Ethnomedicine of the Sarolangun Malay community: an ecolinguistic study on medicinal plant and healing incantations

Abstract

Deforestation, advancements in healthcare technology and the diminished concern of younger generations in preserving ecological wisdom, particularly ethnomedical practices, raise concerns about the potential extinction of such practices within the Sarolangun Malay community (henceforth abbreviated as SM). Against this backdrop, this ecolinguistic article explores and documents medicinal plant terminologies and their representation in incantations employed by traditional healers in their ethnomedical practices. Data were derived from ethnographic interviews employing rapport techniques with shamans. The study reveals that out of 63 medicinal plants used, they fall into seven terminological categories: color, shape, location, taste, aroma, function and gender. Meanwhile, the incantations used in healing processes are categorized into two: general and specific. These incantations encapsulate biological (flora and fauna), cultural (religion and agriculture) and social dimensions (relations with fellow humans and nature). This study concludes that the SM community perceives healing from ailments as an interplay of multiple inseparable elements: nature, supernatural forces and religion. This research plays a vital role in fostering and cultivating positive attitudes among various parties (including the government, capitalists and local communities) toward nature, a crucial source of raw materials. Furthermore, the research also contributes significantly to deepening the understanding of the relationship between local wisdom, language in oral literature and medicinal plants, all working together to heal various diseases. Serving as a pilot study for ecolinguistics in the SM context, this research offers preliminary insights for future scholars to discuss the diverse lexicon within incantations in comparison to other types.

Keywords:

• Ecological wisdom
• Jambi
• local wisdom
• Malay
• representation

REVIEWING EDITOR:

• Jeroen van de Weijer, College of International Studies, Shenzhen University, Shenzhen, Guangdong, China

SUBJECTS:

• Asian Studies
• Cultural Studies
• Language & Linguistics
• Literature

1. Introduction

Every culture, whether it is based on a group, tribe, or race, harbors its unique set of beliefs pertaining to ethnomedicine and specific practices connected to health, illness and treatment. As a manifestation of ecological wisdom, these ancestral ethnomedical practices are under threat of extinction due to the rapid pace of modern advancements. Such extinction could be realized in the coming decades as societal attitudes shift away from the inherited ecological wisdom (Liao & Chan, 2016; Tamalene et al., 2014). In parallel, the global healthcare landscape is continuously evolving with emerging technologies reshaping treatment methodologies. Hence, traditional treatments grounded in ecological wisdom are feared to become obsolete. Within the scope of this study, concerns are raised about the traditional medicines, oral literature and practices of the Sarolangun Malay community in Jambi, Indonesia, which appear to be increasingly sidelined by their community and are at risk of extinction.

The majority of the SM community resides along the banks of the Tembesi River, which eventually flows into Jambi’s longest river, the Batanghari. Sarolangun also boasts vast and dense forests and green open spaces, such as the Bukit Duabelas National Park. However, even with such expansive greenery, there has been a brutal deforestation in the region (Aletheiani, 2021). The forest transformations around SM settlements result from the rise of gold mining, oil palm plantations, expanding agricultural lands and opening of residential areas. In line with this, Prastio and Nurzafira (2021) reported that the SM community’s livelihood has shifted: from primarily depending on the agricultural sector and rubber plantations, many have now taken up professions as gold miners. Naturally, such changes impact the ecological balance.

The SM community heavily relies on the natural resources found in forests and agricultural lands, especially concerning traditional treatments. With the availability of green spaces, it is easier for them to locate medicinal plants, which are employed for traditional healing practices (Has et al., 2020; Hidayat et al., 2012). Such activities are conducted by leveraging these medicinal plants and are undertaken by practitioners believed to be able to treat and cure various ailments. Moreover, the SM community also engages in modern medical treatments. Traditional medicinal plants epitomize local wisdom that should be preserved and maintained. Research into local wisdom is one way to safeguard environmental, cultural and generationally-passed concepts rich in noble values (Liao & Chan, 2016). Regrettably, the younger generation of SM seems indifferent, and many are becoming unfamiliar with their own ecological wisdom. The attitudes of the younger generation will determine the cultural richness of a tribe in the future (Samsu et al., 2022).

Traditional treatments within the SM community involve religious rituals that encompass incantations. Incantations are deemed sacred and are believed to possess unique powers. Hence, not everyone understands them, and they cannot be casually uttered by just anyone. Incantations are endowed with magical potency, making it a privilege for a select few to know and study them (Taylor, 1988). Given this context, obtaining data on incantations is challenging due to the limited number of sources who comprehend them. Consequently, this research holds high significance as not just anyone can attain this knowledge. Moreover, research on incantations is crucial because they are an integral part of cultural diversity, encompassing belief systems, customs and habits. They provide a window to explore the intricate social relationships of a speech community.

The topic of medicinal plants and incantations is closely interconnected. This is particularly evident when analyzed through the lens of ecolinguistics. Ecolinguistics, an interdisciplinary field, emerges as a means to address diverse language and environmental issues (Cowley, 2014; Eliasson, 2015; Kravchenko, 2016; Norton & Hulme, 2019). Further, medicinal plants and incantations establish a connection between language and the environment, represented in specific lexical forms. If these lexical references vanish without documentation or inheritance, a facet of a civilization’s identity is lost (Yuniawan et al., 2023). An illustrative study by Nash and Mühlhäusler (2014) on Norfolk Island indicates that both lexical and grammatical aspects of language are gradually eroding due to changing environmental conditions. Another example is Almos et al. (2018), who found it increasingly challenging to locate ecolinguistic references to the flora and fauna in Lake Maninjau, West Sumatra, impacted by food waste pollution. Based on these findings, shifts in ecological conditions can influence language, potentially leading to its extinction.

Delving deeper into the discussion of ecolinguistic representation within incantations provides comprehensive information and meaning related to the embedded lexicons. In the healing process, the traditional healers recite a narrative incantation comprised of lexicons associated with their culture, including those related to flora, fauna and other lexical elements. This incantation narrative is crafted with repetitive sounds, interwoven with expressions of religious significance believed to invoke mystical powers. It is this magical potency within the incantation that serves as the healing force. Thus, the concept of ecolinguistic representation is crucial to understand. In line with this, studies focusing on ecolinguistic representation, particularly through the analysis of literary works, offer profound insights into how lexicons in oral literature are created (Andajani et al., 2023), manifesting connections to biology, society and culture (Prastio et al., 2023). Given the aforementioned situation, this research also focuses on examining the representation of those lexicons found within the incantations.

In line with this, Masy’ud et al. (2020) noted that the degradation occurring in the Jambi community’s forest areas has led to many flora and fauna becoming increasingly elusive. This naturally implies that lexicons referencing medicinal plants and those found within incantations are becoming harder to identify in the environment. Based on this context, this study has two primary objectives: (1) to explore the terminology of the SM community’s medicinal plants and (2) to investigate the ecolinguistic representation in the treatment incantations.

Through these two research objectives, this ecolinguistic study provides both practical and theoretical benefits. From a practical perspective, some benefits include: (1) the terminology of medicinal plants can assist in identifying the most frequently used plants in treatment processes. Once identified, conservation measures are essential to protect these plants and (2) the incantations employed in the treatment can be documented and preserved, guarding against potential extinction. Serving as a pilot study in the SM community, the ecolinguistic research findings on medicinal plants and incantations will be valuable for (1) enriching the treasury of ecolinguistic research and (2) laying a foundation for further research development, whether in connection with ethnobotany, ethnology, cultural anthropology, or environmental science.

2. Literature review

2.1. Ecolinguistics

The early 1970s marked the inception of the language ecology theory. Various literary sources indicate that Einer Haugen, an American linguist, was the pioneer of this theory. Haugen was intrigued by multilingual community studies, leading him to propose a concept of language ecology related to understanding communal interactions with culture. Haugen (1972) defined language ecology as a theory exploring language, particularly the interaction of specific languages with their surrounding environment. As time progressed, the term ‘language ecology’ evolved to be more popularly known as ‘ecolinguistics’. This historical shift can largely be attributed to the role and inspiration drawn from Halliday’s speech at the 1990 AILA conference in Greece, where researchers discerned the link between text, discourse and environment (Istianah & Suhandano, 2022).

Several scholars have articulated definitions of ecolinguistics. For instance, Steffensen and Fill (2014) describe ecolinguistics as a nascent interdisciplinary field that addresses the interplay between language and the societal environment. Based on this, environmental language is perceived as a metaphorical expression elucidating the correlation between linguistics and environmental science. Furthermore, ecolinguistics has evolved as a result of the development of human ecology, which intersects with various systems, such as language, ecosystems, religion, social constructs and culture. These systems are intricately interconnected (Stibbe, 2010). In light of this, the scope of ecolinguistic theory can play a pivotal role in language conservation efforts, specifically in the context of the language and environment of the SM community.

According to various experts, there are numerous topics that can be addressed through the theory of ecolinguistics. Among these topics, Steffensen and Fill (2014) identify four primary areas of research concerning the relationship between language and the environment in ecolinguistic studies: Firstly, there is the domain of Language and Symbolic Ecology, which investigates the coexistence of language with specific symbolic systems within a speech community. Secondly, the realm of Language and Natural Symbolic Ecology delves into the relationship between language and the biological ecosystem of the surrounding environment, covering aspects such as topography, climate, fauna, flora and so on. Thirdly, we have Language and Sociocultural Ecology, which explores how language can relate to social and cultural elements, in turn shaping the conditions of the surrounding speech community. Lastly, Language and Cognitive Ecology serves as an approach that scrutinizes the potential dynamics between the bio-logical organism and its environment. It is worth noting that this research primarily aligns with the second category. Another perspective is offered by Mühlhäusler and Peace (2006), who categorize the topics into two main areas: discussions about the environment itself, such as medicinal plants and food and discussions about language metaphors. Based on these categorizations, this research focuses on the topic of language and the environment, specifically concerning the use of medicinal plants and the representation of healing incantations.

