Strategies of reprimand in Saudi Spoken Arabic: a sociopragmatic study

Abstract

This study investigates reprimand strategies in spoken Arabic within the societal context of Saudi Arabia. A total of 60 Saudi citizens, equally distributed between 30 males and 30 females, participated in the study. Data collection took place at the Riyadh Park Mall, where participants were asked to complete a Discourse Completion Task (DCT) consisting of ten questions in five different contexts. The approach adopted in this study draws on García’s categorization of reprimanding strategies in conjunction with Brown and Levinson politeness theory. The analysis focused on participants’ responses and their use of positive and negative strategies to achieve their interactional goals. The study reveals that reprimand strategies vary based on context and relationships. The bald-on record strategy prevails in familial settings, while positive politeness, negative politeness, and off-record strategies are evident in professional or public spaces. No notable distinctions were observed between males and females in terms of the utilization of reprimand strategies. However, age influences strategy choices, as older individuals tend to favor direct approaches, and assertive personalities align with direct strategies. These findings contribute valuable insights into the interplay of linguistic, cultural, and contextual elements shaping reprimand practices in Saudi Spoken Arabic.

Keywords:

• Reprimand strategies
• Saudi Spoken Arabic
• politeness
• discourse completion task
• sociopragmatic aspects

SUBJECTS:

• Sociolinguistics; Interdisciplinary Language Studies; Applied Linguistics

REVIEWING EDITOR:

• Jeroen van de Weijer, College of International Studies, Shenzhen University, Guangdong, China

1. Introduction

Effective communication is not only essential for conveying information but also for maintaining social order, norms, and interpersonal relationships. A fundamental aspect of communication is the use of reprimands which often serves as a disciplinary measure and considered statements designed to address misbehavior and reduce the likelihood or frequency of the behavior someone is addressing (Caldarella et al., 2021). Reprimands are powerful speech acts often delivered by authority figures to express dissatisfaction with someone’s serious wrongdoing (Al-Shemmerya et al., 2020). Overlapping with similar speech acts like rebuking, they can be challenging to distinguish and usually require the recipient to halt a particular behavior (Abdulraheem & Hassoon, 2021). Although reprimands can be humiliating, private ones tend to be more effective and cause less disaffection (Dozie & Otagburuagu, 2019). Reprimands have also been labeled as negative communication (Rathel et al., 2008). So, reprimanding is an essential aspect of communication in any culture, and it serves various functions, including correction, guidance, and reinforcement.

Reprimands are subject to felicity conditions, mutually agreed upon by speakers and addressees, shaping linguistic structures for effective communication. Mulholland (1991) outlines two essential conditions for successful reprimands. Speakers must wield authority over addressees, granted either by position or recognition, and maintain moral integrity. Accurate knowledge of the issue is crucial, as flawed information damages relationships. Reprimands should also be acceptable to witnesses, ensuring their impact. Addressees, in turn, must see the speaker as suitable and have engaged in recent, evidenced misconduct warranting reprimand.

Wierzbicka (1987) categorizes various speech acts, such as reprimand, rebuke, and insult, into the ‘reprimand group’. While they all convey a negative judgment of the person’s actions, they differ in intensity and the specific aspects they focus on. Reprimand and rebuke are strong and show current anger, aiming to annoy or even punish the person. However, reprimand also has an aspect of discipline and correction. Reproof talks about expected behavior, while reproach shows shared standards and resentment. Scolding shows a strong disapproval, commonly seen in a parent-child or teacher-student situation. Admonition, similar to reprimand, gives corrective feedback but it is less harsh and does not aim to punish or require the speaker to be in a higher position.

Based on the above, it can be seen that reprimands are not just about correction; they encompass broader sociopragmatic implications, reflecting the values and conventions of a society. The way reprimands are formulated and delivered can vary significantly across different regions and social contexts within the country (Dozie & Otagburuagu, 2019), and this makes the phenomenon more complex and worthy of investigation. In addition, research exploring aspects of pragmatic knowledge employed by speakers of diverse languages is crucial for achieving successful communication (Remache & Altakhaineh, 2021). In Saudi Arabia, a diverse and culturally rich nation, there are unique customs, traditions, and sociopragmatic norms. The use of reprimands in Saudi Spoken Arabic is deeply intertwined with these cultural and linguistic dimensions, making it an important area of study.

While the study of reprimand strategies was given significant attention in the broader field of linguistics and sociolinguistics, a noticeable gap persists in the exploration of such strategies within the context of spoken Arabic in Saudi Arabia. Existing research has mainly focused on reprimands in various linguistic and cultural settings, but there remains a scarcity of studies that specifically focus on the sociopragmatic aspects of reprimand strategies within the unique sociocultural context of Saudi society. Moreover, much of the current literature tends to neglect the influence of sociodemographic factors such as age and gender on reprimand practices.

To bridge this gap, this study aims to contribute to the existing body of knowledge by investigating the linguistic, cultural, and contextual dimensions of reprimand strategies in Saudi Spoken Arabic. By doing so, it seeks to provide a comprehensive understanding of how linguistic choices in reprimands are associated with cultural norms and sociodemographic characteristics. Through the exploration of these dynamics, the study not only addresses a notable research gap but also contributes valuable insights to the broader discourse on sociopragmatic studies and the interaction between language and culture. More specifically, it aims to answer the following research questions:

1. What are the most frequent reprimand strategies used within Saudi Spoken Arabic?

2. How do individuals with varying sociodemographic characteristics (age and gender) employ reprimand strategies in Saudi Spoken Arabic?

