The Baweanese diasporic tradition and its role in spreading the tarekat in Singapore

Abstract

The wandering activity (ngoker lange) has been undertaken in the past and continues to be practiced even today by Baweanese people, both for economic and religious purposes. Through the ngoker lange tradition, the practice of Sufi order(tarekat), spread to Singapore. This article aims to analyze how the diasporic tradition of Bawean people contributed to the the development of the tarekat institution named Tarekat Qadiriyah wan Naqsyabandiyah (TQN) in Singapore. In this study, I employed an interdisciplinary method that utilizes a historical and cultural approach. Data are collected through literature research, direct observations, and interviews with Bawean people in the island and Singapore. This study found that the Bawean diaspora played an important role in spreading tarekat in Singapore. Kiai Usman Al-Ishaqy (1915-1984) and Kiai Mohd Hassan Ash’ari bin Mustafa al-Bakri (1921-2007) were the famous personalities who were instrumental in developing tarekat in Singapore.

Keywords:

• Culture
• Bawean
• Islam
• Singapore
• diaspora
• tarekat

REVIEWING EDITOR:

• Lincoln Geraghty, School of Media and Performing Arts, University of Portsmouth, Portsmouth, United Kingdom

SUBJECTS:

• Islam - Religion; Spirituality of Islam; Religion in Context

Introduction

On October 28, 2020, I delivered a lecture at the traditional Islamic boarding school, Pesantren of Hasan Jufri, Sangkapura, Bawean, East Java which was attended by approximately 100 students. The pesantren was mainly built with the help of donors from the Bawean diaspora in Singapore. When I asked who among them had families that had migrated, everyone raised their hands. When they are questioned about their interest in migrating from Bawean Island, most of them responded positively. Only a small fraction, less than 10 students, intended to continue living on Bawean Island. This implies that the desire of wandering to gain experiences outside Bawean Island is still very strong. Most Bawean people generally migrate to Singapore and Malaysia.

Bawean Island is the outermost island in East Java, Indonesia, geographically positioning it as a stopover for shipping and trade routes. People from various tribes of Indonesia, such as Bugis, Palembang, Madura, and Javanese, live on this island. The existence of shipping lanes and sea trade in the past resulted in most Baweans travelling to various places in Indonesia and Southeast Asia, including Singapore (Aziri & Wahyudi, 2019, p. 55).

Historically, the sea is the most important aspect for Bawean to fulfil their tradition of diaspora (ngoker lange). As written by Zuhdi (2014, p. 223) the sea itself has formed the history of Indonesia for long centuries and contributed to the building of Indonesian nationalism. In addition, the existence of traditional Bawean boats, namely jukung and klotok which are still found today, indicates that the Bawean people cannot forget their maritime spirit, and they are even famous for their maritime spirit in Southeast Asia (Priswanto, 2018, p. 46). Typically, klotok represent conventional watercraft with sturdy wooden ceilings. A klotok of moderate size has the capacity to hold around 20 passengers, whereas jukung boats are generally smaller, having a maximum occupancy of three passengers. The archipelago has served as a shipping link from East to West, between China and India, since the beginning of the first millennium, especially in its western part (Reid, 1988, p. 10).

Ngoker lange means ‘painting the sky’ and refers to the tradition of wandering out of the island to gain a horizon as part of a life experience. In general, the activity of leaving a family to enjoy a life experience begins in childhood and become an integral part of their lifestyle (Aziri & Wahyudi, 2019, p. 56). Children are usually left at home by their parents, who work outside the island of Bawean. To look after their children, parents usually send them to Islamic boarding schools, both on the islands of Bawean and Java. Some areas in East Java that often become the destination of study are Pasuruan, Lamongan, Gresik, and Jombang. For elementary schooling, children are usually sent to Islamic boarding schools on the Bawean Island, while for middle schooling, they are sent to Java. If they belong to a wealthy family, they tend to continue their studies until college. Bawean people take pride in their children studying outside the Bawean Island. For university education, in addition to East Java, they also send their children to Central Java or Jakarta (Asyhar, 2021).

Given Bawean Island’s close relationship with Malaysia and Singapore, most road construction on the island is financed by immigrants, both foreign nationals and Indonesian citizens, living in these two countries. The names of the villages in Bawean also have a lot in common with the villages in Singapore and Malaysia (Sumintarsih, 2009, p. 50). During Eid, a moment for celebration after one month fasting, for example, many Bawean residents visit Malaysia and Singapore to meet their extended families (Barokah, 2020). Interestingly, the population of Bawean has not changed, numbering approximately 100,000, with the district of Sangkapura having the largest population. Almost twice as many live in Malaysia and Singapore. To date, the number of Bawean people living in Singapore is estimated to be approximately 60,000 (Baharudin, 2020).

According to Cohen (1997), there are four kinds of diaspora, which are (1) labour diaspora, (2) imperialist diaspora, (3) trade diaspora and (4) cultural diaspora. Most of the existing research on Bawean diaspora focuses on the economic aspect (Masyhuri, 1995; Leake, 2009; Aziz, 2015; Aziri and Wahyudi, 2019), but my study reveals the significance of tradition and especially religious practice in motivating the Baweans to migrate. Martínez and Vickers (2012, p. 112) suggest that the two aspects are interrelated, as the cultural values and practices influence people’s mobility, and the economic and social factors affect the patterns of movement. The Bawean diaspora is not mainly composed of labour diaspora. On the contrary, the cultural diaspora that has had considerable impacts in Singapore is also an important phenomenon for the Bawean diaspora.