From an ecolinguistic perspective, a text encapsulates various elements within it. In the context of this research, the focus is on the text of incantations. This representation is inherently tied to the environment in which the language is used (Yuniawan et al., 2023). In essence, the incantations utilized during healing rituals shed light on specific values, life philosophies, flora and fauna, as well as the cultural interplay between language and the environment unique to the SM community. Building on this notion, Bang and Trampe (2014) articulate that ecolinguistics can delve into the representation of ideologies (the cognitive systems steering life philosophies), sociology (how humans orchestrate their relationships) and biology (highlighting the flora and fauna present in the environment) intrinsic to a community’s fabric. Given this framework, applying ecolinguistic theory to the study of medicinal plants and incantations employed in healing rituals is not only relevant but indeed a judicious approach.

2.2. Traditional medicine, medicinal plants and incantations

Diving into the realm of traditional medicine, it encompasses treatments that utilize medicinal plants, passed down through generations by indigenous communities, grounded in knowledge, skills and beliefs inherited from ancestors. This practice goes by other names, including complementary, alternative and non-conventional medicine (Mukherjee, 2019). On a related note, according to World Health Organization (WHO, 2019), traditional medicine embodies a plethora of knowledge, skills and practices rooted in ancestral theories, beliefs and experiences, specifically in the domain of medicinal plant management. Traditional medicine stands as a robust tool for both the prevention and treatment of various ailments, boasting a rich spectrum of benefits and diverse functions. Its utilities span from warding off diseases to diagnosing and treating both physical and mental afflictions.

Shifting focus to medicinal plants, they are heralded for their multifaceted benefits and market value. These plants have been identified and are recognized by certain communities for their therapeutic applications (Hawkins, 2008; WHO, 2019). Typically, they serve as the foundation for treatments derived from natural ingredients found in nature, including herbal substances, animal-derived materials and animal by-products. Echoing this, Astutik et al. (2019) and Homaie Rad et al. (2021) highlight that various plant parts such as seeds, roots and leaves have been leveraged to cure a myriad of diseases since prehistoric times globally. In line with this perspective, the SM community, a segment of the broader Malay populace scattered across the Jambi-Sumatra region, is well-versed in and continues to harness the medicinal plants that nature generously offers.

Exploring the subject further, the ecolinguistic connection with knowledge of treatment and medicinal plants represents the linguistic environment’s reality and the character of the speaking community itself (Mbete, 2013). When engaging in traditional healing, the Malay Sarolangun community typically employs medicinal plants believed to have curative properties. For instance, the use of kaffir lime leaves (Citrus hystrix) to alleviate headaches and ketepeng leaves (Senna alata) for skin ailments. These medicinal plants and the traditional healing process encapsulate knowledge, skills, culture and the natural environment character in SM, resonating well with the concept of ecolinguistics (Bang & Trampe, 2014).

Diving deeper into the traditions, each community possesses unique cultural beliefs and practices when administering traditional treatments and employing medicinal plants, such as the utilization of verses or incantations (Jansen et al., 2021; Nanayakkara & Ekanayake, 2008). Throughout various regions in Indonesia, incantations are perceived as instrumental tools believed to resolve certain issues. Their existence traces back to ancient times. Rao (2019) contends that a incantations is a code, word, or hymn loudly or silently recited during faith-based rituals, signifying its sacred religious aspect. Meanwhile, Guha (2017) and Sutarsih and Sudarmanto (2020) elucidate that ‘incantations’ is a Sanskrit term considered holy and denotes a secret text. Conclusively, incantations are words regarded as possessing supernatural power for various purposes. They are employed for diverse intents, ranging from treating ailments, self-protection, to attracting someone (in romantic contexts). Focusing on this research’s scope, the emphasis lies on healing incantations. In the everyday life of the SM community, these incantations often intertwine with a set of beliefs when executing ethnomedical practices using medicinal plants as part of a series of rituals.

Among the SM community, incantations are referred to as ‘jampi-jampi’. They are typically recited by keyholders, traditional healers, or shamans. In Melayu Sarolangun, traditional treatment paired with the recitation of incantations is employed for various healing practices such as reflexology, mystical rites, healing specific ailments and assisted traditional childbirth led by a shaman. In SM’s local practices, the incantation is typically recited by the shaman over a glass of water. Subsequently, the patient drinks this water. Moreover, the shaman can also orally prescribe specific medicinal plant concoctions for the healing process. Apart from being recited over water as illustrated earlier, incantations can also be directly chanted over a patient’s head. They hold distinct perspectives on health and the ailments an individual might endure. According to their belief system, an individual’s illness stems from two main factors: (1) disturbances from supernatural or mystical forces due to violations or breaches of the prevailing norms in their community and (2) ailments resulting from a decline in an individual’s immunity or particular events that are still deemed logical and explainable.

2.3. Previous research

In recent years, research on medicinal plants in the Sarolangun district has been carried out by previous researchers. For example, Hidayat et al. (2012) studied ethnobotany in the home gardens of the Mengkadai village community, Limun sub-district. Their research showed that there are 14 types of medicinal plants and 6 types used for rituals. Another example is the study by Has et al. (2020), which discussed the Penguluh tribe in the upper Sarolangun region. They found 100 types of medicinal plants used to treat 33 different diseases. Both of these studies differ in location from this research, as they are quite distant from one another. In addition, these studies examined the medicinal plants used by local communities from an ethnobotanical perspective, while this study takes an ecolinguistic perspective. Meanwhile, regarding research on the healing incantations of the SM community, to the best of the researcher’s observation, none have been conducted. This conclusion is based on the absence of published research reports related to SM incantations. Given these facts, this study serves to fill the research gap in an effort to enrich the treasury of ecolinguistic research, focusing on medicinal plants and incantations used in healing rituals for various diseases in the SM region.

As research oriented toward language, environment and its degradation, ecolinguistic studies have been undertaken by many researchers in the past, both domestically and internationally, in various research contexts. Regrettably, to date, the researcher has yet to find a study that discusses the lexicon of medicinal plants and incantations from an ecolinguistic perspective in the SM region. Based on the researcher’s observations, the only ecolinguistic study found in the Sarolangun district was conducted by Kurniawan et al. (2019), discussing the lexicon related to forest ecosystems, subsistence and the flora and fauna of the Jambi Anak Dalam tribe. Based on this, ecolinguistic research in the SM community region is still very limited and needs further exploration. Furthermore, the existing studies did not discuss the SM community.

Furthermore, in recent years, similar research in other regions of Indonesia has also been conducted by previous researchers. For example, Luardini et al. (2019) discussed the lexicon of medicinal plants that are increasingly difficult to find due to various deforestation activities in Central Kalimantan. In addition, they found that the knowledge of the younger generation regarding ethnomedicine is also decreasing, with 36 types of medicinal plants consisting of 4 terminologies identified. Another focus of their research was related to incantations; the two incantations presented by them represent social values associated with local wisdom. Although the research conducted by the researcher is almost similar to the study conducted by Luardini et al. (2019), there are several differences that will add insight regarding the application of ecolinguistics. The previous study described representations in incantations without clear theoretical foundations used as analytical tools, different from the researcher’s study which considers the ecolinguistic representation from Bang and Trampe (2014). Secondly, the studied community has religious beliefs different from what the researcher is examining. Thirdly, the analyzed incantations are only for treatments related to medical diseases, while the research proposed by the researcher also focuses on incantations used in the treatment of mystical or non-medical diseases. And fourthly, although both are communities living in tropical rainforests in Indonesia, the Dayak Ngaju and SM have different cultures and languages as a result of inhabiting two different islands separated by about 2,168 KM.

Another example in similar research, Tarigan and Widayati (2021) discussed the composition of making ‘Minyak Karo’ (a traditional medicinal oil of the Karo community in North Sumatra, believed to cure various diseases such as wind entry, muscle aches, skin itching and sprains). This oil is made by utilizing specific parts of 28 flora. In addition, the study also interviewed the makers of Minyak Karo to find out the incantations used during the production process. The research results show ideological representations, inviting the spirits of ancestors to bless the concoction made. Meanwhile, sociological representation provides insight into efforts to cure diseases believed to originate from supernatural spirits or diseases passed down by humans through supernatural means and asks for protection from ancestral spirits. Based on the two examples of previous studies, it can be concluded that there is a very clear relationship between the maintenance of beliefs, cultural practices, and certain lexicons found in a community that plays a vital role in their lives.

Referring to the phenomenon of previous ecolinguistic research, especially research related to ethnomedicine which has not been widely discussed and has become an important issue to explore, this research is essential. Moreover, no discussion has been found regarding the use of ecolinguistic theory focused on ethnomedicine in Jambi Province, and the discussion about the representation of medicinal incantations texts in Indonesia also becomes a consideration for the importance of this research. Specifically, the research context of the terminology of medicinal plants and specific incantations, as well as the supernatural in this study, becomes a new phenomenon in ecolinguistic research. The context of communication, the use of incantations during rituals performed by SM, becomes a potential area to observe various lexicons found in the text. Therefore, the findings from this research bring significant matters for language, cultural and environmental condition research that is increasingly deteriorating.

To date, the researchers have not identified any ecolinguistic studies that focus specifically on ethnomedical practices abroad. Observations indicate that the application of ecolinguistics in international contexts is usually concentrated on different aspects. For example, in recent years, research by Norton and Hulme (2019) utilized data sourced from five national English newspapers about how climate change is narrated. In Egypt, Ibrahim (2021) researched the ecolinguistic representation in 47 fable texts written by James Thurber. The research focus was on language patterns, attitudes toward the environment and discursive practices of instilling positive character toward the environment or otherwise. Research similar to the previous one was conducted by Hampton (2022) in studying folk tales related to a world more than just humans. The folk tales studied used a minority language in Italy, namely the Emilian language. The results of the study concluded that ecolinguistics can be used to identify materials for language revitalization efforts in Emilian and other similar communities whose relationships with heritage language, place and identity are still partial or lost. Another example is research related to food advertisements from multinational companies in Pakistan conducted by Ain et al. (2023). The results of the study concluded that ecolinguistics ideologically plays a role in the way someone thinks, writes and talks about the ecosystem. This was evidenced by findings on how steps are taken to disguise the lexicon of nature, flora and fauna into an abstract form.