3. What insights does the examination of age and gender differences provide into the sociopragmatic dynamics of reprimands within the context of Saudi Spoken Arabic?

Overall, this study contributes to a broader understanding of sociopragmatic studies in the field of linguistics and sociolinguistics. It explores the relationship between language and culture, emphasizing the significance of language in shaping social behavior and maintaining harmony within diverse communities. By focusing on the use of reprimand strategies in Saudi Spoken Arabic, this study advances the comprehension of communication practices and offers valuable insights for sociolinguists and intercultural communication experts who seek a deeper understanding of the interplay between language and culture in Saudi Arabia.

2. Previous studies

Several studies have explored various aspects of reprimand and related speech acts. One example is the study conducted by Frescura (2006) on the reactive behavior of smokers when reprimanded for violating no-smoking regulations in Italian hospitals to investigate the responses of smokers when reprimanded for disregarding no-smoking regulations in two hospitals located in Northern Italy. The research aimed to explore the types of reactive behavior exhibited by smokers following a reprimand. The data collected and analyzed for this study were spontaneous in nature. The analysis revealed various forms of verbal and non-verbal reactions displayed by the offenders. Additionally, the potential influence of gender on the nature of these reactions, particularly among individuals of equal social status, was examined. Surprisingly, the study did not observe a single instance of compliance among the offenders. However, there were indications that in cases where the reprimander held a position of authority, compliance was more likely to occur, irrespective of social distance and gender. The findings of this study shed light on the current state of adherence to no-smoking regulations in Italian hospitals.

The study highlights the influence of authority on compliance and suggests a gendered perspective, with no attention given to age. In addition, it mainly focuses on a specific context (Italian hospitals) and lacks a broader cross-cultural analysis. Frescura’s (2006) study is different from the current study in that the latter explores how reprimand is communicated in Saudi Arabic language in daily interactions, considering sociocultural norms and conventions in the Saudi society, not verbal and non-verbal reactions of smokers in response to reprimands and the role of gender and authority in compliance.

Another study was conducted by García (2009) that explored regional pragmatic variation in the expression of reprimands among Peruvians, Venezuelans, and Argentineans. Drawing upon Spencer-Oatey’s (2002) rapport management framework, the study used role-play scenarios to examine the preferences and strategies employed by each group when expressing reprimands. The findings revealed that all three groups prioritized their transactional wants in the reprimands. However, notable differences emerged in terms of behavioral expectations and the respect or threat to their own and/or the addressees’ identity face. Peruvian individuals demonstrated a coercive approach, highlighting the power dynamics among participants. They also displayed an independent stance, showing little concern for defending or threatening their own identity face. Conversely, individuals from Venezuela and Argentina exhibited a preference for an interdependent self-construal, displaying a stronger desire to preserve their identity face.

Ahmadian and Vahid Dastjerdi (2010) also conducted a cross-cultural research study aimed at exploring how reprimand speech acts are perceived in American English and Iranian culture. The study involved the participation of 25 Americans and 35 Iranians, who engaged in role-play scenarios and completed questionnaires as data collection tools. The results indicated cultural variations in the perception of reprimands. Iranians placed a stronger emphasis on the variable of social power, whereas Americans considered equal rights to be more significant. Furthermore, the study found that the perception of reprimand politeness was not influenced by social distance in both American and Iranian cultures. However, individuals in positions of authority, such as parents and teachers, were observed to engage in reprimands more frequently when addressing instances of misconduct. These results shed light on the cultural aspects that influence the perception of reprimands and contribute to a deeper understanding of cross-cultural communication dynamics.

Both studies reviewed above employed role-play scenarios to examine preferences and strategies used by the study’s participants, but the current study used another method, that is, Discourse Completion Task, to collect participants’ responses. In addition, both studies conduct comparative analysis between different cultures, that is, Peruvians, Venezuelans, and Argentineans and the Western and Middle Eastern cultural. This study, on the other hand, involves participants from the Saudi Arabian context only, ensuring cultural relevance and linguistic authenticity. The main focus is on how sociopragmatic aspects influence the use of reprimand strategies.

Moreover, Dozie and Otagburuagu (2019) examined the perception and expression of the reprimand speech act in the conversational English of Igbo native speakers. The investigation focused on the role of politeness as a conversational strategy in the reprimands produced by Igbo bilinguals. A purposive sampling process was employed, and 3000 questionnaires in the form of a Discourse Completion Task, depicting ten role-play scenarios between interlocutors written in English, were distributed to undergraduate students of Igbo extraction attending seven systematically selected universities in the South-East and South-South zones of Nigeria. The results indicate that reprimands represent conversational norms among Igbo bilinguals and are noticeable in their English language interactions when addressing incidents of misconduct. Additionally, the findings revealed that achieving the conversational demands of the reprimand speech act involves considering context, social status, social distance, and severity of the offense for effective communication across horizontal, vertical, and diagonal relationships. These factors influence the choice and use of specific reprimand strategies. The study concludes that speech acts are culture-bound, highlighting the importance of incorporating pragmatic aspects into language teaching to enhance cross-cultural communication.

