of information from informants. Additionally, the interviews were scheduled flexibly in terms of time and place, with the informants’ comfort and security being a top priority in the process of data collection.

The in-depth interviews were conducted with a prepared interview guide, and the process was recorded in an audiovisual format. Along with primary data, secondary data sources, such as information required to support the primary data and artifacts (stone seats), were also included. The secondary data incorporated the views of supporters of the oral tradition, such as speakers, supporters, community leaders, and heirs of the oral tradition.

The research data was subject to descriptive analysis with regards to the theme that aligned with the research questions. The interpretation process was executed in three phases: restatement, description, and interpretation. During the restatement phase, the research findings on customary consultations, namely orahua in Nias and kerapatan adaik in West Sumatra, were reiterated. The subsequent description phase entailed expounding on the orahua and kerapatan adaik traditions. Finally, interpretation involved a thorough analysis of the data to ensure accuracy and accountability.

4. Results

In the midst of an ever-changing modern world, certain customary institutions in Nias and West Sumatra Utara have remained resilient to the shifts occurring around them. These institutions persist and wield significant influence as decision-making bodies. The continuation of these institutions is maintained through three key factors: 1) the ongoing practice of customary consultations; 2) the transmission of customary consultations across generations; and 3) the preservation of cultural mechanisms and controls. The persistent practice of customary consultations allows indigenous communities to play an active role in preserving local culture and reintroducing long-standing traditions. Additionally, the tradition of customary consultations has become ingrained in the customary habits of indigenous communities. As such, customary consultations are subject to cultural controls that are actively maintained by these communities. In sum, customary consultations play a crucial role in safeguarding cultural heritage.

4.1. The persisting practice of customary consultation

Customary consultations continue to be upheld as a local tradition amidst an increasingly technology-driven society. Despite the surge in online meetings, face-to-face consultations are still highly valued and maintained in communities. In the orahua and kerapatan adaik nagari customary consultations of Nias and West Sumatra, indigenous communities carry out these consultations in accordance with their respective customs. For centuries, the West Sumatra’s Minangkabau and North Sumatra’s Nias ethnic groups have practiced the culture of consultations to achieve consensus. In Nias, the tradition of using the cultural artifacts of megalithic stone seats located in an ewali (open space) during the orahua consultation process persists as a living tradition.

4.1.1. West Sumatra’s kerapatan adaik or customary consultations

In West Sumatra, there exists empirical evidence that supports the continuous practice of face-to-face customary consultations. The kerapatan adaik assemblies are frequently convened to address issues and plans for local communities (See table ). Of particular interest is the Balai Saruang stone seats site in the village of Pariangan, Pariangan Subdistrict, Tanah Datar Regency, which is located in close proximity to residential areas and is considered a cultural heritage site. In Lubuk Tarok, another stone seats site is situated far from residential areas, yet it is in relatively good condition due to an agreement between the village head and the customary community, represented by the ninik mamak (elders), to jointly preserve it as a cultural heritage. In contrast, the stone seats site in Jambu Lipo is not in as good condition as the one in Pariangan, although the village head has pledged to provide funds for its maintenance.

Table 1. Types of customary consultations in West Sumatra

During one customary consultation 23 October 2022, the community first gathered around the balai or the medan nan bapaneh (open space). Tuanku Rajo Godang Daulat, also known as Rajo Alam Jambu Lipo (the King of Jambo Lipo Region), was fetched by the community and they then proceeded to the balai. They occupied the stone seats according to their respective positions. Panglimo Rajo delivered the news of death from the Kingdom of Jambu Lipo. As is the norm, the language used during the event differed from the everyday language (see Figure ). Panglimo Rajo conveyed petatah petitih or specially worded sermon, as follows:

Original Minangkabau: “Babunyi gondang di ulak. Jatuah tali bungo siriah. Malang nan indak dapek ditulak. Mujua nan indak dapek diraiah. Kok dapek malang ditulak, ditulak jo gala panjang. Diayia jo kayia tandang. Kini malang ditulak. Lah tibo diaia alah poi. Dikecekkan malang indakloh malang bana doh mamak. Di jalan rayo banyak titian batu nan basamo. Tantang mano tu mak. Tantang Angku kito nan dulu.”