In a nutshell, the results of research from several previous researchers show how ecolinguistics can be applied in various research contexts, namely saving the earth and its contents sustainably. Therefore, this research is presented as an effort to support movements that refer to supporting the sustainable development goals and enriching the treasury of ecolinguistic research.

3. Method

3.1. Type and orientation of research

This study employs qualitative, ethnographic research to gain insights into thought patterns, habits and actions. Ethnography provides a deeper understanding of communication within specific social and cultural contexts (Spradley, 2016) and, in this research, offers comprehensive insights into the ethnomedical practices of the SM community. Ecolinguistics is a research field that can unveil various aspects of the relationship between humans and the surrounding environment, manifesting through biological, social, cultural and ideological elements within a linguistic community (Andajani et al., 2023). Based on the revelation of these aspects, it can undoubtedly serve as a foundation in efforts to promote sustainable living (Prastio et al., 2023). Guided by the perspectives of scholars, this research is distinctly oriented toward the study of ecolinguistics. The selection of ecolinguistics as the research focus is underpinned by several considerations: (1) the ample availability of research data within the linguistic community, (2) the alignment of data and research objectives with the object of ecolinguistic theoretical studies and (3) the inherent ecological wisdom of the linguistic community, which inherently aligns with ecolinguistic studies, particularly in the creation of sustainable living by preserving and utilizing available natural resources.

3.2. Data sources

The data of this study comprises vocabulary pertinent to medicinal plants and healing incantations. This information was procured through interviews with three traditional healers. These three informants serve as representatives for each of the researched villages. The selection is deliberate, driven by two key considerations: (1) their expertise in medicinal plants and healing incantations, coupled with a well-established reputation and trust within the local community and (2) their exceptional personal relationships and openness in sharing crucial information; these strong personal connections can serve as significant gateways for obtaining comprehensive information (Prastio et al., 2023).

A comprehensive list of questions posed during these interviews can be found in Appendix A. These questions serve as a reference point in extracting initial information, allowing subsequent questions to be developed in accordance with the specific circumstances and conditions in the field. The selection of these informants adhered to specific criteria, ensuring the richness and authenticity of the data collected. These criteria are as follows: Firstly, being aged 75 or older. Secondly, they must be native residents who have never settled outside their locality, with the only exceptions being occasional family holidays and the Hajj pilgrimage. Thirdly, they should live a life adhering to the local wisdoms they hold dear. Moreover, they should possess extensive knowledge about the distribution of medicinal plants and be familiar with the local environment. In addition, they must have practiced as a ‘tabib’ for over half of their lifetime. Lastly, they should be actively engaging in both general and specific medical rituals. These selection parameters were established based on their potential to influence the validity of the qualitative data derived from the interviews, as elaborated by Usman and Yusuf (2020). Moreover, supplementary insights regarding traditional healing practices and systems were solicited from patients who had experienced ethnomedical practices and from two village elders. The primary informants for this research reside in three villages: Rantau Gedang, Muaro Lati and Pulau Buayo, located in the Bathin VIII subdistrict of Sarolangun district, Jambi, Indonesia. This research site lies upstream in the Sarolangun district. The journey to this research location takes approximately 7 h, spanning a distance of about 225 km from the provincial capital of Jambi.

3.3. The utilization of the rapport technique in ethnographic interviews

In this study, the technique of rapport was employed during the ethnographic interview process. The rapport technique facilitates researchers in establishing a psychological affinity with respondents, further enabling the interviewer to gain a profound understanding of the cultural nuances of the studied community (Abbe & Brandon, 2014). Pertinently, within the context of this research, the ethnomedical practices utilizing medicinal plant concoctions and incantations are esoteric in nature. Incantations, given their sacrosanct and revered status, are not easily disclosed to outsiders (Sutarsih & Sudarmanto, 2020). Hence, the rapport technique becomes imperative in forging a constructive relationship with the ‘tabib’ (traditional healers) and in comprehensively grasping the contextual nuances. The primary objective of utilizing the rapport technique is to cultivate a favorable rapport with respondents, ensuring the interviewer gleans the most detailed and genuine information possible (Prior, 2018).

Prior to the interview, the researchers prepared a set of questions to be posed to the respondents, with these questions enumerated in Appendix A. These preliminary questions serve as a foundation; allowing for potential supplementary queries based on the insights received or the circumstances encountered in the field. The questions enumerated in Appendix A were framed adhering to the principles of the rapport technique. In deploying this technique, it is pivotal for the researcher to actively listen, abstain from displaying authoritative demeanor, express genuine interest in the information shared by the respondent and exhibit patience and composure. Furthermore, meticulous attention should be paid to ‘turn talking’ and maintaining positive body language, ensuring the comfort of the respondent. As articulated by Black and Yeschke (2014), such an approach encourages respondents to divulge their knowledge and articulate their thoughts more openly. Consequently, these facets were diligently observed and implemented by the researcher during the interview process.

3.4. Components of data analysis: interactive model

During the data analysis process, the researchers applied the data triangulation concept introduced, involving three key stages: data condensation, data display and conclusion drawing/verification—see Figure 1. This process is crucial to ensure the validity of findings by comparing and cross-checking the consistency of information obtained during the research. A detailed explanation of these steps is as follows.

Figure 1. Components of data analysis: interactive model. Source: Miles and Huberman (1994).

The first stage is data condensation. In the context of this research, data condensation involves the meticulous process of selecting, focusing, simplifying, abstracting and/or transforming data derived from the comprehensive corpus. These data are based on the researchers’ notes accumulated during their presence in the SM area. The tangible outcomes of this process are reflected in the forms of field notes, interview transcriptions, scrutiny of collected documents and other empirical materials. In essence, it entails the process of narrowing down the collected data. As evidence of this work, refer to Appendix B. The aim of this stage is to identify data in accordance with the research focus, thereby facilitating the data analysis process.

The second stage is data display. To present the manifestations of data for research question 1, the researchers adopted the concept of medicinal plant terminology by Luardini et al. (2019), categorizing them into four key groups: shape, color, sex and place. However, the researchers do not disregard data that falls outside these categories. This is aimed at adding novelty to the ecolinguistic study by discussing lexicon terminology; refer to Table 1 for the final outcomes. Meanwhile, in addressing research question 2, the researchers classified ecolinguistic representation categories based on the perspectives outlined by Bang and Trampe (2014), encompassing ideology, biology and social dimensions. Moreover, cultural representations, as highlighted in the research findings of Prastio et al. (2023), are taken into account. By meticulously navigating this stage, the researchers present the findings in a structured manner, as illustrated in Tables 2 and 6.

Table 1. Terminology of medicinal plants.

Classification	No	Terms	Latin name	Modifying element	English equivalent
Color	1	Buluh kunaing	Bambusa vulgaris	Buluh ‘bamboo’ kunaing ‘yellow’	Golden bamboo
	2	Bawang abang	Allium cepa L	Bawang ‘onion’ abang ‘red’	Crimson onion
	3	Bawang puteh	Allium sativum	Puteh ‘white’ Garlic	Snowy garlic
	4	Jae abang	Zingiber officinale Roscoe	Jae ‘ginger’ abang ‘red’	Scarlet ginger
	5	Niu ijau	Cocos nucifera	Niu ‘coconut’ ijau ‘green’	Emerald coconut
	6	Senduduk itam	Melastoma malabathricum	Itam ‘black’	Onyx senduduk^a
	7	Sirih abang	Piper ornatum	Sirih ‘betel’ abang ‘red’	Ruby betel
	8	Sirih ijau	Piper batle L	Sirih ‘betel’ ijau ‘green’	Jade betel
	9	Tebu itam	Saccharum officinarum L	Tebu ‘sugarcane’ itam ‘black’	Jet-black sugarcane
Shape	10	Aka kembung	Merremia peltata (L.) Merr	Aka ‘root’ kembung ‘round’	Spherical root
	11	Cabe kecik	Capsicum frutescens	Cabe ‘chili’ kecik ‘small’	Petite chili
	12	Kacang panyang	Vigna sinensis L	panyang ‘long’	Elongated bean
	13	Kates mudo	Carica papaya L	Ketipeng ‘‘ Kecik ‘small’	Juvenile papaya
	14	Ketipeng kecik	Cassia tora L	Ketipeng ‘‘ Kecik ‘kecil’	Compact ketipeng^a
	15	Langsat kabau	Lansium domesticum	Langsat ‘duku’ kabau ‘buffalo’	Robust duku
	16	Perenggi guci	Lagenaria siceraria (Molina) Standl	Perenggi ‘gourd’ guci ‘jar’	Flask-shaped gourd
	17	Pinang mudo	Areca catechu	Pinang ‘betel nut’ mudo ‘young’	Adolescent betel nut
	18	Sembung ambat	Mikania micrantha	Ambat ‘creeping’	Trailing sembung
	19	Sungut kucing	Orthosiphon Aristatus	Sungut ‘whiskers’ kucing ‘cat’	Whiskered herb
	20	Sungkai mudo	Peronema canescens Jack	mudo ‘young’	Tender sungkai
	21	Tanawan ati	Ganoderma lucidum	Tanawan ‘mushroom’ ati ‘liver’	Hepatic mushroom
Place	22	Cetup semak	Physalis peruviana L.	Cetup ‘groundcherry’ semak ‘scrub’	Scrub groundcherry
	23	Ketepeng cino	Cassia alata L.	Ketepeng ‘senna’ cino ‘China’	Chinese senna
	24	Empedu tanah	Eurycoma longifolia	Empedu ‘bile’ tanah ‘earth’	Earthy longjack
	25	Petai cino	Leucaena leucocephala	Petai ‘stink bean’ cino ‘China’	Chinese stink bean
	26	Pinang beluka	Pinanga latisecta Blume	Pinang ‘areca/betel nut’ beluka ‘wild’	Wild areca palm
	27	Pisang utan	Musa sp	Pisang ‘banana’ utan ‘forest’	Forest banana
	28	Pucuk durian	Durio zibethinus	Pucuk ‘shoot/top’ durian ‘durian’	Durian shoots
	29	Sirih beluka	Piper ornatum	Limau ‘lime/citrus’ masam ‘sour’	Wild betel leaf
Tase	30	Bidara pait	Ziziphus mauritiana	Bidara ‘jujube’ pait ‘bitter’	Bitter jujube
	31	Kayu manih	Cinnamomum verum	Kayu ‘wood’ manih ‘sweet’	Sweet cinnamon
	32	Limau masam	Citrus hystrix	Limau ‘jeruk’ masam ‘asam’	Sour lime
Sex	33	Jiluang gadih	Paspalum sp	Jiluang ‘grass-like’ Gadih ‘young woman’	Grass-like young woman
Function	34	Setawa sedingin	Bryophyllum pinnatum	Sedingin ‘cooling’	Cooling bryophyllum
	35	Patah mudi	Senecio sonchifolius	Patah ‘broken’ mudi ‘referring to bone’	Bone-related breakage
Aroma	36	Siangit kambing	Ageratum conyzoides	Siangit ‘unpleasant aroma’ kambing ‘goat’	Goat’s unpleasant aroma

^a A plant native to Indonesia and is part of the traditional flora of the region, flourishing in its tropical climate. A term used to describe plants within the Cassia genus in Indonesia.