Another relevant study was conducted by Al-Shemmerya et al. (2020). The aim of their research was to explore how Iraqi English as a Foreign Language (EFL) undergraduate students use the speech act of reprimand, focusing on specific conceptual foundations. Additionally, the study aimed to assess the students’ proficiency in recognizing and generating reprimands, as well as identify the errors they make and the underlying causes. The research was conducted with fifty fourth-year students from the Department of English, College of Arts at the University of Kufa during the 2017–2018 academic year. The findings indicate that a majority of Iraqi EFL learners encounter significant challenges in employing reprimands and tend to rely on other related speech acts. These difficulties are evident in the students’ performance on tasks involving both recognition and production, where incorrect responses outnumber the correct ones. Moreover, the study revealed that Iraqi EFL learners struggle to identify whether a speech act qualifies as a reprimand or not.

Both studies above share a common theme of exploring reprimands in non-native English-speaking contexts and contribute valuable insights within their contexts, emphasizing the importance of cultural and linguistic factors in the use of reprimands. While this study too explores reprimands in a non-native English-speaking context, it systematically examines the sociodemographic factors (age and gender) influencing reprimand practices, which were not given much attention in this field of study.

While existing literature has extensively investigated reprimands across diverse cultural settings, there is a noticeable void when it comes to a dedicated examination of reprimand strategies in Arabic, particularly within the nuanced cultural landscape of Saudi Arabia. This study aims to fill this research gap by delving into the intra-cultural communication patterns and cultural values associated with reprimands within the Saudi Arabian context.

The distinctive contribution of this study lies in its focused exploration of reprimand speech acts within the specific cultural and linguistic context of Saudi Spoken Arabic. By narrowing the focus to Saudi Spoken Arabic, the study aims to discover the aspects that guide their use in this specific language and culture. The literature review highlights that previous research has made significant contributions to the understanding of perception and production of reprimand speech acts; however, this study recognizes the absence of a comprehensive exploration of reprimands in the Arabic language, and specifically, in the unique linguistic and cultural setting of Saudi Arabia.

Moreover, the distinctive aspect of the current study extends beyond merely addressing the gap in Arabic reprimand research. It is noteworthy that reprimand speech acts, as a communicative phenomenon, have received relatively less attention compared to other speech acts such as requests, apologies, compliments, and expressions of gratitude. The current study, by prioritizing the investigation of reprimands, seeks to address this gap by focusing on the examination of reprimands, thereby enhancing the overall understanding of communication dynamics.

Furthermore, this study uniquely stands out by explicitly incorporating gender and age as variables in the analysis of reprimand speech acts. To the best of the author’s knowledge, these factors have not been studied comprehensively in the specific context of Saudi Spoken Arabic. This deliberate inclusion of gender and age as variables reflects commitment to providing a deep understanding of the sociopragmatic dimensions of reprimands within Saudi society.

In summary, this study aims to both bridge the essential gap in reprimand research within Arabic and enrich intra-cultural research. It seeks to provide a detailed view on communication habits, cultural beliefs, and the impact of gender and age on reprimand strategies within Saudi Spoken Arabic. Through this distinctive focus, the study strives to enhance communication effectiveness within both intra-cultural and intercultural settings, ultimately advancing the broader field of pragmatic research on Saudi Arabic.

3. Methodology

3.1. Study participants

In this study, there were 73 participants in total. However, it was found that 13 discourse completion tasks could not be analyzed properly as some participants did not take the scenarios with sufficient seriousness. Hence, the actual study participants included 60 Saudi citizens, equally distributed between 30 males and 30 females. Data collection took place at the Riyadh Park Mall from 15th to 18th October 2023. During this period, individuals were approached and requested to fill a form and respond to a series of questions. The form included questions about the participants’ age, nationality, and dialect. Participants were also informed about the purpose of the research, and their consent was obtained when they filled out the form because it included a section for signing consent.

All participants were native speakers of Arabic, speaking the Najdi dialect, which is one of the major dialects spoken in Saudi Arabia. This information was collected from participants in the form they filled. The participants were categorized into different age groups following Kotkowski et al. (2022)’s Classification: early adult (18–25 years), young adult (26–45 years), and middle-aged adult (46–65 years). Within each age category, ten participants were selected from both genders. The convenience sampling method was used to gather the participants’ responses for the designed Discourse Completion Task. This sampling method was chosen due to its convenience and practicality in obtaining participant responses for the study (Etikan et al., 2016).

3.2. Data collection tool

The data collection tool used in this study was the DCT. Participants were approached at the mall and presented with the task, which consisted of ten questions across five different contexts. The DCT served as a structured framework for get specific responses from participants regarding the research topic. The scenarios presented before the participants were asked in Standard Arabic, yet the participants wrote their answers in Saudi Arabic. Each participant needed 15 to 20 min to complete the task. The specific questions asked to participants can be found in Appendix 1. The examples discussed in the study are transliterated according to the International Phonetic Alphabet (IPA) system.

There are limitations associated with DCTs that are commonly discussed in the pragmatic literature, the most important of which is that the scenarios presented in DCTs are always simplified, and they may not capture the complexity and variability of actual communication (Cyluk, 2013). In addition, DCTs often lack the rich contextual embedding that characterizes natural language use. Participants may not fully consider the social, cultural, and situational nuances that play a crucial role in shaping communication strategies. To this end, context was detailed and explained as much as possible.