Pillai (215) studied on the Bawean community in Malaysia and suggested that Economic considerations have significantly influenced the movement of Baweanese people to the Malay world area, encompassing regions such as Riau, Sumatra, Borneo, and the peninsula. Religion has also been a notable factor in this context. While cultural distinctions existed and some communities in the peninsula upheld their Baweanese heritage, the processes of intermarriage, education, and state policies benefiting indigenous Malays led to an increasing integration into Malay identity, particularly among the succeeding generation of migrants. Another research by Aziri and Wahyudi (2019) also emphasized the significant of economic motives that encouraged Baweanese people to migrate to Singapore. Through the utilization of a historical method, he deduced that Baweanese individuals have been journeying to Singapore in search of employment since the 1800s.

My study shows that the significant role of the cultural factors in particular religious motivation that pushed the Bawean people to migrate. The Bawean people have an oral tradition that is often used as a guide before a person travels abroad. This proverb generally reads, ‘ajhek nyengkap sewe’ mon ghitak ngoker lange’, ajhek ngoker lange’ mon ghitak cokop sangu laher batin’, which means ‘do not open a woman’s dress (marry) before painting the sky (migrate), do not go abroad until you have enough internal and external supplies. In this proverb, the Bawean tradition in the form of wandering activities, referred to as ngoker lange appears to be a tradition that has been passed down from one generation to another. Before carrying out diasporic activities, travel provisions—physical and spiritual—need to be prepared (Hafidz, 2020).

The travel provisions are not only always prepared by the Bawean people but also guarded and distributed in the foreign lands where they live. Physical provision is not in the form of material alone—the physical provision in this context denotes a form of self-defence skills. Martial art, often known as pencak silat, has become a tradition that continues to be maintained and developed (Hafidz, 2019, p. 154). By contrast, spiritual provision implies religious knowledge. Religion is an important part of the identity of the Bawean people, who are known as religious and always implement religious orders. In practising religion, most Bawean people practice the tarekat (Sufi order), namely the Qadiriyah wan Naqsyabandiyah (TQN) order. Some of the early immigrants from Bawean Island who came to Singapore were were known as ulama and had close relations with Singaporeans and even with the government. Many well-known ulama in Singapore were from Bawean, such as Ibrahim bin Ramli (1895-1976), Mohd Hassan Ash’ari bin Mustafa al-Bakri (1921-2007), Kasim bin Adnan (1922-2011), Buang Masadin (1930-2009), Embek Ali (1929-2008), Mohamed Hafi bin Hakim (1936-2004), Asyik Mukri (1900-1952), Mahfudz Dahlan (1900-1966) and Ahmad Zohri bin Mutamim (1905-1985). These Bawean clerics usually come from the Tambak sub-district on Bawean Island which is known for producing many influential clerics (Saimawi, 2023).

The Bawean people in Singapore, besides being successful in adopting the traditions and assimilating with the community in a new place, also introduced the cultural heritage of the archipelago. Their presence has rendered Singapore an important place for strengthening the network of the 20th century Nusantara ulama. Their role in preserving and developing Nusantara traditions has gradually succeeded in changing the negative perceptions of the Bawean people among the Singaporeans. The legacy of the TQN tarekat is one of examples of the heritage of the archipelago in Singapore, which is evident even today. This legacy illustrates the role of the Bawean ulama and their networks in strengthening the positive image of the Bawean (Indonesian) people in Singapore. By practicing the tarekat, the Bawean people have not only preserved their identity but have also succeeded in spreading it to the local population of Singapore. Therefore, this article attempts to explain the traditions of the Bawean people on the island of Bawean and how the tarekat practice from Bawean spread to Singapore that help them to adapt and culturally contribute to the host country.

Methods

In this study, I employed an interdisciplinary method that combines the history and cultural studies. I use historical written and oral sources as well as an observation to analysis the significant role of the Bawean people in Singapore in spreading their traditions. One of important written sources is the history of TQN written specifically only for the followers while oral sources derived from the memory studies from the Bawean People in the island. The observation and interviews were carried out in Bawean island in 25-28 October 2020 and in Singapore, in 16-18 January 2023. Interviews with around fourteen of Baweanese figures both in Bawean island and in Singapore were held through online and face to face.

The data analysis process for this research involves a systematic examination of data from literature and interviews to uncover patterns, themes, and meanings. The primary focus is on comprehending the subtle nuances, experiences, and viewpoints of the participants. Several steps have been undertaken to analyze the data. These steps include reviewing or listening to the source materials, meticulously reading through the data to identify distinct concepts, ideas, or phrases, consistently comparing new data with established codes and themes to ensure accuracy and uniformity, documenting memos or notes that capture personal thoughts, reflections, and insights, revisiting and finalizing the themes and categories that best encapsulate the depth of the data, contemplating the implications, relationships, and interconnections among the themes, selecting pertinent quotes or excerpts from the data to exemplify and corroborate each theme, and lastly, composing a clear and organized research report that outlines the research objectives, methodologies, findings, and interpretations.

Results

Through observations on the island of Bawean, the author can feel the strong religious nuances of the Bawean people and the ongoing tradition of having a diaspora. Interviews with Bawean leaders on the island of Bawean, East Java, Indonesia and also in Singapore have provided many of their memories of the diaspora and how they practice religion through tarekat practice.