English translation: “Above the waist, the drum did sound. Betel flowers fell to the ground. Woe cannot be wished away. Nor fortune gained, we hear them say. To ward off harm, a long pole’s found. In water, they explore around. Woe now vanquished, water ebbs. Not dire, dear mamak, no need for webs. On main roads, many stones we find. For common footing, they’re designed. What is this talk about, mamak? Our former king, is what they pack.”

Similarly, a Datuak Bandaro Kayo, as the foremost figurehead of Minangkabau’s customary realm (tampuak tangkai alam Minangkabau), held a customary consultation practice at Balai Saruang, Nagari Tuo, Pariangan, to reach a verdict on a matter 27 October 2022. He articulated the following statement:

Original Minangkabau: “Di balai saruang ikolah Rajo Pasumayan Koto Batu yang dipertuan Bandaro Kayo duduak manyalasaian pakaro. Hukuman terakhir diputuskan disiko. Ndak dapek dibandiang lai. Ibaraiknyo disiko adolah Mahkamah Agungnyo urang Minangkabau di zaman dahulunyo.”

English translation: “The Balai Saruang served as the venue for Rajo Pasumayan Koto Batu, His Highness of Bandaro Kayo, to settle disputes. This is where the final verdict is rendered and is not subject to further appeal. This place can be likened to the Supreme Court of the Minangkabau people in ancient times.”

In the past, the Balai Galogah Jambangan Batu in Sijunjung had approximately 44 stone seats for customary leaders from both the Jambu Lipo Kingdom and surrounding areas to conduct their deliberations (see Figure ). Presently, only about 12 stone seats remain in a state of disrepair. Some of the stone seats have been lost due to landslides as Balai Galogah Jambangan Batu is precariously positioned on the bank of the Batang Sibaku River. The Balai Galogah served as a venue for consultations between the Jambu Lipo Kingdom and the Pagaruyung Kingdom to share their territories. In addition to the Balai Galogah Jambangan Batu, there are also Balai nan Gadang in Buluh Kasok and Balai Panitahan in Kampung Dalam. The Balai Panitahan served as a place to issue the results of the deliberations that took place in the Balai Galogah Jambangan Batu and Balai nan Gadang.

Figure 1. Balai Galogah Jambangan Batu.

Source: authors’ collection
Figure 1. Balai Galogah Jambangan Batu.

Figure 2. Balai Galogah Jambangan Batu where customary figures (the panglimo and many datuk) conduct customary consultations.

Source: authors’ collection.
Figure 2. Balai Galogah Jambangan Batu where customary figures (the panglimo and many datuk) conduct customary consultations.

In Pariangan, the customary practice of kerapatan or consultations is conducted at Balai Saruang, which serves as the venue for Angku Bandaro Kayo, the highest customary leader, to settle disputes. The site features nine stone seats, three on the west side, three on the east side, two on the south side, and one on the north side. The values of democracy and justice have been highly prominent in the life of Pariangan’s community, as evidenced by the presence of historical buildings such as Balai Saruang, Balai Pasujian, Balai Panjang, and Balai Katiak. These structures function as places for resolving conflicts and for holding consultations among the ninik mamak, or elders. The people of Pariangan continue to uphold democratic values, which is reflected in their trust in the ninik mamak institution to resolve community issues.

4.1.2. The orahua customary consultations of Nias

In the social organization of Nias society, the tradition of orahua is a well-known form of community deliberation (see table ). Orahua is practiced during significant events such as discussions related to village issues, death ceremonies, marriage, fa’ulu celebrations (ceremonies to enhance social status), and mambu ana’a festivities (a type of traditional celebration). In this open forum, all village problems are discussed and solutions are determined. In the past, orahua was also used as a trial to determine punishments for those who violated village customary rules. In Tumori Village, Gunung Sitoli, the customary leader known as sanuhe leads the orahua deliberation, also called famalua famusara dodo. Nowadays, orahua is conducted inside a traditional house or omo niha.