Despite its limitations, the DCT provides a structured and controlled environment for comparing responses across different scenarios. For example, the standardized nature of DCTs allows for consistency in data collection. All participants receive the same set of scenarios. Furthermore, Brown and Levinson (1987) politeness theory, which this study employs for analysis, often involves examining communicative strategies in response to hypothetical situations. The DCT aligns well with this theoretical framework, facilitating the exploration of politeness strategies in reprimands.

The DCT scenarios presented to the participants were modified or diversified to represent a range of social distances. For instance, some scenarios involved interactions between friends and family members, while others depicted more formal or distant relationships such workplace and public places. Scenarios also included situations where one person holds more authority or is in a position of dominance over the other. Acknowledging that social distance and dominance dynamics can vary across cultures, the DCT scenarios were adapted to suit the specific cultural context of the participants, that is, the Saudi context. Participants’ answers were also very context-specific and culturally bound.

Following data collection, the collected responses were analyzed, and the Chi-square value and significance level (Sig.) were calculated to determine if statistically significant differences existed in the responses.

3.3. Data analysis

The approach adopted in this study draws on García’s (1996) categorization of reprimanding strategies in conjunction with Brown and Levinson (1987) politeness theory. This combination provides the theoretical framework that is used for understanding how individuals employ language, particularly in the context of reprimands, to manage their interactive goals while preserving face.

3.3.1. Brown and Levinson’s politeness theory (1987)

Brown and Levinson’s politeness theory is a key framework in the study of language and communication. The main focus of their theory is the concept of ‘face’, which refers to an individual’s public self-image and the desire for positive social evaluation. They distinguish between positive face (the desire to be liked and appreciated) and negative face (the desire for independence, autonomy, and non-imposition). The politeness strategies, as classified by Brown and Levinson, include:

1. Bald-on Record: Direct and clear communication without attempting to soften the impact, suitable for situations where the speaker holds authority.

2. Positive Politeness: Strategies that emphasize closeness, solidarity, and making the hearer feel valued, such as seeking agreement, finding common ground, using humor, and offering promises.

3. Negative Politeness: Focused on respecting the hearer’s personal space and autonomy, employing indirect language, asking questions, using hedges, and showing deference.

4. Off-record: Strategies involving hinting or implying the speaker’s intention instead of stating it explicitly, such as giving hints, presupposing, using vague or ambiguous language, and employing rhetorical questions.

Critics argue that politeness theory, even though it is influential, has limitations that may affect its applicability and explanatory power in certain contexts. For example, one of the primary criticisms is the theory’s limited consideration of cultural variability in politeness norms. Critics argue that politeness strategies may vary significantly across cultures, and a universal model may not adequately capture these cultural differences (Kitamura, 2000). In addition, some scholars criticize the theory for its simplistic approach to politeness as real-world communication often involves complex interactions that may not fit into the binary categories of positive politeness, negative politeness, and bald-on-record strategies (Al-Hindawi & Alkhazaali, 2016).

Despite these critiques, the politeness theory remains a widely used and influential framework for analyzing communication strategies. First, the politeness theory aligns well with the task’s design, which involves participants responding to hypothetical scenarios that may involve face-threatening acts. In addition, the theory’s categorization of politeness strategies into positive politeness, negative politeness, and bald-on-record provides a practical structure for analyzing reprimand strategies. This facilitates a systematic examination of the data and helps draw meaningful comparisons. Overall, politeness theory still offers a foundation that can be adapted and applied across different cultural contexts. Its core concepts can be valuable for exploring how individuals manage face and politeness in various social settings.

3.3.2. García’s (1996) categorization of reprimanding strategies:

According to García (1996), positive politeness strategies are essentially common linguistic behaviors seen among close acquaintances. These behaviors routinely show mutual interest, approval, and shared knowledge, implicitly claiming reciprocity or reflexivity of wants. In the context of reprimanding or responding to a reprimand, these strategies could involve compliments, the promise of tolerance, offers to fix a problem, defining expected behaviors, moral guidance, or suggesting behavioral changes (García, 1996, p. 665).

Following the politeness strategies designed by Brown and Levinson, García’s (1996) work specifically focuses on reprimanding strategies, providing a detailed breakdown of how individuals express disapproval or correction. The categorization includes:

1. Bald On Record Strategies: (a) Accusing/Admonishing warning/threatening (b) Claiming authority (c) Presenting facts and evidence (d) Rejecting any explanation or request.

2. Positive Politeness Strategies: (a) Expressing gratitude (b) Presupposing, raising, or claiming common ground (c) Requesting cooperation (d) Requesting information or reasons (e) Statement of obligation and/or expected behavior (f) Giving advice/Recommending change of behavior (g) Moralization (h) Noticing or conserving for the hearer’s goods, wants, and needs (i) Giving respect to the hearer’s goods, sympathy, understanding, and cooperation.

3. Negative Politeness Strategies: (a) Indicating reluctance to offend/Minimizing the imposition (b) Apologizing.

4. Off Record Strategies: (a) Giving hints/Being conventionally indirect (b) Being ironic.

The integration of García’s categorization with Brown and Levinson’s politeness theory enriches the analysis of reprimanding strategies. It provides a comprehensive framework for understanding the different ways individuals express politeness, manage face, and handle reprimands in communication.

4. Results

4.1. Quantitative analysis results

Based on the dialogue DCT performed to conduct this study, Table 1 shows the frequency of each of reprimand strategies.

Table 1. Frequency of each of strategy.