This study found that Bawean people played significant role in bringing the traditions of Bawean that is the sufi practice (tarekat) in Singapore. The figure who was very influential in this regard, is Mohd Hassan Ash’ari bin Mustafa al-Bakri (1921-2007). Through Bawean networks, he maintained these traditions prevailing in Singapore until today. Singaporean people become familiar with tradition of nusantara and even consider them as part of Singaporean traditions. The previous study of Bawean, such as by Vredenbreg (1964), tends to characterise Baweanese as low labour migrants and stigmatized as bomo (black magician), this study showed a different picture. Some Bawean people are respected as religious persons because of their role in bringing their religious practice and tradition from their home country to Singapore.

Discussion

In general, Bawean people are known as religious people. Islam become their identity both in the island and overseas. The tradition of ngoker lange makes Bawean people spread in many places including in Singapore. The oral tradition that encourages Baweans to seek out-of-island experiences has become popular. The Bawean diasporic tradition is ensconced in the following proverb, ‘ajhek nyengkap sewe’ mon ghitak ngoker lange’, ajhek ngoker lange’ mon ghitak cokop sangu laher batin’, which means, ‘do not open the dress of a woman (marry) before opening the sky (migrate), do not wander before you have enough internal and external provisions. Bawean identity is characterised by diasporic features, and the saying ‘you are not called a Bawean if you have never migrated’ is well-known (Hafidz, 2020).

Not only the tradition of Malay people has been influenced the Bawean people, the tradition of Bawean also deeply takes roots in Singapore practicing both Baweaneses and Singaporeans as well. To analysis their role in Singapore the cultural identities of people in the Bawean island and their cultural adaptation in Singapore through the practice of tarekat are elaborated in the following discussion.

Cultural identities of Baweanese people in the Island

When Vredenbregt (1964) researched Bawean Island referring to the 1961 population census, the Bawean population that adhered to a religion other than Islam was less than 0.1% and generally included residents who came from outside Bawean. The Baweans believe that 100% of the Bawean people are adherents of the Islamic religion (interview, Sanwil, 7 December 2018). The appreciation of Islam among the Bawean population is very strong, as illustrated by the many mosques and prayer rooms that are spread all over the island of Bawean. Each village in Bawean has at least one mosque, several langar (prayer rooms), and one madrasa. The mosque in Bawean is usually the most magnificent building in every village. The community also has great concern for the maintenance of mosques and people often cooperate mutually in the care and ambience of cleanliness of mosques, including celebrating religious activities such as the Prophet’s birthday, which is the liveliest activity on the Bawean Island.

As followers of the Nahdlatul Ulama organisation, the religious life of the Bawean community generally adheres to traditionalist Islam. Bawean also has those who follow modernist Islam, such as Muhammadiyah, although they are not dominant. Some Muhammadiyah followers come from Nahdlatul Ulama families that have received religious education at Muhammadiyah educational institutions in Java. Some of them are former Masyumi Party supporters, who founded Muhammadiyah as a forum for their activities, especially when the Masyumi Party was dissolved. Muhammadiyah supporters generally originate from the Palembang Kemas family (Rohmi, 2020, p. 68–97). As it is dominated by traditionalist religious orientations, the role of religious leaders (kiai) becomes very important, and their position is highly respected in society. This is in line with the results of the research conducted by Vredenbregt in the 1960s, which placed the kiai at the top in the social hierarchical structure, even above political rulers. The position of the kiai continues to remain at the top and is followed by the village head, hamlet head, and teacher in the social structure.

However, to obtain the position of kiai, several criteria must be met. First, kiai must be able to trace their descendants from a long series of kiai generations. Second, kiai must have extensive religious knowledge—the deeper the knowledge, the stronger the influence on society. Third, kiai is considered to have a great influence when he has many santri—the greater the number of santri, the more he exhibits the breadth of the insights of a kiai. Fourth, a kiai must be a good public servant, not distinguishing between rich and poor people when people approach him to share their problems (Asyhar, 2016, p. 34–35).

This very high religious atmosphere renders Bawean Island a suitable place for child education as well as place for old generation (Samwil, 2020). In addition to the pondok, mosque and langgar, several houses are commonly used as places for study and teach reading the al-Quran. According to the Bawean people, if the Bawean people can’t read the al-Quran is a disgrace to himself and his family (Wahid, 2017, p. 67–70).

In my direct observation of Bawean Island in October 2020, I witnessed a very strong religious atmosphere. At dawn, praises to God from the mosque and prayer room around the hotel can be usually heard. People who migrate from Bawean Island leaving their children at home usually entrust their children’s education to their grandparents. Children in Bawean receive general education in the morning and religious education in the afternoon (Kartono, 2004, p. 16). Religious education is usually provided by village kiai in their respective areas. Therefore, it is true that the island of Bawean itself is considered as the island of santri (devout Muslim) as described by Ali (1996, p. 415) that the daily life of the Bawean people is mostly influenced by Islamic teachings.

A strong understanding of religion is also reflected while celebrating Islamic holidays, including the celebration of the Prophet’s birthday (maulid). The Bawean Island celebrates the Prophet’s birthday in two ways, the maulid of the mosque and the maulid of the lurah. The maulid masjid is held in each hamlet or village mosque. Usually, the kiai gathers the community a week before the birthday celebration to consult on the celebration of the Prophet’s birthday to be held in their mosque. The entire cost of the celebration of maulid is met through donations from the villagers where the mosque exists as well as the well-to-do people in the village. In the celebration of the maulid masjid, a kiai plays a critical role, which illustrates the position of the kiai in society.