Table 2. Types of customary consultations in Nias

In South Nias (see Figure ), the traditional practice of conducting a customary consultation is led by a si’ulu or orahua leader who initiates the discussion of the main issues to be deliberated. Following this, a group of si’ila individuals (bangsawan keturan raja) (see Figure ) take turns in presenting their viewpoints using a specialized language that differs from their everyday language. The ability to participate in orahua is linked to the capacity to modulate vocal inflections. Participants in orahua are known as sorahu. Although in principle, anyone is permitted to take part in orahua, typically only the elders are the ones who express their opinions. After the customary consultation has been completed, the assembly decides upon either a punishment, a jujuran (dowry payment), or a problem-solving solution that aligns with the proceedings’ theme. In Gunung Sitoli, a customary consultation no longer differentiates between social classes as nobles and non-nobles alike can participate.

Figure 3. Ewali orahua (a South Nias king’s court) where orahua is usually conducted.

Source: authors’ collections.
Figure 3. Ewali orahua (a South Nias king’s court) where orahua is usually conducted.

Figure 4. Ewali orahua is where si’ila individuals perform the orahua.

Source: authors’ collection.
Figure 4. Ewali orahua is where si’ila individuals perform the orahua.

Technically, the implementation of famalua famusara dodo has adopted the model of modern consultations. In Tumori Village, a fundamental change has occurred in the implementation of customary councils, which has evolved with the times. In essence, the community still conducts discussions to address various issues, but no longer adheres to customary procedures. It can be said that the current consultations tend to resemble village meetings in general.

4.1.3. Customary consultations may respond to non-customary issues

In Nias, community leaders are highly responsive to issues that arise in their banua (village). Whenever there is a problem or important matter at hand, orahua is conducted, serving as a platform for discussing various issues that affect the community. Moreover, if there are government programs that require customary council meetings to achieve consensus, then orahua is also conducted. For instance, when the government planned to provide Direct Cash Aid, orahua was organized to ensure that only eligible individuals would receive the aid. Orahua can be proposed by si’ulu, si’ila, village chiefs, Village Consultative Body (Badan Permusyawaratan Desa), or members of the community. Therefore, in Nias, in addition to discussing customary issues, they also respond to issues beyond customary practices. However, in West Sumatra, community leaders only respond to customary matters.

4.2. Inheritance of musyawarah values (family, education, storytelling)

4.2.1. Inheritance of musyawarah values in West Sumatra

In Minangkabau culture, customary knowledge is implemented in various fields and passed down to younger generations. The transmission of local cultural values, particularly those contained within musyawarah or customary consultations, in Pariangan Village can be observed in the realm of government. For instance, in the process of formulating work programs, especially those related to village regulations concerning the income and expenditure budget of Nagari Tuo in Pariangan Village, customary consultations are held prior to their establishment with the Village People’s Consultative Body (Badan Permusyawaratan Rakyat Nagari, or BPRN). Additionally, the process involves the participation of the Tanah Datar Regency Government, Village Customary Consultation (Kerapatan Adat Nagari, or KAN), the Bundo Kanduang element, the Wali Jorong, youths, and other stakeholders. The transmission of musyawarah values is also reflected in the field of education. Examples include coaching programs and the competition of alua pasambahan, or traditional speeches, organized by the Education and Culture Office of Tanah Datar Regency. Furthermore, the customary education in the family starts with the mamak (maternal uncles) to their nephews and nieces. Thus, customary education in Minangkabau society starts from the bottom, as expressed by the proverb “bajanjang naiak, batanggo turun” (literally “tiered up, tiered down,” which signifies progress according to reasonable rules and sequences). For the Minangkabau people, the highest norm is to submit to the truth conveyed by noble and elevated minds. This can be seen in the following Minangkabau pantun (traditional poem):

Pulau Pandan jauah di tangah
Di baliek Pulau Angso Duo
Hancua badan dikanduang tanah
Budi baiak takana juo
English translation:
Deep in the center lies Pandanus Isle
Behind Two Swans Island, it’s hidden awhile
When laid in ground, the body’s destroyed
But good deeds remain, our hearts overjoyed

In the villages of Nagari Tuo, Pariangan, and Lubuk Tarok, the customary values found within musyawarah are passed down from the maternal uncles to their nephews and nieces. In case of a violation of customary norms by any of their nephews or nieces, the uncles provide them with good guidance and advice, admonishing them not to repeat the offense. However, if the offense is repeated, the offender will be punished based on customary law, such as “dibuang sepanjang adat” or excommunication, which results in the repeated violation not being subjected to further customary consultations within the nagari (village).