Reprimand strategies	Frequency	Percentage
Bald On Record Strategies	198	33.0
Positive Politeness Strategies	133	22.2
Negative Politeness Strategies	167	27.8
Off Record Strategies	102	17.0
Total	600	100

Table 1 illustrates the different reprimand strategies employed, along with their respective frequencies and percentages. The most common strategy, accounting for 33.0% of the total, is the ‘Bald on Record’ approach. This strategy involves directly and explicitly expressing disapproval or criticism. The ‘Positive Politeness’ strategy, with a frequency of 133 and a percentage of 22.2%, focuses on tempering the reprimand with positive language or expressions to mitigate offense. Conversely, the ‘Negative Politeness’ strategy, with a frequency of 167 (27.8%), involves using indirect language and expressions to minimize potential face threats while conveying criticism. Lastly, the ‘Off Record’ strategy, with a frequency of 102 (17.0%), involves hinting or implying disapproval without explicitly stating it.

4.1.1. Reprimand strategies according to context

The analysis of politeness strategies employed for expressing reprimands across various social situations demonstrated variations in these strategies. Table 2 shows the frequency of each politeness strategy in each social situation discussed in the DCT.

Table 2. Frequency of each strategy in each social situation discussed in the DCT.

	At home	At the university	At work	In public places	Between friends
Bald on Record strategies	72	31	20	25	50
Positive Politeness strategies	14	33	32	31	23
Negative Politeness strategies	15	30	58	33	31
Off Record Strategies	19	26	10	31	16
Total	120	120	120	120	120

Table 2 provides a breakdown of the usage of different strategies across various contexts. The ‘Bald on Record’ strategy is employed most frequently in the context of friendships, with a count of 50 out of a total of 120 instances. However, it is also prevalent in the home (72), university (31), work (20), and public places (25). On the other hand, the strategy of ‘Positive Politeness’, characterized by the use of positive language and expressions, is most commonly employed in university settings (33), followed by work environments (32), public places (31), and friendships (23). The ‘Negative Politeness’ strategy is predominantly observed in work situations (58), with friendships (33), public places (31), universities (30), and homes (15) following suit. Lastly, the use of the ‘Off Record’ strategy exhibits variability across different contexts, with public places (31) recording the highest frequency.

4.1.2. Reprimand strategies according to gender

The frequency of each politeness strategy is illustrated in Table 3 based on the gender variable.

Table 3. Frequency of each strategy according to the gender variable.

	Males		Females		Total	Chi-square value	Sig
	Frequency	Percentage	Frequency	Percentage
Bald on Record strategies	109	36.3	89	29.7	198	3.257	0.354
Positive Politeness strategies	65	21.7	68	22.7	133
Negative Politeness strategies	77	25.7	90	30.0	167
Off Record Strategies	49	16.3	53	17.7	102
Total	300		300		600

Table 3 provides insights into the distribution patterns and possible gender differences in the use of various strategies, in addition to their corresponding frequencies and percentages. Regarding the ‘Bald on Record’ strategy, males account for 36.3% (109) of the total occurrences, while females make up 29.7% (89). The resulting chi-square value of 3.257 with a significance level of 0.354 suggests that there is no statistically significant difference in the employment of this strategy between males and females. Similarly, for the ‘Positive Politeness’ strategy, males account for 21.7% (65) and females for 22.7% (68), with no significant difference noted. The ‘Negative Politeness’ strategy sees males at 25.7% (77) and females at 30.0% (90), while the ‘Off Record’ strategy is deployed by males at 16.3% (49) and females at 17.7% (53). In total, the sample includes 300 males and 300 females, with a combined sample size of 600.

4.1.3. Reprimand strategies according to age

Table 4 shows the frequency of each politeness strategy according to the age variable.

Table 4. Frequency of each politeness strategy according to the age variable.

	Early adult (18–25 years)		Young adult (26–45 years)		Middle-aged adult (46–65 years)		Total	Chi-square value	Sig
	Frequency	Percentage	Frequency	Percentage	Frequency	Percentage
Bald on Record strategies	42	21.0	59	29.5	97	48.5	198	64.558	0.000
Positive Politeness strategies	37	18.5	50	25.0	46	23.0	133
Negative Politeness strategies	89	44.5	45	22.5	33	16.5	167
Off Record Strategies	32	16.0	46	23.0	24	12.0	102
Total	200		200		200		600

Table 4 displays data on the usage of various communication strategies among different age groups. The table shows that there are differences in the strategies used attributed to age, as indicated by the chi-square value (64.558), which is statistically significant at a level of less than (0.05). The cross-tabulation reveals that middle-aged adults (46–65) and young adults (26–45) tend to employ Bald on Record strategies. On the other hand, early adults (18–25) lean more towards using Negative Politeness strategies.

4.2. Qualitative analysis results

4.2.1. Bald-on record strategies

As previously mentioned, the bald-on record strategy is the most commonly used, accounting for 33% of the total strategies employed. One way to express a bald-on record reprimand strategy is threatening, along with accusing and warning. This strategy was extensively used in the home context where situations involved children and siblings. One example is presented below:

4.2.1.1. Accusing, warning, and threatening

(1) كم مرة اقولك الغاز مو لعبة وممكن يحرقك! لو كررتها بعاقبك.

kam marra agullak lɣa:z mu liʕbah wu mumkn yiħrugak! law karrartaha baʕa:qbak

How many times do I have to tell you that gas is not a game, and it can potentially harm you? If you do it again, I will punish you.