The peak of the maulid celebration is a large parade of birthday offerings provided by each family according to their wealth and prestige value. This maulid offering is arranged and decorated with various types of food, flags made of gold paper, and money. For this maulid offering, only a minimum limit is determined and given that the offering does not have a maximum limit, the celebrations resemble a prestige rivalry, a social competition. The less fortunate groups immediately bring their offerings to the langgar (small mosque), while the wealthy, who intend to show off their wealth, deliver their offerings in a procession around the village to the langgar or mosque. After the offerings arrive, the langar or mosque residents are provided the opportunity to view and assess the offerings. Here, the public openly criticises the quality and arrangement of existing offerings (Sugriyanto, 2018, p. 91–114).

The religious life in Bawean is inseparable from the practice of the tarekat. Bawean has a large order of TQN. On the 22nd of every month (according to the Arabic date), financially capable members of the tarekat are obliged to visit their teacher outside Java. Usually, each tarekat is led by a sheikh. The conditions required for a sheikh of the tarekat exceed those required by ordinary pious people. A sheikh must be able to show the network of the authority of his teachings (sanad) to the founder of his tarekat, even the Prophet.

The tarekat institutions in Bawean do not have a high mystical background; rather they tend to have a practical mystique that is based on the practice of dhikr accompanied by body movements. As a guide for carrying out this mysticism, they use a booklet compiled by their tarekat teacher. The members of the tarekat are fascinated by the personality of their murshid or caliph so that they can consider themselves to be invulnerable and not afraid of death in any way when the sheikh is with them. For example, a betel nut on the orders of the sheikh or the caliph is believed to have the power of a grenade, and those who possess it may not be able to shoot a firearm. Once they believe in the sheikh, they sometimes appear to be victims of excessive religious beliefs (Vredenbregt, 1964, p. 82).

In Bawean, as stated in Vredenbregt’s research, interactions between humans and genies still occur frequently. The common people at the time of Vredenbregt’s research believed the genie could perform important services. Thus, the function of the genie is analogous to that of magic. The sorcerer in the structure of Bawean society in the 1960s had a special position. However, since 1990, this group has begun to disappear. For example, the implementation of the service function of the genie can be seen in the daily activities of a fisherman. Usually, Bawean fishing boats are guarded day and night by the crew of the boat. According to the Bawean people’s belief at the time, if someone with bad intentions threw a tombstone into the boat, it would cause a huge disaster, including poor fishing results. The fishermen also sought help from the owner of the genie to guide them to the waters where the fish were abundant and provide the reasons for the lack of fishing output. However, in dialogue with residents, the habit of using witches or shamans began to disappear in the 1990s. This habit then gave rise to a stigma for Bawean people in Singapore to be known as sorcerers.

Cultural adaptation and Baweanese diaspora in Singapore

The arrival of Baweans in Singapore is estimated to have begun in 1849 when their number was approximately 763. However, the Baweans have been living in Singapore since 1828, although their presence was not included in a separate census. It was not until 1849 that they began to be referred to as the Boyan people. A large wave of Bawean migration to Singapore occurred during the 1901–1911 period when the Dutch East Indies colonial government began to impose high taxes (Aziz, 2015, p. 37). The famine that hit Bawean Island during the First World War forced thousands of Baweans in small boats to dock in Singapore. Their arrival in Singapore panicked immigration officials. They were allowed to enter only after a guarantee from the Singapore Bawean Association that they would be employed as labourers in Singapore and plantation workers on rubber plantations in Johor. According to the latest statistics, Singapore has approximately 60,285 Baweans, comprising 30,489 males and 29,796 females (Sundusiah, 2021)

The existence of Baweans in Singapore has also been recorded in some poems. In 1930, a poem titled Syair Saudara Bawean, written by an author from Bawean, mentions, ‘Marilah berlayar jangan berlat, ke Singapura namanya Selat, Pelayaran ada di dalam sebulan, Kurnia Tuhan dengan kebetulan’ (‘let us sail, do not be late, to Singapore the name of the Strait, the cruise is within a month, God’s grace by chance’). The arrival of Baweans, who are concentrated in Singapore, Johor, and Selangor, has been recorded since the 19th century. Another poem ‘Kampung Gelam Terbakar’, written by Munsyi Abdullah, narrates the arrival of Baweans in the 19th century. In the poem, Munsyi mentions the Javanese, Bugis, Keling, white people, and Bawean people. Further, the poem ‘Kampung Bawean Dimakan Api’, written in 1883, narrates the incidence of a large fire that occurred in Kampung Bawean around Old Singapore City, close to Kampung Jawa, Kampung Bugis, and Kampung Bali (Azhar, 2021).

At the beginning of their arrival, most Baweans worked on plantations and were low-class labourers. Those who had just arrived in Singapore were accommodated in a place called ponthuk, a shelter that was led by a chief called the lurah. Ponthuk itself is an important term in the Nusantara Islamic tradition and indicates a place for religious learning. In Singapore, the Malays are divided into two categories: first, the Malays who have lived in Singapore for generations or those who have migrated from Peninsular Malaysia; and second, people who have migrated from Indonesia, especially from Java and Bawean, and live in Singapore as the first, second, or third generation. However, Malays from Malaysia and Indonesia sometimes have blurred differences because of the marriage process between the members of these two groups. A close relationship with the Malays led Baweans to experience a process of acculturation by wearing Malay clothes. This influence also impacted their traditions, affecting the lives of the Bawean people in their place of origin. The Baweans are part of the Malay ethnic group as an ethnic minority in Singapore (Aljunied, 2006).