The dissemination of musyawarah values is also evident in the Jambu Lipo Kingdom in Sijunjung, particularly in the Taratak Baru Village’s governance and the kingdom as a whole. Notably, during the formulation of work programs, especially those relating to the income and expenditure budget regulations, customary consultations are held with the Village People’s Consultative Body (Badan Permusyawaratan Rakyat Nagari, or BPRN) before their implementation. The process involves the participation of various stakeholders, including the Sijunjung Regency Government, Village Customary Consultation (Kerapatan Adat Nagari, or KAN), the Bundo Kanduang element, the Wali Jorong, youths, and others.

Figure 5. A traditional leader titled Panglimo Rajo directed the customary activity of wirid adat, which involved chanting in congregation.

Source: authors’ collection.
Figure 5. A traditional leader titled Panglimo Rajo directed the customary activity of wirid adat, which involved chanting in congregation.

Figure 6. A traditional leader titled Panglimo Rajo directed the customary activity of wirid adat, which involved chanting in congregation.

Source: authors’ collection.
Figure 6. A traditional leader titled Panglimo Rajo directed the customary activity of wirid adat, which involved chanting in congregation.

In Figures , it is demonstrated that the Panglimo Rajo, a customary elder, performs the task of transmitting values through wirid adat, a congregational chanting custom, in order to pass on the tradition of musyawarah to the younger generation. The wirid serves as a tool to enhance knowledge of customary law and religion, with a specific focus on the usage of special language related to customary laws and regulations. According to an interview with the Panglimo Rajo on 26 October 2022, this customary transmission is carried out once a week on Wednesday nights through wirid adat, which involves the memorization of petatah petitih, traditional poetry called pantun and gurindam, and metaphorical language. Thus, the customary wirid still exists as a testament to the spirit of Panglimo Rajo as a custodian of the wirid adat tradition. Moreover, the transmission of musyawarah values is also evident in the realm of education through the alua pasambahan program or customary speech contest organized by the Education and Culture Office of Sijunjung Regency, with a Rajo Alam figure regularly delivering local wisdom materials to high school students.

4.2.2. Inheritance of musyawarah values in Nias

The practice of transmitting musyawarah values is observed in Nias, where it is still conducted in the ewali orahua (royal courts). In addition to addressing customary law, this practice has expanded into village-level consultation forums, such as the Direct Cash Aid program initiated by the government which necessitated customary deliberation to achieve consensus. The transmission of orahua in South Nias is mainly self-taught, leading to a decline in the number of individuals capable of performing it. Traditional leader Hasanotona Laia identified several factors contributing to the decline in orahua successors, including the younger generation’s lack of interest in traditional practices, high levels of migration for better livelihoods, and busy schedules. Formal education has not incorporated orahua into the curriculum, either as a local theme subject or an extracurricular activity.

Unlike in West Sumatra, the transmission of orahua is not conveyed within families or through oral storytelling. Instead, the practice is observed by the community, including the younger generation, when it is carried out in the village context. By witnessing the customary consultation, they acquire knowledge of orahua through observation and the use of their memory.

According to an interview conducted on 8 November 2022, Nafujaro Bu’ololo, a si’ila, expressed that he was part of an endeavor to reinvigorate local culture by transferring it to younger generations. Customary figures may have established studios where children could practice traditional dances and songs, but a designated area for practicing orahua has not yet been arranged. The preparation of future generations is undertaken by customary figures, who invite interested youth to learn orahua by involving them in customary consultation assemblies to observe them attentively. However, only a few individuals express interest, perhaps because orahua requires a high level of language proficiency. Additionally, an orahua performer must possess sufficient knowledge and insight into customary law, history, traditional knowledge, as well as local wisdom.