This example shows that threatening is used to warn the child about the potential dangers of playing with gas and the consequences that may follow if they continue to engage in such behavior. The statement in example (1) directly and explicitly reprimands the child. The strategy of threatening is used to emphasize the severity of the situation and warn about the consequences of repeating the behavior. Another reprimand strategy is showing authority which is mostly used with people who share a similar status. Example (2) below also shows this.

4.2.1.2. Claiming authority

(2) اعطيتك الكمبيوتر لكوني اثق فيك ماتوقعتها منك توقعتك اوعى وانبه من كذا رجاءً لا تاخذه مرة ثانية.

ʔaʕtaytak l-kumbjutar likawni ʔaθiq fi:k. ma: tawqqaʕtha mink. twqqaʕtik ʔawʕa wa-ʔanbah min kiða. radʒa:ʔan la taxðaẖ marra θa:nja

I gave you the computer because I trusted you. I didn’t expect this from you. I expected you to be careful and responsible. Please, do not take it again.

In example (2), the bald-on record reprimand strategy is used to address a sibling who lost important files on their sibling’s computer. The statement asserts the authority of the speaker and expresses disappointment in the sibling’s behavior. The reprimand is clear and direct, indicating that their actions were not in line with the expected responsibility and trust placed in them. The strategy employed here is claiming authority which is a strategy to demonstrate the authority of the person giving the reprimand and to remind the recipient of their responsibilities, despite both parties having equal status.

4.2.1.3. Presenting facts and evidence

(3)لو سمحت هنا فيه لاحة ممنوع تدخين وانت بكل ثقه مشغل؟ طفها وكمل عند باب المؤسسة.

law samaħt huna fi laɁiħa mamnūʕ tadxi:n wa Ɂinta bi kul θiqa mʃaɣɣil? tˁaffha wa kammil ʕind ba:b l-muʔassasa

Excuse me, there is a "No Smoking" sign here, and you confidently continued smoking.

Example (3) shows a bald on strategy because the speaker is directly, clearly, and confidently presenting the factual information that there is a ‘No Smoking’ sign in the area. By mentioning this fact, the speaker implicitly emphasizes that the person being addressed should not be smoking in that location.

4.2.1.4. Rejecting any explanation or request

(4) لو سمحتي زي ماخذتي الكتاب ترجعيه اشتري جديد تصرفي.

law samaħti zai ma:Ɂaxðti lkitab tradʒʕih. ʃtari dʒadi:d tasˁrafi

Please, just like you borrowed the book, return it or buy a new one.

Example (4) above also show another bald-on record reprimand strategy where rejecting any explanation or request is employed to reprimand the hearer who is a friend that lost the book after borrowing it. Here, the one who reprimand her friend is leaving no space for explanation or giving excuses. It is another bald-on strategy where further negotiation is unwelcomed, which gives the indication that there is a very strong disapproval. The speaker is stating their expectation for the hearer to either return the borrowed book or purchase a new one. The use of the phrase ‘just like you borrowed the book’ highlights the responsibility and expectation for the friend to fulfill their obligation, leaving no space for negotiation or excuse.

4.2.2. Positive politeness strategies

Positive politeness strategies include techniques such as expressing gratitude, requesting information or reasons, giving advice, recommending change of behavior, and establishing common ground. Example (5) below is an example of positive politeness where reprimanding is employed implicitly.

4.2.2.1. Requesting cooperation

(5) (تعال ننظف انا وياك الغرفة سوا لان ماشاءالله عليك عدمتها (بقولها بضحك.

taʕa:l naðˁðˁif ʔana wajjak lɣurfa sawa laɁan ma-shāʔallāh ʕalejk ʕadmitha (bagu:lha bidˁħik)

Let’s clean the room together because you made quite a mess! (said jokingly)

This example indicates that the reprimanding one wants to address the messy state of the room in a light-hearted manner. It suggests that s/he invited the friend to help in cleaning the room, emphasizing that they were the cause of the mess while using the phrase ‘mashallah’ to add a playful tone to the statement. By using the phrase ‘let’s clean’, the speaker is inviting the listener to cooperate and work together on the task of cleaning. Furthermore, the speaker employs humor by mentioning the mess jokingly implies that the listener’s actions or behavior resulted in the need for cleaning, making the request lighthearted and playful. Overall, the statement demonstrates the use of requesting cooperation as a positive politeness strategy. Instead of directly ordering or demanding the listener to clean, the speaker invites them to participate in a cooperative and humorous manner.

4.2.2.2. Giving advice/recommending change of behavior

(6) انا احب طريقة لبسك بس المفروض لبس العمل يكون مهني اكثر ومرتب ولازم شوي اهتمام له.

ʔana ʔaħib tˁari:qat libsak, bas lmafru:dˁ libs lʕamal jku:n mihanī ʔakθar wu murattab, wu la:zim ʃwai ʔihtima:m lah

I like your fashion style, but the work attire should be neat and more professional. It requires a bit more attention and should be well-kept.

The statement ‘I like your fashion style’ serves as a compliment to the person’s fashion sense, showing appreciation and indicating a positive attitude. This helps maintain their positive face and fosters a sense of rapport. The second part of the statement, ‘but the work attire should be neat and more professional’, introduces the advice or recommendation regarding a change of behavior. The inclusion of the word ‘should’ implies a sense of obligation or expectation regarding appropriate work attire, underscoring the significance of adhering to professional standards. In general, this statement strikes a balance between delivering a positive compliment and offering a suggestion for improvement. It employs positive politeness strategies to uphold the individual’s positive face and creates a constructive environment for growth. It is important to note that the impact of this statement may vary depending on the specific context, such as whether it occurs within a professional setting or among siblings or friends.