The Baweans in Singapore are ethnically very solid in terms of maintaining their identity. Vredenbregt was the leading scholar who wrote about the Bawean diaspora in Singapore in a book translated into Indonesian, titled Bawean and Islam (1990). According to Vredenbregt, Singapore is an ideal place for maintaining Bawean identity. This is understandable because Singapore’s position is very important as a transit point for the Bawean diaspora to other places. The Bawean diaspora spread from Singapore to other countries, including Malaysia, Vietnam, and Australia. For example, Baweans in Australia originated from the migration of the Bawean people who worked with British colonials on Christmas Island. However, when Christmas Island was handed over to Australia, some Baweans returned to Singapore, while some moved to Perth (Sulaiman, 2021).

According to Vredenbregt (1990, p.134), the Bawean people maintain their identity through various means. The Bawean tradition is maintained through the medium of the pondok; in the Bawean language, it is read as ponthuk, which means a shelter. The values of Bawean and Islamic traditions are maintained and continue to be taught through this medium (Sholik et al., 2016, p. 151). Ponthuk differs from Islamic boarding schools, which are Islamic educational institutions. In addition, the Bawean tradition is preserved in ponthuk through cultural activities related to the life cycle, including birth ceremonies, circumcisions, and marriages. In Ponthuk, pencak silat and religious practice (tarekat) are thought regularly (Sulaiman, 2021). There were five ponthuk led by a village chief called ‘kiai’ because of their expertise in the field of religion (Asnawi, 2021). Those kiai were Asyik Mukri (1900-1952), Mahfudz Dahlan (1900-1966), Burhan Mansur (1900-1985), Mohd Amin (1900-1966), and Ahmad Zohri bin Mutamim (1905-1985). This shows that in the past, the term ‘kiai’ derived from the Nusantara tradition was also used in Singapore. However, since 1990, the ponthuk can no longer be found as they were destroyed by the Singapore government to support the integration program into national identity. Currently, the term ‘kiai’ is no longer used and has been replaced with the term ‘ustadz.’

The Bawean people are a special community in Singapore known as the Boyan people because of the stigma attached to the Bawean people, who are believed by the Malays from Semenanjung Malaysia as those destined to be resurrected when they die as jelankung ghosts. They are perceived as shamans who have magical powers and bring wealth, as well as an attitude of envy towards others, which can affect others adversely. Bawean people are believed to have originated from pigs because the word Bawean itself comes from the word Babian (Aljunied, 2006).

The stigma seems to have developed in the early days of the arrival of the Baweans because of incomplete information about them. Before wandering, the Baweans always equip themselves with physical and spiritual provisions. This means that they provide knowledge of pencak silat and religion (Hafidz, 2020). However, the story of the Bawean people’s past as shamans with bad associations remains. This perception diminished after the Baweans demonstrated their role in managing the village where a Bawean village leader in Singapore, called the lurah, always played a major role in maintaining village order. Kampong became more orderly and safer because of religious teaching and maintaining traditions. In general, the Bawean people are highly respected because they are known for being knowledgeable, obedient, hardworking, and skilled in trading (Mansurnoor, 1998, p. 204).

Haji Buang Masadin, a prominent member of the Baweanese community, was honoured by the Singaporean President in 1984 for his cultural preservation efforts (personal collection of Bahrul Ulum).

In addition to the Singaporean government’s attempt to unify its citizens, resulting in the convergence of previously distinct populations and social frameworks, the Bawean people have also undergone cultural adjustments through diverse means. Marriage was also an important means of integrating the Bawean people with native Malays in Singapore. Through marriage, the negative image of the Baweans gradually diminished. This integration also impacted the fading of Bawean values and identity, especially for the third generation of young people, buttressed further by Singapore’s state policy that emphasises the importance of racial diversity (multi-racism) in Singapore society, where people from various ethnic groups are required to live in diverse areas. The pondok that became the identity of the Bawean people began to be evicted and replaced with apartment buildings inhabited by various tribes. Although in some cases, the Baweans still maintain their traditions, including the Bawean language, these have been gradually eroding. The desire to continue to exist as a separate ethnic group in Singapore amid the various obstacles they face has not stopped Baweans from displaying their identity in public. They still use the Bawean language despite the neighbours on either side of the apartment not understanding the language (Baharudin, 2020).

In the 1970s, the Malays had many privileges, which not only dissuaded Baweans from registering the Bawean tribe on their identity cards but also led them to identify themselves as Malays. Mentioning Bawean creates certain difficulties because Bawean is synonymous with Indonesia (Morni, 2021). This Bawean identity sometimes resulted in problems in citizenship, especially when Singapore became an independent country in 1965.

At one point in time, my sister’s identity was Bawean, but her nationality was Indonesian. This led to a problem in terms of identity, solidifying the identity of Bawean or Singaporean. Thus, when we talk about Singaporean identity, we are not talking about the Bawean people, implying that some type of negotiation is underway. In terms of citizenship, when I mention Bawean, I miss some of the privileges given that Singapore stands alone as an independent nation. This is an attempt to negotiate national identity. Naturally, given that Singapore has become an independent country, Bawean people born in Singapore calling themselves Bawean is problematic as they may be called immigrants from Indonesia despite being born in Singapore (Embek, 2021).