In an effort to revive traditional culture, Nafujaro Bu’ololo established a studio named Sanggar Cilik for practicing traditional songs and dances. The studio members practice at night, and their proficiency has been showcased in several competitions, winning some of them. Based on an interview with traditional figure Ama Wita on 8 November 2022, it is known that current customary figures are trying to revive local culture by passing it down to the younger generation. Ama Wita’s opinions are similar to those expressed by Nafujaro Bu’ololo.

In the village of Tumori, Gunung Sitoli, the inheritance of customary deliberation, known as famalua famusara dodo, is done by involving the younger generation in the activity. They participate directly and engage in discussing the issues brought up in the customary consultation assembly. Although the decision lies in the hands of customary figures, the younger generation is given the opportunity to express their arguments and opinions. This has a positive impact on their knowledge, skills, and understanding of how to deliberate in accordance with customary law. Thus, the inheritance of customary consultation is done through self-taught means, meaning that the younger generation who wishes to master orahua skills learns from each orahua performance. The experience of participating directly in customary consultation assemblies serves as a practice platform that can enhance their oratory skills. Orahua is practiced in the midst of the village, and the community (including the younger generation) witnesses the implementation of customary deliberation. At that moment, they learn orahua through observation and memory.

4.3. Cultural mechanisms that control the conduct of musyawarah

The enactment of the Cultural Advancement Law No. 5 of 2017 has heightened the awareness of indigenous communities regarding the significance of cultural identity, which encompasses orahua and kerapatan adaik as tools for achieving consensus, and the need to preserve and utilize them to the fullest extent. The distinct customary consultation assemblies hold significant meaning as a cultural identity that has been present since the megalithic period and continues to persist to this day.

4.3.1. Local reproduction of the musyawarah practice in West Sumatra

The Lubuk Tarok Village, situated in Sijunjung, is an exemplar of a Minangkabau community that highly esteems and preserves the customs and traditions of their forefathers. One such practice is the ongoing observance of intergenerational musyawarah, and the utilization of local forums for conflict resolution, particularly in matters related to the Raja Manjalang Rantau tradition the involves three regions. The safeguarding of this tradition necessitates the participation of customary leaders, as social pressure mandates the continuation of local musyawarah. As Tuanku Rajo Godang Firman Bagindo Tan Ameh Daulat, also known as Rajo Alam Jambu Lipo, noted in an interview on 26 October 2022, the Rajo Manjalang Rantau tradition dates back to the tenth century when an envoy of the king, led by Raja Ibadat (Bagindo Maharajo Indo), journeyed to various areas within Rantau XII Koto. The Rajo Manjalang Rantau procession, which comprises 15 to 25 participants and is conducted three times annually, commences with petatah petitih within a Minangkabau traditional house of rumah gadang, and is followed by a prayer, led by their ulema.

The previously mentioned customary practice is multifaceted in its objectives and closely intertwined with the fostering of positive relationships and the dissemination of Minangkabau traditions. Firstly, it aims to facilitate dialogue on matters related to customs, traditional wisdom, religious life, and disputes arising between relatives and the local community, with the ultimate goal of resolving these issues amicably. Secondly, it serves as a vehicle for educating individuals on the principle of “adat basandi syarak, syarak basandi kitabullah,” which espouses that customary law is informed by religion, and religion is based on holy scripture. Thirdly, the practice endeavors to establish harmonious relations with indigenous communities situated across multiple subdistricts in three West Sumatran regencies, namely Sijunjung, South Solok, and Dharmasraya. As part of this process, a group led by a Rajo Ibadat, accompanied by Datuak Bandaro Sati in his role as the Royal Regalia Custodian, Panglimo Rajo as the Chief Warrior, and other prominent customary leaders, will travel to the royal indigenous areas in Sijunjung, South Solok (specifically, the Sangir Batang Hari and Sangir Balai Janggo subdistricts), and Dharmasraya (the IX Koto subdistrict). The procession of Raja Manjalang Rantau lasts for three weeks to one month.