Table 2. Ecolinguistic representation in the common incantations of the SM community.

Data	Incantations name	No	Type of representation	Lexical marker	Lexical meaning
1	Treating fever	1	Biology (fauna)	Lang Susu (line 1)	The fever incantations represent a biological dimension in the form of the ‘Lang Susu’ fauna element. Lang Susu is a type of eagle spread across Indonesia. It is characterized by its gray, brown and white feathers. This bird is a predator of fish living around water bodies, lakes, rivers and marshes. According to the collected information, the scientific name of this bird is Ichthyophaga ichthyaetus.
		2	Biologi (fauna)	Sikung (line 2)	The fever incantations represent a biological dimension in the form of the ‘Sikung’ fauna element. There’s no clear information regarding this fauna. However, based on the incantations, it seems to refer to one of the food sources of Lang Susu. The elders in the region believe it is an extinct species. They also mention that Sikung might refer to a type of fish or insect.
		3	Cultural (religion)	Allah (line 4)	The lexical ‘Allah’ represents a cultural dimension reflecting the religious values adopted by the SM community. For Muslims, Allah is believed to be the creator of the heavens, the earth and the source of all life.
		4	Cultural (religion)	La ila ha illallah, Muhammadarrosulullah (line 5)	The phrase ‘La ila ha illallah, Muhammadarrosulullah’ is a Tahlil phrase (affirming God’s oneness) in Arabic that means ‘There’s no god but Allah, Muhammad is the messenger of Allah’. In Islamic teachings, this phrase is very sacred and acknowledges the existence of the creator and His messenger in spreading the religion (Prophet Muhammad).
2	Treating wounds	5	Cultural (religion)	Bismilllahirrohmanirrohim (line 1)	In Islam, the phrase ‘Bismilllahirrohmanirrohim’ is in Arabic, meaning ‘In the name of Allah, the most Gracious and Merciful’. This phrase is used to initiate various activities by Muslims with the aim of receiving blessings from their Creator.
		6	Cultural (religion)	Allah (line 6)	The lexical ‘Allah’ represents a cultural dimension reflecting the religious values adopted by the SM community. For Muslims, Allah is believed to be the creator of the heavens, the earth and the source of all life.
		7	Cultural (religion)	La ila ha illallah, Muhammadarrosulullah (line 7)	The phrase ‘La ila ha illallah, Muhammadarrosulullah’ is a Tahlil phrase (affirming God’s oneness) in Arabic that means ‘There’s no god but Allah, Muhammad is the messenger of Allah’. In Islamic teachings, this phrase is very sacred and acknowledges the existence of the creator and His messenger in spreading the religion (Prophet Muhammad).
		8	Biology (flora)	Pinang (Areca catechu) (line 3)	The lexical ‘Pinang’ (Areca catechu) represents a biological dimension. For the SM community, the Areca nut is often seen as a symbol of brotherhood, harmony and unity. Therefore, the Areca nut holds a deep symbolic meaning for them, being regarded as a sign of unity, harmony and mutual respect between individuals or groups.
3	Treating epilepsy	9	Biology (fauna)	Serayo-rayo (Loriculus galgulus) (lines 1, 2, 3)	In other Malay communities, this bird is known as ‘Serindit’. In the SM community, this bird is often regarded as a symbol of beauty and elegance in local culture. Currently, the presence of this bird is very rare.
		10	Biology (fauna)	Anying kumang or dog with spotted patterns (line 6)	The dog is also referred to by the SM community as the village dog, which might have the scientific name Cuon alpinus. A section of the SM community dislikes this dog as they believe it brings bad luck, is disruptive and leads an unclean life. Additionally, the SM community believes that its barking in the middle of the night signifies the presence of demons around them.

In the third stage—conclusion drawing/verification—the researchers conducted interviews in a relaxed setting with the informants. To ensure the accuracy of the gathered information, the researchers employed rapport-building techniques during the interviews, later cross-verifying the obtained data. This involves formulating clarification questions about the findings (refer to Appendix C) based on responses from the initial interviews (see Appendix A). These meticulous steps were taken by the researchers, employing ethnographic methods with the objective of obtaining a more profound understanding of the acquired information (Prastio et al., 2023). For example, a question might be framed like this: ‘Earlier, you mentioned the medicinal plant ‘Lagenaria siceraria (Molina) Standl’ for treating hemorrhoids, correct? Is its nomenclature related to the fruit’s round shape, resembling a gourd, hence referred to in that way?’ Finally, following the triangulation of data activities, the researchers interpreted the data by taking into account diverse opinions, relevant findings from previous research and ecolinguistic theories.

4. Results

4.1. Medicinal plant terminology

Based on field research findings (refer to Appendix A), there are 63 types of medicinal plants, each with diverse methods of consumption and preparation, such as chewing, ingestion, or boiling. Consistent with these findings, Singh and Lal (2008) also reported that medicinal plants can be utilized through boiling and various other preparation techniques. According to the traditional healers (‘tabib’), the medicinal plants of Melayu Sarolangun are predominantly found along the Tembesi riverbanks, in forests, ‘parelak’ (a type of farmland) and in local gardens where deliberate cultivation takes place. Sarolangun’s medicinal plants can be located within ecosystems that have been significantly influenced by human activity (Has et al., 2020). Each plant offers distinct benefits within the healing rituals. The healers also mentioned that individuals from various regions within Jambi province and even from other provinces, frequently seek this traditional treatment. From our on-site observations, patients often claim to experience positive effects following these healing rituals.

In the SM language, medicinal plant terminology predominantly comprises more than one element, aligning with the general conventions of categorization based on form and variety in naming (Manning, 2009). Based on our findings (also see Appendix B), the primary element usually represents the plant in question (referring to the object), while subsequent elements provide clarity on the specific plant, possibly through adjectives, nouns, or verbs. A detailed breakdown of this can be found in Table 1.

The researchers categorize the medicinal plant terminology in the MS community into seven categories: color, shape, location, taste, gender, function and aroma. From the findings, the study concludes that this terminology is intricately linked to the diverse cultures within the MS community. For a more comprehensive understanding, the researchers present only a few complete descriptions as representative examples due to space limitations.

First, the color classification reveals five distinct colors: yellow (1), red (2), white (3), green (4) and black (9). Take, for instance, ‘Buluh kunaing’ (1), where ‘buluh’ means ‘bamboo’, and ‘kunaing’ means ‘yellow’. Within the Malay community, ‘buluh kunaing’ holds its own significance, not only embodying practical uses for various daily needs but also reflecting cultural values, local wisdom and the human-nature relationship. For the MS community, ‘buluh kunaing’ serves as a symbol of strength and resilience, often embodying a representation of power and endurance. This symbolism seamlessly aligns with its purpose as a preventative measure against non-medical illnesses or illnesses treated through mystical means. Typically, a specific part of ‘buluh kunaing’ is added into a glass of water or is planted around the house.

Second, in terms of shape classification, it encompasses four distinct categories: large size (10), dimensions (11, 12 and 14), resembling something (15, 16, 18 and 19), and maturity level (13, 17 and 20). Take, for instance, ‘Lengsat kabau’ (15), where ‘lengsat’ (langsat) and ‘kabau’ (buffalo) are combined. This terminology emerged due to the fruit of the langsat tree being round and large, resembling the stature of a buffalo. In the perception of the MS community, ‘Lengsat kabau’ stands as a symbol of prosperity, blessings, luck and health. In practical terms, the MS community boils the bark of this tree and consumes the water, believing in its ethnomedicinal properties to cure malaria fever. Another example is ‘Pinang mudo’ (17), derived from ‘pinang’ (betel nut) and ‘mudo’ (young). This signifies that the material used to boost male vitality comes from very young betel nuts. This medicinal plant is reputed to enhance fertility. In its utilization by the MS community, ‘pinang mudo’ is either consumed directly or processed as the primary ingredient for making juice. Moreover, ‘pinang mudo’ holds significance in MS community wedding ceremonies. Embedded in the cultural beliefs, this medicinal plant symbolizes well-being and harmony. Consequently, its inclusion in wedding ceremonies is anticipated to bring joy to the marrying couple, serving as an alternative means to enhance harmony in domestic life.

Third, in terms of location, there are two key categories: country of origin (22 and 24) and growth location (21, 23, 25, 26, 27 and 28). Take, for instance, ‘Sirih beluka’ (19), combining ‘sirih’ (betel) and ‘beluka’ (brushwood). This terminology is coined based on the plant’s discovery location—growing wildly by spreading on the ground and less cultivated trees. The MS community utilizes this plant for treating internal heat and maintaining oral health. Beyond its medicinal use, it holds cultural and symbolic significance, frequently appearing in ceremonies, rituals and social gatherings. In practice, the MS community typically chews betel leaves mixed with areca nut, lime and tobacco. Culturally, betel holds profound significance for the MS community, symbolizing unity and hospitality, commonly consumed during casual conversations and relaxation, both with guests and peers.