Using Bawean in Singapore as an ethnic group has decreased, and they identify more as Malays than Baweans. Bawean is a sub-ethnic group of Malay. However, not all of them relinquished their identity because some who remained with the Bawean identity still obtained their rights as Singaporean citizens, such as in the form of educational assistance. For example, Amanah Mustafi, who was born in Singapore, still has Bawean written on his identity card. He is proud to be a Bawean because his father came from Bawean and then moved to Singapore. His mother was Bawean but was born in Singapore. In 1981, he was able to study at a university and received a scholarship from the Singapore government despite using his Bawean ethnic identity (Amanah, 2021). Before Singapore was established as an independent country, a picture of the Garuda bird was attached to the houses of the Baweans.

To strengthen the Singaporean identity, the Baweans began to refer to themselves as Malays. Since they speak Malay and practice Islam they could easily claim as a member of the Malay world (Aguilar, 1999, p. 321). Having similarities in religion, language and culture, people of Indonesian origin and migrant workers are often known as ‘migrants of similarity’ in Malaysia. This is different from migrants from China and India who are commonly called ‘migrants of difference’ because they have different cultural backgrounds (Pillai, 2015, p. 153). Whilst in Vietnam, Bawean People face difficulty in embracing with national identity (Stokhof & Salemink, 2009). This fact confirms that the choice of destination country for Indonesians’ outmigration, according to Azis (2015, p. 103) is mostly influenced by religious affinity, culture, and language. The ability of the Bawean people to adapt in Singapore makes it a community that continues to grow and is recognized as an important part of the Singaporean community. Therefore, the example of the Baweanese population in Singapore illustrates a common trend among diaspora communities: the desire to uphold a connection to their ancestral culture while actively participating in the host culture and broader cultural spheres. Diaspora studies explore various dimensions of the diasporic experience, encompassing aspects like the shaping of identities, blending of cultures, engagement in transnational activities, and acts of resistance. Prinz (2019) posits that diaspora communities confront a deliberate decision-making process when it comes to embracing cultural diversity.

Recently, there has been a resurgence in the strengthening of Baweans’ identity. Ongoing endeavors are being undertaken to ensure the preservation of the Bawean community, including the establishment of the Bawean Association in Singapore (PBS). Additionally, the propagation and practice of tarekat by the Bawean people have made a constructive impact on the advancement of religion in Singapore.

The development of TQN in Singapore

As stated by Magu (2015, p. 635) the influence of people on the shaping of culture is very important, even for those who are part of a globalized world. The actions and options of people—agency—are essential for the development of cultural globalization, wherever it occurs. In this case the Baweanese people plays as an agency to navigate their culture in Singapore. Hall’s perspective on cultural circulation and globalization remains pertinent in comprehending how diaspora communities manage their identities and cultural traditions in an interconnected global context. He delved into the intricacies of cultural movement and its influence on diasporic identity dynamics (Hall, 2016). Besides having the ability to adapt to culture, the Bawean people try to influence and introduce their culture to countries of diaspora destination. Although at the beginning the aim of bringing culture from the country of origin was to maintain the Bawean identity, in the end the tarekat originating from the island of Bawean was able to influence the religious model in Singapore, especially among Malay Muslims.

According to a Bawean figure in Singapore, Morni Sulaiman, the Baweans who first arrived in Singapore were known for their martial arts and religious knowledge. The knowledge of self-defence is very useful because of the many challenges at the initial stages of their arrival as they must interact with several ethnic groups. The provision of religion is useful to enable them to teach religion and maintain religious norms for the Bawean community. Therefore, armed with self-defence and religion, Bawean people who migrate to Singapore easily adapt to their new society. They are neither aggressive nor look for enemies if they wander, despite being equipped with self-defence knowledge (Sulaiman, 2021)

The tarekat heritage, especially the TQN, was developed by the Baweans in Singapore. Initially, Sheikh Ahmad Khatib Sambas, who lived in Makkah, combined two tarekat, Qadiriyah and Naqsyabandiyah, into one tarekat, called TQN. He visited Singapore and other islands in the archipelago to spread the TQN, which was later succeeded by his student, Sheikh Abdul Karim. He lived in Singapore and Indonesia. After the death of Abdul Karim, TQN was developed by two of Ahmad Khatib’s students, namely Kiai Tholhah and Hasbillah. Both of them independently became TQN murshids in different regions in Indonesia. Sheikh Hasbillah was often called a Madurese, although he was from Bawean. Bruinessen (2012, p. 267) wrote this figure under the name Kiai Ahmad Hasbullah bin Muhammad from Madura.

Furthermore, TQN in Singapore was developed by Sheikh Usman from Surabaya who was not from Bawean, although many of his students were Baweans, including those in Singapore. Sheikh Usman was a student of Kiai Romly from Jombang, East Java, obtained the TQN authority from his brother-in-law, Kiai Kholil Juremi, who received the tarekat in Jabal Qubais, Mecca, and apparently learned from Sheikh Hasbillah, the successor of Sheikh Abdul Karim.

The TQN in Singapore consists of two main groups. The first group is the TQN congregation that follows Kiai Usman from Surabaya, and most of his followers are Bawean people. The second group is the TQN congregation that follows the leadership line from Suryalaya, West Java, which is a tarekat network that follows Kiai Tholhah’s path. The TQN Suryalaya started to develop in 1972 when Haji Ali bin Sarbini, a student of Abah Sepuh, began his business in Singapore. He later became the talqin representative of TQN Suryalaya in Singapore. Therefore, the TQN in Singapore follows two different paths from that in Indonesia, even though they both originated from one murshid, namely Sheikh Ahmad Khatib Sambas and Sheikh Abdul Karim. These differences in leadership paths have caused some rivalries among the TQN followers in Singapore (Embek, 2021).