4.3.2. Local reproduction of the musyawarah practice in Nias

The traditional custom of orahua is still practiced in the village of Hilinawalo Batusalawa, with the assembly being convened whenever there is a problem or significant issue that necessitates discussion and resolution. The practice’s persistence in the village is attributed to its ability to adapt to changing times. In the past, orahua addressed matters pertaining to customary law and traditions, but it has now evolved to encompass government initiatives and contemporary issues that impact the community’s shared interests. Orahua serves as a form of social control, and community leaders are highly attuned to problems that arise. Orahua is convened to address a range of communal issues whenever a pressing matter arises. Furthermore, if a government program necessitates a customary consultative assembly to reach a consensus, orahua is likewise conducted. For instance, when the government distributed Direct Cash Aid, orahua was held to ensure that the aid would reach its rightful recipients.

During an interview conducted on 7 November 2023, Elder Ama Puji of Hilinawalo Batusalawa village explained that orahua can be proposed by various stakeholders, including si’ulu, si’ila, village head, the Village Consultative Body, and members of the community. In contrast, the village of Tumori has experienced a significant change in its customary consultation practices, adapting to the changing times. Although the community still engages in consultation to address various aspects of life, customary procedures are no longer followed. The current practice of consultation resembles a general village consultation. These observations underscore the crucial functions of customary consultation assemblies in Nias and Minangkabau, which not only serve as identity markers but also fulfill critical roles and functions in the social systems of indigenous communities to this day.

Thus, seeing the important function of the two models of customary deliberation in Nias and Minangkabau, shows that customary deliberation is not only an identity, but also has a role and function in the social system of indigenous peoples until now in the midst of changes in an increasingly individualist society due to the development of digital technology that creates fragmentation.

5. Discussion

5.1. Summary

As per research findings, musyawarah, a cultural tradition of customary consultation, has been in practice for centuries, as evident from the use of stone seats as a megalithic heritage marker. In the Minangkabau ethnic group, the development process of Balai Saruang can be traced back from the use of stone seats to the adoption of indoor meetings (medan nan balinduang). Meanwhile, customary consultation practices in Nias have not undergone any geographical evolution. They still conduct their consultations in ewali orahua (royal courts), while the purpose of orahua has evolved. Previously, it was solely used to discuss customary matters, but now it has transformed into a village consultation forum. For instance, orahua is held when a government program requires customary consultation to reach a consensus, such as Direct Cash Aid distribution, which necessitates orahua to ensure that the aid reaches deserving recipients. The customary inheritance system runs smoothly in Minangkabau, with the transfer of customary knowledge, such as wirid adat, to younger generations and the inclusion of customary consultation education in schools. In contrast, the inheritance system faces challenges in Nias, and there are differences between North Nias and South Nias, such as women being allowed to participate in consultations in North Nias, while in South Nias, women can participate but cannot speak.

5.2. Comparison

Indigenous communities have developed various survival strategies to address problems that arise within their communities. One such strategy is the orahua tradition, which functions as a form of social control through customary consultation. This tradition has been observed to discuss various problems and serves as one of the indigenous cultural consultation structures in Indonesia that has been adopted as a fundamental philosophy of the Indonesian state and serves as a method of decision-making in Indonesian government systems (Anggita & Hatori, Citation2020). The kerapatan adaik, another customary consultation assembly, is also performed to resolve social issues, interpreted as a form of unity in community life that runs parallel to the consultation process (Resy et al., Citation2021). The cultural tradition of customary consultation plays a vital role in unifying indigenous communities into a cohesive whole, fostering a positive community through harmonious familial relationships (Pratiwi & Sunarso, Citation2018). The implementation of customary consultations is one of the cultures of indigenous communities that closely relates to democracy (Faturahman & Putri, Citation2021). In Nias, the community refers to its legal system as fondrako, namely a customary law that regulates all aspects of Nias society (Harefa, Citation1939, pp. 61–66).

However, traditions similar to Nias’ customary consultation assembly are also present in other indigenous communities. The Dayak community in West Kalimantan, for instance, utilizes customary law during their consultations to solve social issues. One of the customary laws they use is pati nyawa, which resolves land disputes between parties. This customary law is often employed when community members have conflicts over land ownership (Suprianto, Citation2021). These differences highlight that musyawarah adat in Nias plays a crucial role in addressing social issues. Additionally, they underscore that while each customary practice may vary, their ultimate goal is to resolve issues among indigenous communities. The Malay indigenous community, for example, practices merisit, which is a consultation process before marriage. Merisit involves inquiring whether the woman already has a partner or not (Suprianto, Citation2020). Thus, these traditions serve as part of the survival strategy for preserving local cultures.