Fourth, categorized by taste, there are three distinct categories: bitterness (29), sweetness (30) and sourness (31). Take, for instance, sour lime, which is composed of the word ‘limau’, meaning ‘citrus’, and ‘masam’, meaning ‘sour’. This means that the terminology is created in reference to the taste of the fruit. Typically, these plants are used to treat coughs and enhance the immune system. Moreover, sour lime is also one of the ingredients used in the Balimau tradition, a ritual for cleansing or self-purification. In the implementation process, a patient will bathe or soak in a river or pond using a mixture of water and traditional ingredients, with sour lime as the main raw material. Certainly, this ritual is accompanied by a traditional healer. In essence, this ritual is believed to cleanse the spirit and body from negative energy, ultimately bringing luck and blessings in the future.

In the fifth category, described by gender, the sole representative is females. Take, for instance, ‘jiluang gadih’, which is composed of the word ‘jiluang’, denoting a specific grass known in Latin as Paspalum sp. and ‘gadih’, signifying a young maiden or girl. In its application, this plant is typically applied to swollen areas of the legs or used by walking around the grass.

Sixth, based on its functions (34 and 35), consider ‘setawa sedingin’ as an example. This phrase comprises ‘setawa’, meaning ‘healer/medicine’ and ‘sedingin’ signifying ‘cooling’. This botanical remedy is meticulously used to treat various types of injuries—from bruises to wounds caused by sharp objects and abrasions resulting from motor accidents. In line with its terminology, this medicinal plant is utilized to alleviate pain and discomfort. Its application induces a cooling sensation when in contact with the body, hastening the recovery of injured areas. Moreover, within the SM, this medicinal plant also serves as a symbol of reconciliation when the injury is inflicted by others. In the process, those responsible for the injury approach the victim and representatives from the suspect’s family (healers, parents, or elders) express their sincere apologies for the unfortunate incident.

Seventh, categorized by its aroma (36), consider ‘siangit kambing’ as an example. This phrase comprises ‘kambing’, meaning ‘goat’, and ‘siangit’, meaning ‘smelling like something burnt or having a goat-like odor’. Based on this, the community at SM aptly names it based on the grass’s aroma reminiscent of a goat. In its practical application, this plant has the capability to halt bleeding. The manufacturing process involves finely grinding the plant into a fine powder before delicately applying it to wounds caused by sharp objects, accompanied by the recitation of specific incantations.

4.2. The ecolinguistic representation in healing incantations

Based on information from informants, the SM community possesses various types of incantations with diverse functions. However, the research participants provided details related only to five commonly used incantations. Derived from this input, the incantations prevalent within the SM community can be distinguished by three distinctive characteristics: (1) they invariably commence with the utterance of ‘bismillah’ and the declaration of faith (Shahada), (2) they conclude with the declaration of faith and (3) some incantations completely lack any Islamic elements. These incantations are broadly categorized into general and specific types. During rituals that employ general incantations, the shaman does not directly intervene in the preparation of the medicinal plant, meaning the patient is essentially granted autonomy over its usage. Conversely, specific incantations necessitate more intensive involvement; for instance, the shaman might chew the medicinal plant, using their body as a medium to communicate with the supernatural realm.

These incantations epitomize various aspects related to biological (flora and fauna) and socio-cultural factors, including human relations and the adhered belief systems. Such representations are discernible from the lexicons present within the incantation’s texts. To facilitate reader comprehension, lexicons symbolizing these representations are presented in bold. The ensuing sections provide a more in-depth elucidation.

4.2.1. Ecolinguistic representation in general incantations

General incantations have no association with supernatural entities or phenomena beyond human rational comprehension, succinctly implying ailments linked with the medical realm. These general incantations capture both biological and cultural dimensions. Findings related to the ecological linguistic representation within the SM incantations texts, categorized under general incantations, are presented in Table 2.

Data 1 pertains to a ritual used by a shaman to treat patients with fever. The shaman recites an incantation over a prepared medicinal concoction. This concoction consists of durian leaves (Durio zibethinus), rambutan leaves (Nephelium lappaceum) and a bucket of water. Once these ingredients are combined in the bucket, the shaman then recites the incantations over this prepared mixture. The specific incantations are detailed in Table 3. Following this, the patient is advised on how to utilize the concoction. Several methods of application include using it for bathing, cleansing the body with a clean cloth and even washing the face.

Table 3. Incantations for fever.

Melayu Sarolangun language	English translation
Oi lang susu makan satu (1) Ciek sikung mati satu (2) Makebul kato Allah (3) Mustajab tibo pado aku berkat Allah (4) La ila ha illallah, Muhammadarrosulullah (5)	Hey white eagle, eat one (1) One Sikung dies (2) The will of Allah is fulfilled (3) Effective comes to me by the grace of Allah (4) There is no god but Allah, and Muhammad is the messenger of Allah (5)

Data 2 concerns incantations employed by a shaman to heal bodily injuries, such as burns or blisters resulting from exposure to hot water, hot oil, or any other scalding elements. Subsequently, the shaman administers a concoction made from the plants pecah beling (Strobilantes crispa) and setawa sedingin (Bryophyllum pinnatum), infused in a glass of water. The shaman then applies a few drops of this mixture to the affected area while reciting the incantations. The specifics of this incantations are provided in Table 4.

Table 4. Incantations for treating wounds.

Melayu Sarolangun language	English translation
Bismilllahirrohmanirrohim (1) Naki bukit pinang berapi (2) Dapek pinang setanuk lebat (3) Nyo idak letup di api (4) Aku letup di air yang ujan lebat (5) Benebul kato Allah (6) Lailahaillallah Muhammadarrosulullah (7)	By mentioning the name of Allah, the Most Gracious, the Most Merciful (1) Climbing the flaming Areca nut hill (2) Obtaining a large cluster of Areca nuts (3) It does not burn in fire (4) I burn in the heavy rainwater (5) The word of Allah is effective (6) There is no god but Allah, and Muhammad is the messenger of Allah (7)

Lastly, for Data 3, for patients afflicted with epilepsy, incantations, which is detailed in Table 7, is recited to them. In the healing process, the shaman follows four specific steps: (1) the shaman applies charcoal to the patient’s forehead, (2) the shaman whispers the incantations into the patient’s ear, (3) the shaman chews on the medicinal plant known as jerangau merelai (Acorus calamus) and (4) once the medicinal plant feels slightly softened, the shaman spits it out onto the patient’s head (Table 5).

Table 5. Incantations for epilepsy.

Melayu Sarolangun language	English translation
Oi burung serayo rayo (1) Terbang kau serayo rayo (2) Hinggap di ranting kayu kau serayo-rayo (3) Terbang kau ka muaro (4) Aku tau asal sawan menyadi (5) Darah anying kumang asal kau manyadi (6) Darah malebih darah bali manyadi (7) Itu asal kau manyadi (8)	Hey, Serayo-rayo bird (1) Fly, you Serayo-rayo (2) Perch on the wooden branch, you Serayo-rayo (3) Fly to the estuary (4) I know the origin of the epilepsy (5) The blood of the spotted dog is where you originated (6) Blood overflows, blood returns, where you became (7) That is where you originated (8)

Table 6. Ecolinguistic representation in the common incantations of the SM community.

Data	Incantations name	No	Type of representation	Lexical marker	Lexical meaning
4	Tasapo	1	Culture (religion)	Bismilllahirrohmanirrohim (line 1)	In the Islamic religion, this phrase means ‘In the name of Allah, the Most Gracious, the Most Merciful’. It is used to start various activities of Muslims to obtain blessings from the Creator.
		2	Culture (religion)	La ila ha illallah, Muhammadarrosulullah (line 11)	This is an Arabic phrase meaning ‘There is no god but Allah, and Muhammad is the messenger of Allah’. In Islamic teachings, this phrase is sacred and acknowledges the Creator and His messenger.
		3	Biology (fauna)	Chicken (lines 6 & 7)	The chicken has a profound significance in SM culture, symbolizing a connection between culture, religion and daily life. It is also a symbol of prosperous life and can be found in many customary ceremonies with magical elements.
		4	Social (human relationship)	Seloko (lines 8, 9, & 10)	Represents advice and guidelines for the SM in daily life. Seloko is an oral literary form used to convey guidance.
5	Kamasuk		Culture (religion)	Bismilllahirrohmanirrohim (line 1)	In the Islamic religion, this phrase means ‘In the name of Allah, the Most Gracious, the Most Merciful’. It is used to start various activities of Muslims with the intention of obtaining blessings from the Creator.
		5	Culture (religion)	La ila ha illallah, Muhammadarrosulullah (line 11)	This is an Arabic phrase meaning ‘There is no god but Allah, and Muhammad is the messenger of Allah’. In Islamic teachings, this phrase is sacred and acknowledges the Creator and His messenger.
		6	Biology (fauna)	Lang Susu (line 2)	The fever incantations represent a biological dimension in the form of the ‘Lang Susu’ fauna element. Lang Susu is a type of eagle spread across Indonesia. It is characterized by its gray, brown and white feathers. This bird is a predator of fish living around water bodies, lakes, rivers and marshes. According to the collected information, the scientific name of this bird is Ichthyophaga ichthyaetus.
		7	Biology (fauna)	Grasshopper (lines 2 & 6)	Unfortunately, comprehensive information about the meaning of this lexicon in SM was not found by the researcher.
		8	Culture	Allah (line 6)	Represents religious values adhered to by SM. For Muslims, Allah is believed to be the creator of everything.
		9	Culture (tools)	Antan (lines 13 & 14)	This is a crucial tool that the majority of SM possess. Used primarily in preparing rice before modern technologies were introduced.

Table 7. Incantations tasapo.