Even though Kiai Usman’s TQN line comes from Kiai Romly, who got the leadership authority from Sheikh Kholil Juremi through Sheikh Hasbillah Bawean, Kiai Usman did not recognised Kiai Mustain Romly as murshid succeeded his father because of political issues. When Kiai Mustain Romly, supported the Golkar party in 1977 while many followers still backed the Union Development Party, Kiai Usman chose to establish an independent TQN in Surabaya.

Asnawi (2015, p. 128) briefly discussed the role of the Bawean ulama in the TQN network in Singapore. Sheikh Hasbillah Al-Habsyi was a key figure in the TQN network in Singapore and Indonesia. Sheikh Hasbillah had an Arab origin, but he lived in Singapore and Bawean. He left the holy land at the age of 12 due to the political turmoil in Saudi Arabia and the rise of the Saud dynasty supported by the Wahhabi group. He was helped by Habib Nuh from Singapore and Maulana Ishaq from Surabaya. Maulana Ishaq was the grandfather of Sheikh Usman, who later became the leader of TQN, and had students in Singapore and Bawean. Sheikh Hasbillah stayed in Singapore for two years before he was entrusted to one of the families of Kemas Haji Jamaluddin, who was the main agent of KPM shipping. He then settled in Bawean and married a Bawean woman. His family still resides on Bawean Island. He also went back to Mecca to study Islam when the situation there became stable. He received the TQN leadership from Sheikh Abdul Karim and taught it to students from the Indonesian archipelago. Among his students from Indonesia were Sheikh Khalid bin Khalil from Bawean and Kiai Usman Al-Ishaqy from Surabaya (Asnawi, 2015, p. 15–129). In this case, Kiai Usman had two lines of tarekat, from Kiai Romly and Kiai Hasbillah.

Sheikh Usman then developed the TQN network in Singapore. He did not directly introduce TQN among the Bawean people in Singapore. Some of the Bawean people who went to Singapore were already members of TQN, while others were introduced to it through the efforts of Bawean people in Singapore who travelled to Surabaya to pledge allegiance to Kiai Usman. In fact, before the disciples of Kiai Usman from Bawean developed TQN in Singapore, a disciple of Kiai Romly named Mohd Hassan Ash’ari bin Mustafa al-Bakri (1921-2007) had already introduced TQN to the Bawean community in Singapore (Pergas, 2019, p. 64). However, both Kiai Ash’ari and Kiai Usman were the asistance of the Murshid (khalifah) of Kyai Romly and later Kyai Mustain Romly from Jombang.

Kiai Muhammad Hassan Ash’ari was born on November 11, 1921, in Kampung Pekalongan, Tambak, Bawean Island, Indonesia. His early education was provided by his father, Kiai Mustafa Al-Bakri, a respected religious teacher in their village. As a student, Ash’ari exhibited notable diligence and intelligence. At the age of 14, he set out to Java to pursue studies at Pondok Pasantren Peterongan in Jombang, East Java. Here, he came under the mentorship of Kiai Romly Tamim, in Jombang, East Java. Kiai Ash’ari devoted several years to learning from Kiai Romly and other educators in Java. Following the local custom of sending young men abroad for experience and livelihood opportunities, Kiai Ash’ari undertook a voyage to Singapore in the 1940s (Pergas, 2019, p. 63).

During his stay in Singapore, Kiai Ash’ari actively participated in religious classes conducted by several renowned scholars, including Syed Abdullah bin Syeikh Balfaqeh, who served as the second principal of Madrasah Aljunied Al-Islamiah. He also received guidance from Sanusi bin Mahmood, Singapore’s first Mufti, and Ahmad Zohri Mutamim, who was one of the appointed khalifahs responsible for mentoring a group of students from Thoriqah Al-Qadiriyyah wan Naqsyabandiyyah at Masjid Alkaff in Peng Gheck Avenue, Potong Pasir, Singapore. These students were under the supervision of Murshid Kiai Muhammad Uthman bin Nadi Al-Ishaqi from Surabaya (Pergas, 2019, p. 65).

In 1965, Bisri Shamullah went to Sawapuluh, Surabaya, to pledge allegiance as a member of TQN (Thoriqoh Qadiriyyah Naqsyabandiyyah). In 1969, he visited Surabaya again with his friend Majid Mogni Hadan to take the TQN pledge under Syaikh Usman. After returning to Singapore, the spread of TQN began to attract the attention of Baweanese people who wanted to join TQN. In 1974, a group of six people—Shamullah, Mogni Hadan, Salleh Natui, Osman, Khairun Shai’in, and Mujli Osman—traveled to Surabaya to pledge allegiance with Syaikh Usman. Pledging allegiance in TQN can be done multiple times under the same Murshid. These six individuals were then recognized as the pioneers of TQN in Singapore among the Baweanese community. The tarekat activities took place at Pondok Peranakan Gelam, 64 Club Street, and were attended by only a few people (Jamaah Al-Khidmah Singapura, 2006, p. 12). The activities of TQN in Singapore became more extensive when Kiai Usman was invited to Singapore in 1975 to directly supervise the Bawean people as members of the tarekat community.