Dengan demikian, tradisi ini merupakan bagian dari survival strategi untuk mempertahankan budaya-budaya lokal di tengah masyarakat yang berubah karena perkembangan teknologi digital yang menjadikan masyarakat semakin individualis dan terfragmentasi (Baldassar (Citation2023).

5.3. Implications

The customary practices of orahua and kerapatan adaik are associated with important figures who play a vital role in leading and driving their respective indigenous communities. These leaders are responsible for preserving the local culture and establishing social norms for the community’s conduct. The significance of these leaders is demonstrated in the orahua and kerapatan adaik traditions, where they are actively engaged in preserving and transmitting the values of musyawarah. The musyawarah practice is a customary way of resolving any issues and reaching a consensus in the Minangkabau indigenous community (Hidayatullah, Citation2018). This practice is considered as local wisdom, which encompasses religious, social, knowledge, language, and art values, and is also reflected in the orahua tradition. The latter is a critical component of the social structure of the South Nias community, especially in Hilinawalo Batusalawa Village (Bu’ulolo, Citation2020). It is an integral part of significant community activities, such as discussing village issues, funerals, marriages, fa’ulu celebrations (ceremonies for enhancing social status), and a traditional celebration called mambu ana’a (Bu’ulolo, Citation2020).

In addition, the orahua tradition emphasizes solidarity and wise decision-making, which are essential aspects of the Nias community’s way of life (Bu’ulolo, Citation2020). The tradition also aims to strengthen family bonds (fahasara dӧdӧ si fatifusӧ) by involving the entire extended family in religious and family events (Bu’ulolo, Citation2020). The process of carrying out the tradition consists of several stages, namely orahua sifatalifusӧ, fame’e sumane, and hӧlihӧli sumane (Hia & Zega, Citation2021). Orahua is typically performed at the ewali sawolo or ewali orahua, which is the courtyard of the most influential noble (Bu’ulolo, Citation2020). It is in this open forum that all village problems are discussed, and solutions are decided upon (Bu’ulolo, Citation2020). Orahua can also be conducted on a smaller scale in the bale (village meeting hall), or it can also be performed in homes (Bu’ulolo, Citation2020).

On the other hand, kerapatan adaik is a tradition that reflects the peace, hospitality, and resilience of the Minangkabau society in upholding their traditions. “Adaik” itself carries meanings of social stratification and community identity in Batipura Village (Deona et al., Citation2019). Kerapatan adaik nagari demonstrates the spirit of togetherness among the people in Agam and Sijunjung when making decisions or reaching agreements. It is considered as one of the wealth of Minangkabau oral traditions that has been passed down from generation to generation and has been likened to a mother’s milk (Willinck, Citation1909). Hence, both orahua and kerapatan adaik represent the musyawarah tradition that is deeply ingrained in the cultural practices of the communities in North Sumatra and West Sumatra.

5.4. Interpretation

Since Indonesia’s Reformation era up to the enactment of the state’s Cultural Advancement Law No. 5 of 2017, traditional leaders and indigenous communities have increasingly recognized the importance of preserving cultural identity. Their active participation in cultural heritage preservation is a top priority in activities aimed at maintaining cultural heritage. The involvement of traditional leaders and the community in the preservation of heritage sites is essential for the development, upkeep, and safeguarding of the sites (Wirastari & Suprihardjo, Citation2012). It is expected that the community will acknowledge the significance of historical relics or cultural heritage and will play a vital role in preserving them. Furthermore, the local government’s support, such as that of village heads, plays a critical role in ensuring the sustainability of a village’s development (Ningrum et al., Citation2021). Community participation can be sought through the exchange of ideas, which is a form of involvement that leads to the formulation of plans when implementing activities within a particular area.