Melayu Sarolangun language

English translation

Bismilllahirrohmanirrohim (1) Ciek, duo, tigo, empat, limo (2) Ciek, duo, tigo, empat, limo aku nyituk si X (3) Kalau si X keno sapo aku, jawab siap (4) Kalau idak kau nyapo jangan dijawab siap (5) Ngadap ile kutup ayam Rajo Jambi (6) Ngadap mudek kutup ayam Rajo Jambi (7) Tingal kau di tengah kau tunak (8) Tingal kau di dateh dak kau ba pucuk (9) Tingal kau di bawah dak kau ba urek (10) Laila haillallah muhammadarrasulullah (11)

With the name of Allah, the Most Gracious, the Most Merciful (1) One, two, three, four, five (2) One, two, three, four, five, I treat si X^a (3) If X is addressed by me, answer ready (4) If it is not, you who addressed, do not respond (5) Face toward the direction of Raja Jambi’s rooster (6) Face upstream toward Raja Jambi’s rooster (7) Stay in the middle, you stay put (8) Stay on top, you will not grow (9) Stay below, you will not shoot up (10) There is no God but Allah and Muhammad is His messenger (11)

^a X refers to the name of the patient being treated.

4.2.2. Ecolinguistic representation in specific incantations

Specific incantations are employed to treat ailments associated with the supernatural realm. The SM community asserts that these particular illnesses cannot be cured through modern medical means. Instead, healing can only be achieved through their cultural and spiritual rituals. This claim was further validated by the researcher who, upon conferring with several community members, found that they indeed experienced therapeutic benefits following these healing ceremonies.

Based on the acquired information, patients suffering from these specialized ailments are believed to have committed certain transgressions, leading to mystical disturbances. Simplistically, it is attributed to a failure in maintaining a positive attitude toward both social relationships and nature. The incantations employed in the healing process encompass representations from cultural, biological and social dimensions. For a comprehensive understanding of this subject, refer to Table 6.

Data 4 pertains to the ‘tasapo’ incantations, which is invoked for ailments characterized by severe nausea and dizziness leading to incessant vomiting. According to the beliefs of the SM community, this ailment manifests as a reprimand from a deceased family member. Such admonishments may arise due to the patient’s actions that violate ethical guidelines, societal norms, or they could simply be an expression of longing from the departed soul. In Malay language, this phenomenon is termed as ‘manyapo’, referring to someone who has passed away. The ‘tasapo’ incantations is elaborated upon in Table 7.

In its application, the ‘tasapo’ incantations is silently recited by the shaman in their heart. Subsequently, the shaman draws out a few strands of their own hair, a process termed ‘nyintuk’ in their language. This act symbolizes the shaman’s communication with the supernatural entities believed to afflict the patient. Following this, the shaman informs the patient about who is reprimanding them and the reasons for such an admonition. The shaman then instructs the patient to inhale the scent of the kaffir lime leaf (Citrus aurantiifolia) and suggests consuming a small amount of sugar. ‘Kamasuk’ is an ailment believed to be caused by a spirit or supernatural entity. This condition arises when an individual violates certain behavioral norms. Patients suffering from ‘kamasuk’ are in a state below conscious awareness. Typically, they might reveal historical information, discuss topics previously unknown to them, or broach ambiguous subjects. It’s believed that this is a result of supernatural entities, residing in places like trees, forests, or rivers, that feel disturbed by the patient’s presence. The treatment ritual involves reciting the incantations over the patient’s head. After the recitation, the shaman touches and presses specific parts of the patient’s body, including fingers and toes. Finally, the shaman chews the medicinal plant jerangau merelai (Acorus calamus) until it is slightly softened and then spits it onto particular areas of the patient’s body. The ‘kamasuk’ incantations can be referenced in Table 8.

Table 8. Incantations kamasuk.

Melayu Sarolangun language

English translation

Bismillahhirrohmanirrohim (1) Ei lang susu, belalang rayoy (2) Ku makan sikuk mati (3) Ku makan duo tigo tiado mati (4) Bekat ku makan duo susu belalang rayoy (5) Bekebul kato Allah (6) Mustajab tibo pado aku (7) Yang gagah yang tunduk ngan aku (8) Yang biso taweh (9) Yang tajam tumpu (10) Sebanyak yang sakti ku tumpuh (11) Tidak berapo badan ku (12) Pungung dateh antan (13) Betungkat antan pengang (14) Ku menduduk hati segalo setan (15) Duduk ku menang jalan ku menang (16) Zat nam bumi yang namo langit (17) Kum kato ibu (18) kedim kato bajang (19) Laila haillallah muhammadarrasulullah (20)

In the name of Allah, the Most Gracious, the Most Merciful (1) Hey, white eagle, rayoy grasshopper (2) I eat one and die (3) I eat two or three and do not die (4) Because I eat two milks of phantom grasshopper (5) Allah’s word is granted (6) Miracles come to me (7) The brave obeys me (8) That which is venomous can be cured (9) That which is sharp becomes blunt (10) As many powerful ones, I overpower (11) Not much happens to my body (12) Back on top of the antan (rice pounding tool) (13) Leaning on the wood (rice pounding tool) (14) I control the feelings of all demons (15) When I sit, I win; when I walk, I win (16) The essence of the earth named sky (17) Yes, says mother (18) It occurs, says Bajang (forest ruler) (19) There is no God but Allah and Muhammad is His messenger (20)

5. Discussions

5.1. Terminology of medicinal plants of the SM community

Based on findings related to the 63 types of medicinal plants used by SM, it appears to be in line with the results of research from several studies in the field of pharmacy that have been tested in laboratories. For instance, a study by Ivan et al. (2019) highlighted the benefits of Jatropha multifida L in preventing infections and its efficacy in wound healing. Similarly, research by Gondokesumo et al. (2022) confirmed the health benefits of consuming Alpinia galanga (L.) Willd in maintaining metabolic functions and promoting blood circulation. Such findings validate the ancestral wisdom passed down within the SM community, emphasizing the value of their ethnomedical knowledge. Nonetheless, there is a necessity for further clinical testing. Medical research and scientific testing are paramount to ensure the efficacy of treatments and to prevent unintended risks. Aligning with this perspective, a synergistic approach that marries traditional remedies with modern medical practices promises optimal outcomes for patients, as suggested by Suparmi et al. (2021).

The research on medicinal plants also reflects the day-to-day cultural practices of the SM community, particularly their use of betel nut (Areca catechu) and betel leaf (Piper betle L) in the ‘manyirih’ ritual. This entails chewing young betel leaves combined with betel nut, gambier (uncaria) and tobacco. This ancestral tradition is now mostly upheld by older women and elders in their community, while its prevalence among the younger generation has dwindled. The Melayu Sarolangun believe ‘manyirih’ freshens breath and strengthens teeth. Furthermore, in Jambi Province, betel leaves and nuts symbolize respect and honor. They are presented during significant ceremonies, such as welcoming guests, marriage proposals, weddings, and other traditional events, reflecting their cultural significance, as described by Anjaswari and Kuswarsantyo (2019) and Fadilah et al. (2019).

The medicinal plant terminology of the Melayu Sarolangun is not just composed of nouns (as revisited in Appendix A). Instead, it falls into two eco-lexical categories (see Table 1): (1) The first element is a noun, and the second is its adjective (adjective phrase, data 1 to 32, excluding 21). (2) Both the first and the second elements are nouns (noun phrase, data 21, and 33, 34 and 35). Much like in other parts of the world, the Melayu Sarolangun’s plant names convey certain characteristics of the plant, such as its behavior or growth pattern, wood properties, aroma, taste, appearance and aspects of its shape, size and texture. These characteristics are consistent with those found in South Africa, as noted by Light (2016). The novelty from this study is the dimension of taste, aroma and function. Hence, these findings enhance the theory of Luardini et al. (2019), which posited that medicinal plant terminology encompasses color, shape, place and sex.

The creation of medicinal plant terminology by the SM is deeply intertwined with the everyday elements they encounter in their environment. This relationship aligns with the characteristics of eco-linguistics: language and environment are intimately connected since the existence of a language is influenced by the surrounding natural environment where it is deployed (Muhlhausler, 2003). For example, based on the data, naming of certain medicinal plants is influenced by their aroma and shape. These characteristics are first processed through sight and smell senses and then processed mentally to produce the terminology they devise. Language is utilized to articulate semiotic or symbolic realities and is inherently linked to the manner in which lexicon or language is constructed, as highlighted by Prastio et al. (2021).

Just as in various places that utilize traditional medicinal plants as an alternative treatment, the SM medicinal plant terminology is related to its putative medical function. For instance, in the lives of the Dayak Ngaju people in Central Kalimantan, the ‘paku atei’, whose rhizome is heart-shaped, is used for liver treatments. In the context of Melayu Sarolangun, a similar principle applies. The ‘tanawan ati’ or as some community members call it ‘tanawan kupaing’ is a mushroom shaped like a heart. It is believed to cure hepatitis or liver diseases. This type of fungus usually grows abundantly during the rainy season in the community’s rubber plantations. Another plant, ‘Aka kembuang’, is a type of creeping grass similar to sweet potato and has heart-shaped leaves. Its fruit, ‘kembuang’, which can refer to the term ‘round’, is believed by the community to reduce swelling in the legs and large spots caused by insect bites. Thus, the medicinal plant terminology of the Melayu Sarolangun illustrates the ethnobotanical knowledge they possess.

5.2. Ecolinguistic representation in SM community incantations

For the SM community, incantations are considered sacred texts, and not everyone is allowed to use them. Based on this, the researcher only managed to obtain five incantations. Nonetheless, it is hoped that the presented incantations can represent those that remain undiscovered. Their incantations possess a distinct poetic art with unique lyrics. This finding aligns with the opinion of Sutarsih and Sudarmanto (2020) that the characteristics of Indonesian incantations are the meticulous choice of words, well-organized composition and rhyme. Meanwhile, Bobîrnilă (Niţă) (2012) posited that the language in incantations is unique, containing archaic vocabulary, regional words and words that give a unique tone. Consistent with this explanation, the incantations found in the SM community exhibit similar characteristics.