4.2.2.3. Moralization

(7) يا أخي ترا النظافة من الايمان.

jā ʔaxi tara lnaðˁa:fa min lʔi:ma:n

Brother, cleanliness is a part of faith.

In this example, the speaker is emphasizing to the listener that cleanliness extends beyond personal preference or hygiene and holds significance within their faith (specifically, Islamic faith). The statement ‘cleanliness is a part of faith’ portrays cleanliness as a moral principle, invoking the religious dimension to underscore its significance. The purpose of this moralizing statement is to prompt the listener to prioritize cleanliness as a fundamental aspect of their religious duties. This approach aligns with the positive politeness strategy as it seeks to motivate and persuade the listener by appealing to their shared religious values and norms.

4.2.2.4. Requesting information or reasons

(8) .(انت حذفت الملف؟ (اذا قال ايه اقوله ليش وافهم السبب

Ɂinta ħaðaft lmalaf? (ʔiða gal ʔajih ʔgulluh laiʃ wu ʔafham ssabab).

Did you delete the file? (If he says yes, I will ask him why and try to understand the reason).

In example (8), the speaker employs the positive politeness strategy of requesting information or reasons. By posing the question ‘Did you delete the file?’, the speaker seeks clarification and information from the individual being addressed. The use of this question allows the speaker to address a potential issue or misunderstanding in a polite manner, without making assumptions or accusations. Additionally, when the speaker mentions, ‘If he says yes, I will ask him why and try to understand the reason’, they convey an intention to gather further information and gain insight into the situation. By expressing a willingness to understand the other person’s perspective and the rationale behind their actions, the speaker demonstrates open communication, empathy, and a genuine interest in the other person’s point of view.

4.2.3. Negative politeness strategies

Negative politeness strategies are employed to mitigate any potential imposition or threat to an individual’s autonomy or face. These strategies are used to display deference, prevent imposing on others, and uphold social harmony. An example of a negative politeness strategy is provided below:

4.2.3.1. Apologizing

(9) .معليش اعذريني مقدر اجي معج عندي ظرف طارئ الجايات اكثر ان شاء الله

maʕliʃ ʔuʕðiri:ni magdar ʔadʒi maʕidʒ ʕindi ðˁarf tˁa:riʔ ldʒa:ja:t ʔakθar ʔin ʃaʔa ʔllāh

I apologize, please excuse me. I can’t come with you, I have an urgent commitment. Maybe next time, if circumstances permit.

In the example above, when someone does not want to attend a university event due to an important lecture, they employ negative politeness techniques to deliver a considerate reprimand. To begin with, the speaker apologizes and minimizes the imposition by saying ‘I apologize, please excuse me’. This demonstrates their understanding of the potential inconvenience caused to the other person and indicates their polite intentions. The speaker then proceeds to explain their unavailability, citing a pressing commitment. By providing a reason, they aim to soften the impact of their refusal. Furthermore, the use of the term ‘urgent’ suggests that their absence is necessary and highlights the significance of their commitment. The phrase ‘Maybe next time, God willing’ is employed to express politeness by conveying hope for future chances. This helps maintain a positive tone and indicates that the refusal is not personal or permanent. Overall, the use of negative politeness strategies in this example helps mitigate the imposition caused by the refusal, display respect for the other person’s autonomy, and uphold a positive social connection.

4.2.3.2. Minimizing the imposition

(10) لو سمحت يا حبيبي قصر صوتك في ناس تعبانة.

law samaħt ja: ħabi:bi gasˁsˁir sˁu:tak fi: na:s taʕba:na

Please, my dear, lower your voice. There are tired people.

In example (9), which pertains to a scenario where a visitor in a waiting area is speaking loudly and laughing at a medical center, the expression ‘Please, my dear’ is used to exhibit politeness and evoke a feeling of familiarity or fondness. Following this, the speaker proceeds to kindly ask the individual to speak more softly, employing the phrase ‘lower your voice’. By framing it as a polite request, the speaker aims to minimize the imposition on the other person’s autonomy while still addressing the issue. In addition, the explanation ‘There are people who are tired’ is provided to justify the request. This aspect of the reprimand demonstrates a consideration for others’ well-being and indirectly indicates that the loud voice may be disruptive or bothersome to those individuals. Overall, the negative politeness strategies minimize the imposition of the reprimand by framing it as a polite request backed by an explanation.

4.2.4. Off-record strategies

Off-record strategies are used to indirectly convey a message or hint without making a direct statement. These strategies aim to allow the receiver to interpret the intended meaning without imposing or threatening their face or autonomy. The examples below show this.

4.2.4.1. Giving hints/being conventionally indirect

(11) بشكل غير مباشر راح اقول لها: ما شاء الله لبسك مره حلو اليوم بس أحس لو تلبسين كذا وكذا بيكون مره أحلى أو اللون الفلاني بيكون أفضل أو اللبس الرسمي بيعطيج فخامة!

biʃakil ɣeir muba:ʃir raħ ʔagu:l laha: ma ʃa:ʔa ʔllāh libsik marra ħelu: lju: m bass ʔaħis law tilabsi:n kaða wu kaða biku:n marra ʔaħla ʔaw llu:n lfulani biku:n ʔafdˁal ʔaw llibs rrasmi bijʕatˁi:dʒ faxa:mah!