Shortly following Kiai Usman’s arrival, Kiai Mustain Romly, who had taken on the role of successor murshid after Kiai Romly, visited Singapore in the years 1976, 1977, and 1978 to administer the oath to his followers. He conducted the pledging activities at the Bawean Mosque in Kampong Kapor and at Ponthuk Gelam Street. As a result, the TQN membership increased to about 1,500 followers. However, in 1977, Kiai Mustain’s support for Golkar caused many khalifahs to oppose him, and Kiai Usman decided to establish an independent TQN and became the murshid. Kiai Ash’ari, who was originally a khalifah of Kiai Mustain, also joined Kiai Usman’s TQN. Since then, TQN in Singapore has been under the leadership of Kiai Usman. The Bawean diaspora network played a crucial role in consolidating TQN under Kiai Usman. Even though the name Kai Romly is still used in the sanad of TQN Al-Usmaniyah, TQN in Singapore no longer follows Kiai Mustain Romly.

Kiai Usman sits on a prayer mat teaching the Koran to his students in Singapore in 1982. Source, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=sAcRsbd513c.

After Kiai Usman’s death in 1984, his son Kiai Asrori Al-Ishaqi became the new murshid. He regularly visited his students in Singapore and named the tarekat that followed his father’s path as Thoriqoh Qadiriyah wan Naqsyabandiyah Al-Usmaniyah. In 2004, he asked his disciples to form Al-Khidmah, which coordinates all activities of TQN Al-Usmani in Indonesia and abroad.

Kiai Asrori’s passing in 2009 left a leadership gap in TQN, leading to a decline in its activities among the Bawean people in Singapore. Currently, Ustadz Saimawi from Bawean is the only representative of TQN who has the authority to lead prayers and recitations as an imam khususy. However, he cannot accept new members’ pledges of allegiance. During Kiai Asrori’s leadership, there were around 5,000 TQN Al-Usmani disciples in Singapore, but now there are only about 200 left (Saimawi, 2023).

The reason for the decline in the number of TQN followers in Singapore who followed Kiai Usman’s path was due to the absence of a replacement murshid for Kiai Asrori. As a result, until now TQN Al-Usmaniyah in Singapore is only led by an imam khususy without any guidance from murshid from Indonesia. The split of TQN due to political reasons and differences in sects also caused its development to be hampered. At least currently there are two TQNs in Singapore, namely TQN Al-Usmaniyah and TQN Suryalaya. The two tarekat originally came from the same stream but then developed with different leaders.

Conclusion

The diasporic tradition of Baweans has been prevalent for a long time. Bawean Island, which is at the tip of the island of East Java, is strategically located for transit. This facilitated Bawean Island becoming a type of melting pot for various ethnic groups in Indonesia, such as Javanese, Bugis, and Palembang. The launch of shipping lines that connect the island of Bawean with the islands of Java, Sumatra, and Singapore enhances Bawean’s strategic significance and encourages its inhabitants to migrate. Before the opening of the shipping lanes, Baweans used traditional boats for migration. However, with the opening of shipping lanes between islands and countries, the migration trend has become stronger.

However, before Baweans migrate, they need sufficient supplies and the provisions in this context refer to the internal and external provisions. Their entire knowledge was acquired in their hometowns since their childhood. They used to study in the mosque or mushalla around the village to explore and inherit their traditions. The Bawean diaspora, including those in Singapore, has been known as diligent and religious people. Religious knowledge allows them to teach religious norms to the community while also helping them gain respect. The diasporic traditions armed with religious knowledge, which are embodied in the practice of TQN, have enabled Baweans to become Singaporean citizens who are easily accepted, and most importantly, can eliminate the stigma attached to Baweans as sorcerers and practitioners of black magic.

There is still a lot of research space that needs to be developed in relation to the Bawean diaspora in Singapore. Singapore as a multicultural country has received a lot of influence from foreign cultures, including Bawean. The Bawean community has an important role in Singapore society, especially in developing a peaceful face of Islam through tarekat.Further research needs to be carried out, especially in analyzing more deeply the dynamics of TQN development in Singapore and how frictions begin to develop between TQN adherents of different streams

Acknowledgments

The authors would like to thank Universitas Indonesia for funding this research through the Grant Scheme of Penelitian Dasar Unggulan PerguruanTinggi Kementerian Riset dan Teknologi/Badan Riset dan Inovasi Nasional with contract number NKB 078/UN2.RST/HKP.05.00/2021.

Disclosure Statement

The author report there are no competing interests to declare.

Additional information

Funding

This study was supported by the Kementerian Riset dan Teknologi /Badan Riset dan Inovasi Nasional.

Notes on contributors

Yon Machmudi

Yon Machmudi earned his doctoral degree from the Faculty of Asian Studies at the Australian National University (ANU) in Canberra in 2007, with a specialization in Islam in Southeast Asia and the Middle East. His research has encompassed various topics, including the Impact of Social Changes and Modernization of Pesantren on the Decline of Ulama’s Authority in Indonesia (2013-2015), The Transformation of Darul Islam in Indonesia (2015-2017), Malay Ottoman Relations (2020-2021), and Bawean Diaspora in Southeast Asia (2020-2022). He has authored several books, including “Islamising Indonesia: The Rise of Jemaah Tarbiyah and the Prosperous Justice Party” (2008), “Hajj with Love” (2014), “Tarbiyah Cinta Imam Ghazali” (2015), “Profile and History of Indonesian Islamic Organizations” (2015), “The Contemporary Middle East History: The Leadership in Saudi and Libya” (2016), “Diaspora Bawean” (2020), “Middle East in Focus” (2021), and “Afghanistan in the New Era: The Triumph of Taleban” (2021). Currently, he serves as an associate professor at the Department of History within the Faculty of Humanities at Universitas Indonesia and holds the position of the head of Islamic and Middle East Studies at the School of Strategic and Global Studies, also at Universitas Indonesia.