SM incantations are associated with the lexicon references of their surrounding environment, representing biological dimensions such as flora and fauna. Similar findings are reported in Nahak et al.’s (2019) study on Batar texts in East Nusa Tenggara concerning non-incantations oral literature. Therefore, it is undeniable that environmental aspects are intricately linked to language creation in any community, including in the context of incantations texts creation. Biological lexicon in incantations texts is increasingly difficult to trace, due to the growing challenge of finding natural references, such as ‘anying kumang’ and ‘burug serayo-rayo’. Undoubtedly, solutions must be sought to prevent these faunas from becoming extinct. In line with this, Almos et al. (2018) suggest avoiding chemical substances and maintaining the surrounding ecosystem for sustainability. Their research also concluded that the degradation of flora and fauna in the region resulted from an indifferent attitude toward the environment, using artificial feeds and not maintaining natural balance. Meanwhile, these references become harder to find due to the deforestation and conversion of forest lands.

Incantations in the SM region are reflections of sociological dimensions, demonstrated through advice and guidance represented in the ‘seloko’. Refer to the ‘tasapo’ incantations lines 8, 9 and 10. According to Nurzafira et al. (2021), ‘seloko’ is a form of oral literature prevalent in various Malay regions of Jambi. It consists of diverse advice and wisdom, serving as a guide in daily life. These incantations contain advice on maintaining harmonious relationships with fellow humans and ancestral spirits. They emphasize humility, discouraging arrogance and promoting harmony with nature. All these teachings are aimed at instilling a positive character in the SM community. Research by Arianto and Simanjuntak (2020), which explored the mystical figure named Mak Ungkai in Batam, found a similar emphasis on positive character building. Thus, sayings that have mystical elements can be further developed and introduced to people, especially children, as an early initiation into discursive practices.

Furthermore, these incantations reflect the religious syncretism of the community. This is evident as the Melayu Sarolangun community practices Islam and often commences activities by invoking the name of their deity. Incantations are intrinsically linked with human religious attitudes, as expressed by Hidayatullah (2020). These incantations reveal their belief in the healing powers and the submission of the entire universe to spiritual forces, especially in the context of Islam. Within their incantations, they explicitly mention words that hold sacred significance in the Islamic faith, often seeking divine intervention. Halligan (2010) has posited that sacred words or phrases can be employed as incantations, aiding individuals to focus during prayers with specific intentions. The Melayu Sarolangun incantations discovered provide several examples of this practice.

First, the Basmalah Lexicon: Basmalah (Bismillahir-rohmaanirrahim) is the utterance of the opening phrase ‘Bismillah’. This symbol can be interpreted as obedience from a Muslim (Mahmud, 2019). Basmalah can also be seen as a form of praise, acknowledgment and prayed to God. Aligning with this, Sukarno et al. (2020) state that the use of Basmalah in incantations can be understood as an acknowledgment that the speaker is under God’s protection. Its use in incantations can be perceived to mean that the intentions and objectives of the incantations recitation by shamans or herbalists will be granted with God’s assistance. It is essential to note that Muslims believe that every illness is created by God and healing occurs with His permission. Secondly, the two testimonies (‘La illaaha ilallah, Muhammad Rasulullah). Literally, it means bearing witness and acknowledging that there is no God but Allah and Muhammad is the messenger of Allah. Additionally, within Islam, the testimony (shahada) is considered foundational and the first commandment to all living beings.

These data reinforce the opinion of Ari Asfar (2016), who researched the Ketapang Malay incantations, stating that Malay incantations typically have a close relationship with Islam due to the inclusion of the two testimonies. Based on this, the Melayu Sarolangun community’s faith in Islam is undeniable. Such a culture and syncretic flow provide insight into how linguistic items are closely tied with the environment, ideology and beliefs of the Melayu Sarolangun. Bang and Trampe (2014) mention that ecolinguistic studies can highlight several linguistic items related to social practices and ideologies connected to the environment.

6. Conclusion

This research concludes that the SM community has a profound connection and relationship with their surrounding environment. Their closeness is reflected in the lexicon of medicinal plants and the language used in traditional healing processes. For them, healing from diseases is a collaborative aid from various elements; nature, mystical forces and religion. These three aspects are inseparable in the traditional healing rituals they practice. This preliminary study is hoped to pave the way for various ecolinguistic research in the Jambi Province, offering abundant data on ecological wisdom.

This study has limitations due to the minimal number of incantations collected. This situation has naturally resulted in a not-so-rich exposition regarding the ecolinguistic representation found within the incantations. Based on this, this research, as a pilot study in the context of ecolinguistic research in SM, can serve as a foundational reference for subsequent researchers discussing various research contexts of incantations found in SM. Additionally, future research can also focus on the documentation of lexicons that are increasingly hard to find in nature or have even become extinct. This is considered based on the research results, which indicate that there are several lexicons with unknown references.

Acknowledgments

The researchers wish to express sincere gratitude to the three parties involved in the completion of this research. First, Prof. Dr. Abdul Syukur Ghazali, M.Pd, who provided invaluable insights into ecolinguistic research, oral literature and interviewing techniques with rapport. He is a lecturer at Universitas PGRI Kanjuruhan Malang, Indonesia, specializing in social and cultural research. Second, the researchers also wish to thank Ria Hapizoh and M. Hafzi for their considerable assistance in data collection and in understanding the gathered data. Third, the researchers express gratitude to the reviewers from Cogent Art & Humanities for providing valuable feedback, making this article worthy of publication.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Additional information

Notes on contributors

Roekhan is a senior lecturer who has extensively published research in literature and linguistics. Moreover, he focuses on teaching courses in education, such as Arabic-Malay reading and writing, Malay literature, and creative writing in literature.

Yuni Pratiwi

Yuni Pratiwi is a professor specializing in educational literature, while Imam Suyitno is a professor of cultural studies. All three authors are faculty members in the Department of Indonesian Literature, Faculty of Literature, at the Universitas Negeri Malang.

Bambang Prastio

Bambang Prastio, Ahsani Maulidina, and Marzuki are doctoral students where the three researchers mentioned above teach. They have collaboratively engaged in numerous research endeavors related to Ecolinguistics, Critical Discourse Analysis, Pragmatics, and Indonesian language instruction for foreign speakers.

Ahsani Maulidina

Bambang Prastio, Ahsani Maulidina, and Marzuki are doctoral students where the three researchers mentioned above teach. They have collaboratively engaged in numerous research endeavors related to Ecolinguistics, Critical Discourse Analysis, Pragmatics, and Indonesian language instruction for foreign speakers.

Bambang Prastio, Ahsani Maulidina, and Marzuki are doctoral students where the three researchers mentioned above teach. They have collaboratively engaged in numerous research endeavors related to Ecolinguistics, Critical Discourse Analysis, Pragmatics, and Indonesian language instruction for foreign speakers.

Appendix A.

List of questions in the interview

Interview guideline

Research Project    : Ecolinguistic related to the ethnomedical practices of the Sarolangun Malay community.

Date           :

Place       :

Interviewer         :

Interviewee      :

Age of interviewee     :

Project description   : This study aims to explore the terminology of medicinal plants and their representations in incantations utilized during the practice of ethnomedicine by the Sarolangun Malay community.

Questions :

1. Open questions

   1. On my journey earlier, I observed that the majority of households in this area have a diverse range of plants in their courtyards. Do the locals here have a preference for cultivating various types of plants around their homes?

   2. In several locations during gatherings, I often notice community members chewing betel leaves. Is it common here for herbal plants like these to serve as symbols of welcoming guests or for other purposes?

   3. We have received ample information suggesting that the local community here tends to rely more on medicinal plants and traditional remedies rather than consulting doctors as an initial response to various ailments. Since when has this practice been in place?

2. Private questions

   1. From what I observed, the SM community plants various medicinal herbs in their household yards, and some even utilize plants that grow wild in the forest. How are these medicinal plants processed for therapeutic use?

   2. I have heard accounts from several community members who have undergone treatments with you, and they unanimously acknowledge the effectiveness of these treatments. Could you provide insights into the ritualistic process of such treatments?

   3. Might we inquire about the origins of your knowledge regarding these healing practices? Is there a specific ritual that you had to undergo to become a traditional healer?

   4. Several informants mentioned that during your treatment rituals for incoming patients, you recite certain sacred incantations. Would it be possible for us to learn more about this?

   5. Considering the plethora of medicinal plants, how are they processed into remedies? Does each medicinal plant and ailment have its own distinct incantation?

   6. What types of ailments do you frequently treat? Are there, perhaps, certain diseases that outsiders might be unaware of?

3. Question about mutual interests

   1. Prior to my visit here, I was informed of significant forest conversions that have led to the medicinal plants you rely on becoming increasingly scarce. What measures should be taken to ensure the sustainability and conservation of these medicinal plants?

   2. We hold deep respect for the local wisdom you possess. Consequently, which medicinal plants should we procure seeds for to ensure their replantation and propagation?

   3. The rise of sophisticated and modern medical treatments has caused a shift away from indigenous knowledge and practices. In light of this, what steps should we take to ensure that this ethnomedical practice is preserved and passed on to future generations?

4. Questions regarding comprehension

   1. Upon my arrival in this region, I received an abundance of information concerning ethnomedical practices and certain diseases whose treatments involve the use of incantations. To what extent are you familiar with these practices?

   2. Prevailing information suggests that the medicinal plants and incantations employed during rituals are highly efficacious. Can such claims be substantiated from a biomedical perspective? Additionally, have there been prior researchers who have investigated these practices from a medical standpoint?

5. Questions concerning empathy

   1. Honestly, as a researcher with a deep appreciation for the local wisdom inherent in community practices, I am deeply concerned about the potential extinction of the ethnomedical practices you engage in. In your opinion, what measures should we undertake to address this?

   2. It saddens me to learn that many medicinal plants are becoming increasingly elusive. Moreover, passing down these incantations to the younger generation is not a straightforward task. Would it be permissible for us to gain knowledge about the incantations utilized?