5.5. Action plan

The study provides recommendations for strengthening the customary consultation systems of orahua and kerapatan adaik through academic documentation and consideration in formulating regional regulations, in order to reinforce the functions and inheritance systems of both traditions. These regional regulations are expected to provide spaces and opportunities for the Nias society in North Sumatra and the Minangkabau society in West Sumatra to voice their aspirations and to collaborate with the government in preserving their local cultures. Standard operating procedures related to the utilization of cultural objects such as the stone seats used in customary consultations in both Nias and West Sumatra should be established. Additionally, visual documentation of traditional musyawarah from both cultural regions is necessary. The research findings will also contribute to building a model for preserving the customary consultation systems of orahua in Nias, North Sumatra, and kerapatan adaik in West Sumatra, with the aim of enhancing the productivity and welfare of their respective communities.

6. Conclusion

Based on the research findings, it can be inferred that the traditional systems of consultative assemblies have persevered for centuries, with the use of stone chairs as evidence of megalithic culture. The resilience of these systems indicates that orahua in Nias and kerapatan adaik in West Sumatra continue to address social issues despite the fast-paced changes brought by digital technology. The research concludes that these customs are an essential aspect of Indonesia’s local communities’ historical heritage. The survival strategies of customary consultative assemblies, such as orahua and kerapatan adaik, not only bear historical significance but also play a crucial role in shaping the country’s culture and social fabric, even to this day.

The advantage of surviving these two deliberative traditions in these two communities is that they can become the cultural identity of the community, as well as a medium for solving their traditional and social problems. Some things have changed, such as the topic of deliberation, not only indigenous issues, but also contemporary social issues related to governance, such as government social assistance. Although the world has changed in digital technology, face-to-face meetings are still carried out in the tradition of deliberation. The contribution of this customary deliberation is that the community can make it a cultural identity and a medium for solving problems, as well as being developed as a performing art that supports tourism.

The present research yields valuable insights into the survival strategies adopted by customary consultative assemblies, namely orahua in Nias and kerapatan adaik in West Sumatra. These traditions have been woven into the cultural fabric of local communities over time and have enriched the rich tapestry of traditions in Indonesia. The knowledge and practices embedded in these two deliberative traditions play a critical role in addressing contemporary social issues, emphasizing the importance of their preservation. Consequently, this paper posits that an analysis of the core tenets of these traditions highlights their resilience and continued relevance.

This study has limitations in terms of data sources, as it relies solely on field research through observations and in-depth interviews. Developing policy as a comprehensive knowledge requires a broad search of survival strategies employed by traditional institutions from various research perspectives. Further studies that encompass diverse sources of information and broader perspectives could provide a wealth of knowledge for improved research structure and composition.

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Supplementary data

Supplemental data for this article can be accessed online at https://doi.org/10.1080/23311983.2023.2286733

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Notes on contributors

Ninawati Syahrul

Ninawati Syahrul completed her master of education degree in literature at Jakarta State University, Jakarta, in Indonesia. Currently working as a researcher. Her research interest is oral tradition.

Sastri Sunarti

Sastri Sunarti is a doctorate in literature at the University of Indonesia, Depok, in Indonesia. Currently working as a researcher. She focused on the study of oral traditions.

Fatmahwati Fatmahwati

Fatmawati Adnan earned her doctorate at the Indonesian University of Education, Bandung, in Indonesia. Currently working as a researcher. She focuses on oral traditions and applied linguistics.

Atisah Atisah

Atisah Atisah completed her bachelor’s degree in literature at Sebelas Maret University, Solo, in Indonesia. Currently working as a researcher. Her research interest is oral tradition.

Erli Yetti

Erli Yetti completed her doctorate in literature at Bung Hatta University, Padang, in Indonesia. She works as a researcher. Her research interest is interdisciplinary literature.

Suryami Suryami

Suryami Suryami completed his master of education degree in literature at Jakarta State University, Jakarta, in Indonesia. Currently working as a researcher. Her research interest is interdisciplinary literature.

Agus Iswanto

Agus Iswanto holds a master’s degree in religion and humanities at the Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University, Jakarta, in Indonesia. Currently working as a researcher. He focused on the manuscript.

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