6. Questions regarding aspirations and objectives.

   1. What are your aspirations for the continuation of these ethnomedical practices?

   2. What role do you anticipate from various stakeholders to ensure the preservation of this ancestral heritage?

7. Concluding questions and expressions of gratitude

   1. Thank you for generously sharing so much information with us. What can we do as a gesture of gratitude in return?

   2. Once again, we express our deep appreciation for providing profound insights into the ethnomedical practices of your group. Are there aspects of what you shared earlier that should remain confidential or undisclosed to others?

Appendix B

Table B1. Sarolangun Malay medicinal plants

Parts	No	Medicinal plants		Preparation and application	Functions
		Sarolangun Malay language	Scientific/Latin name
Leaves	1	Ketepeng cino	Cassia alata L.	Pounded (applied)	Skin disease
	2	Limao kuncai	Citrus aurantiifolia	Drunk	Cough; tasapo
	3	Limao masam	Citrus hystrix	Boiled (used during bathing)	Relaxation
	4	Pucuk durian	Durio zibethinus	Boiled (drunk or used during bathing)	Refresh the body
	5	Rambutan	Nephelium lappaceum	Boiled (used during bathing)	Influenza
	6	Sekejut	Mimosa pudica	Boiled (drunk)	Heal diabetic wounds
	7	Kalamayong	Typhonium flagelliforme	Boiled (drunk)	Cancer
	8	Setawa sedingin	Bryophyllum pinnatum	Pounded (applied)	Bruises
	9	Sirih ijau	Piper batle L.	Chewed (betel chewing; related to cultural and community traditions)	Strengthen teeth
	10	Sirih beluka	Piper ornatum	Boiled (drunk)	Feverish
	11	Kates mudo	Carica papaya L.	Boiled (drunk)	Malaria
	12	Sembung ambat	Mikania micrantha	Boiled (drunk)	Anti-bacterial
	13	Sungkai mudo	Peronema canescens Jack	Boiled (drunk or used during bathing)	Refresh the body
	14	Sungut kucing	Orthosiphon Aristatus	Boiled (drunk)	High blood pressure
	15	Bidara pait	Ziziphus mauritiana	Boiled (drunk)	Gallbladder pain
	16	Jirak	Ricinus communis L.	Heated (applied)	Stomachache
	17	Katu	Sauropus androgynus (L.) Merr.	Used in vegetable dishes (eaten)	Feverish and promotes breast milk production
	18	Marungai sejaja	Moringa oleifera	Boiled (drunk)	Eyes
	19	Pecah beling	Strobilantes crispa	Boiled (drunk)	Wounds
	20	Siangit kambing	Ageratum conyzoides	Pounded (applied)	Reduce bleeding
Fruit	21	Limau purut	Citrus hystrix	Boiled (rinsed on the head)	Dandruff
	22	Niu ijau	Cocos nucifera	Drunk	Smallpox
	23	Cetup semak	Physalis peruviana L.	Consumed directly	Diabetes mellitus
	24	Pinang mudo	Areca catechu	Chewed (betel chewing)	Teeth, male vitality
	25	Mengkudu	Morinda citrifolia	Boiled (drunk)	High blood pressure
	26	Merpayang	Scaphium macropodum Miq	Consumed directly	Cough and itchiness
	27	Belimbing sayur	Averrhoa bilimbi	Cooked (used as a side dish)	Cholesterol
	28	Petai cino	Leucaena leucocephala	Cooked (used as a side dish)	Worms (intestinal parasites)
	29	Senduduk itam	Melastoma malabathricum	Consumed directly	Mouth ulcers
	30	Mahkota dewa	Phaleria macrocarpa boerl	Boiled (drunk)	Boost stamina
	31	Perenggi guci	Lagenaria siceraria (Molina) Standl	Cooked (used as a side dish)	Hemorrhoids
	32	Kanulo	Homalomena cordata Schott	Cooked (used as a side dish)	Wound remedy
Rhizome	33	Kunyit	Curcuma longa	Boiled (drunk)	Stomach ulcer
	34	Jae	Zingiber officinale Rosc	Boiled (drunk)	Warm the body
	35	Jae abang	Zingiber officinale Roscoe	Boiled (drunk)	Bacterial infection, cancer
	36	Serai	Andropogon nardus L	Crushed (applied)	Back pain
	37	Ceku	Kaempferia galanga L	Boiled (drunk)	Fever and rheumatism
	38	Mengkueh	Alpinia galanga (L.) Willd.	Added to dishes	Smoothen skin, and body metabolism
	39	Jerangau merelai	Acorus calamus	Dried (stored)	Epilepsy, ward off evil spirits, and rheumatism
Shrub	40	Lado	Piper ningrum	Boiled (drunk)	High fever, headache, and male fertility
	41	Cabe kecik	Capsicum frutescens	Cooked as an ingredient	Typhoid
	42	Kacang panyang	Vigna sinensis (L.)	Cooked as an ingredient	Anemia
	43	Bawang puteh	Allium sativum	Chewed	Toothache
	44	Bawang abang	Allium cepa L.	Sliced (applied)	Catching a cold
	45	Patah mudi	Senecio sonchifolius	Pounded (applied)	Bone pain; sprains; fractures
	46	Bawang gando	Allium schoenoprasum	Cooked as an ingredient	Digestion
	47	Katipeng kecik	Cassia tora L.	Its seeds are boiled (drunk)	Vision
	48	Tebu itam	Saccharum officinarum L.	Squeezed (drunk)	Hemoptysis
	49	Aka kembung	Merremia peltata (L.) Merr	Boiled (drunk)	Swelling; elephantiasis; fever
	50	Buluh kunaing	Bambusa vulgaris	Soaked in water (drunk) or planted around the house	Related to mystical matters
	51	Talasih ijau	Ocimum basilicum L.	Boiled (drunk)	Fever
	52	Panisilin	Jatropha multifida L.	Its sap (applied)	Infection
	53	Jiluang gadih	Paspalum sp	Pounded (applied)	Sprains
Bark	54	Kayu manih	Cinnamomum verum	Boiled (drunk)	Muscle stiffness or soreness
	55	Langsat kabau	Lansium domesticum	Boiled (drunk)	Dengue fever
	56	Salam	Syzygium polyanthum Wigh	Boiled (drunk)	Rheumatism
	57	Pelepah birah	-	Boiled (used during bathing)	Immunity
	58	Tanawan ati/kuping	Ganoderma lucidum	Cooked as an ingredient	Hepatitis
Roots	59	Lalang	Imperata cylindrical	Boiled (drunk)	Feverish and high blood pressure
	60	Pinang beluka	Pinanga latisecta Blume	Chewed and then spit onto the patient’s body	Disturbances from evil spirits
	61	Pinang	Areca catechu	Boiled (drunk)	Headache
	62	Pisang utan	Musa sp.	Boiled (drunk)	Gout
	63	Empedu tanah	Eurycoma longifolia	Boiled (drunk)	High blood pressure; male vitality

Appendix C

Table C1. List of follow-up questions after obtaining data from rapport-based technical interviews

No	Types of Questios	Examples sub-questions
1	Open question	a. What medicinal plants are commonly cultivated by the community? If possible, could you mention several types?
		b. What is your perspective on the tradition of manyirih?
		c. What types of medicinal plants and treatments are frequently employed?
2	Private	a. Are there medicinal plants that can be managed in various ways in their utilization process? Or can specific medicinal plants only be managed in one particular way?
		b. Why is this ethnomedicinal practice considered very effective? Is there a mystical aspect involved in the practice?
		c. Where did you acquire knowledge of the mantras and various medicinal plants used? Does this mean that the SM mantras are divided into two categories (specific and general)?
		d. I observed that the naming of medicinal plants is based on location, taste, aroma, color, shape, and function. For example, is ‘siangit kambing’ named so because the plant smells like a goat? Another example is ‘patah mudi’, used for treating sprains and fractures; does it imply a connection to bone injuries?
		e. Is the mantra recited internally and on specific parts of the body? How does it work? Does the mantra contain elements of Islam and names of animals and plants?
3	Question about mutual interests	a. Do you teach this ethnomedicinal practice to the younger generation as a preservation effort? Is it limited to your family heritage, or can it be shared with the wider community?
		b. If this ethnomedicinal practice were thoroughly documented, and all the mantras were recorded, would you object to it? Or are there potential consequences in the future?
4	Questions regarding comprehension	a. I checked from various sources that the efficacy of some of these medicinal plants can be medically justified. Are you aware of this? For example, Ketepeng Cino (Cassia alata L), which can heal various skin diseases caused by fungi and bacteria due to its components such as alkaloids, saponins, tannins, and anthraquinones.
		b. In the earlier mentioned mantras, there is an Islamic element, right? Why does this occur? Do you have insights into this matter?
		c. In the earlier mentioned mantras, do you know the forms of the animals and plants mentioned? We are not familiar with the lexicon found in the mantras.
5	Questions concerning empathy	a. Earlier, you mentioned the correct steps to preserve this tradition by teaching it to the younger generation. Do you think they are interested in continuing this practice?
		b. Earlier, it was explained that it is very difficult to engage the younger generation here in cultural preservation. If outsiders like us are interested, is it permissible to learn about it?
6	Questions regarding aspirations and objectives.	a. From the previous answers, it implies that there is some doubt about the sustainability of this ethnomedicinal practice, right? Are there any other aspirations that haven’t been mentioned?
		b. Earlier, you mentioned hoping for the government to be more concerned about the existing environment and culture. Have they not played a significant role in this regard so far?
7	Concluding questions and expressions of gratitude	a. As an expression of gratitude, you suggested that we continue efforts to save and preserve the scattered local wisdom. Therefore, we intend to incorporate literature learning oriented toward instilling positive character through a pedagogical approach. If we need further information, would you be willing to provide more comprehensive details?
		b. We will keep some information that should not be disclosed to the general public, as you advised. Is there anything else that may have been overlooked?