Indirectly, I will say to her: Mashallah, your outfit looks really nice today, but I feel like if you wore this and that, it would look even better, Or the color X would be preferable or wearing formal attire would give you an elegant look!

In the same context as example (10), example (11) shows another response which employs off-record strategies to indirectly provide suggestions and advice on improving the person’s outfit. By starting with the phrase ‘Mashallah’, which is commonly used to express admiration or praise, a positive and supportive tone is established. This helps maintain a friendly atmosphere and reduces any potential face-threatening elements. The use of the word ‘feel’ implies that the following suggestions are subjective opinions rather than direct commands or criticisms. This allows the recipient to interpret the message as helpful advice rather than a direct critique. The suggestions provided, such as suggesting specific clothing combinations, a preferred color, or wearing formal attire, are examples of indirect hints and implications. Instead of directly requesting a change, these suggestions offer alternative options or enhancements that could potentially improve the person’s appearance or style. Overall, the off-record strategies used in this statement creatively offer suggestions and advice while maintaining a polite and indirect approach. This allows the recipient to consider the suggestions without feeling directly criticized or imposed upon, preserving their autonomy and face.

4.2.4.2. Being ironic

(12) وين الكشخة اللي كل يوم يا رجال؟

wein lkaʃxa Ɂili kull ju:m ja ridʒal?

Where’s the stylishness that you display every day, man?

In the given situation where a friend at work does not seem to care about their attire when coming to work, example (10) can be seen as an off-record strategy to address the friend’s lack of care regarding their attire at work. Here, the speaker uses irony to convey a different meaning than what is explicitly stated. While the sentence appears to be a straightforward question about the person’s stylishness, it is actually intended to imply the opposite, i.e., the speaker is pointing out that the person is not actually stylish or does not possess the desired level of style. The statement indirectly implies a suggestion for someone to enhance their attire, without explicitly stating it. The addition of the word ‘man’ infuses a friendly and informal tone, fostering a sense of camaraderie and minimizing the potential threat to their self-image.

5. Discussion

The aforementioned examples and responses gathered in the corpus draw attention to how the selection of reprimand strategies is influenced by different factors, such as the situational context and the relationship between the individuals engaged in the conversation. It is worth noting that when addressing a child, friend, or sibling, reprimand strategies tended to be more direct and stringent. Accusing, warning, admonishing, and threatening strategies were frequently employed in these scenarios, thus explaining why the bald on record strategies were the most prevalent. This indicates a need for clear boundaries and a stronger emphasis on conveying the seriousness or potential consequences of the recipient’s actions. By employing these strategies, the speakers aim to highlight the importance of certain behaviors or actions and discourage undesirable behavior.

In comparison, when the context shifted to a professional setting, such as in the workplace or a public place, different reprimand strategies emerged. In these scenarios, individuals tended to rely more on indirect and friendlier language, employing positive politeness, negative politeness, and off-record strategies to convey their point. Being conventionally indirect was a commonly observed approach. Instead of delivering a direct reprimand, individuals chose to provide suggestions or hints, allowing the recipient to interpret and make the necessary adjustments without feeling explicitly criticized as in examples (6), (11), and (12).

The use of off-record strategies in professional settings reflects the importance placed on maintaining a harmonious and respectful work environment. By adopting a friendlier and indirect communication style, individuals can address issues and offer feedback without causing face-threatening acts or damaging professional relationships. This asserts what was demonstrated by Dozie and Otagburuagu (2019) who suggested that effectively meeting the conversational requirements of the reprimand speech act necessitates taking into account factors like the context, the social status of the individuals involved, the social distance between them, and the severity of the offense.

Furthermore, the analysis revealed an interesting trend in reprimand strategies based on gender and age. The statistical analysis conducted demonstrated that there were no notable disparities between males and females in their use of reprimanding strategies. This goes in line with the study of Frescura (2006) which explored the gender factor but found no difference in both genders. However, among different age groups, the middle-aged adults (46–65 years) appeared to stand out by employing reprimands with a more assertive approach, specifically using bald on record strategies. This finding can potentially be attributed to various factors associated with this life stage. As individuals mature and grow older, they often develop a heightened sense of self-assurance and confidence in their own beliefs and viewpoints. This sense of wisdom and experience may lead them to feel justified in criticizing others and offering advice, as they perceive their accumulated knowledge as valuable. Additionally, the middle-aged group may show less concern about the potential consequences or resistance that may arise from their reprimands. Having reached a certain point in life, they may be less preoccupied with the opinions or reactions of others, thereby enabling them to employ more bold reprimanding strategies.

6. Conclusion

In conclusion, this sociopragmatic study focused on analyzing reprimand strategies in Saudi Spoken Arabic. The results indicated that the choice of reprimand strategy varied based on the specific context and relationship between individuals. Regarding the first research question which focused mainly on the linguistic features and language choices in reprimand strategies within Saudi Spoken Arabic, the study showed that the most common linguistic features in reprimand strategies within Saudi Spoken Arabic are associated with the bald-on record strategy. Explicit and direct language choices, such as accusations, warnings, threats, and authoritative statements, were prevalent in familial and familiar settings. In contrast, professional or public environments exhibited a variety of strategies, including positive politeness, negative politeness, and off-record techniques. These linguistic features in reprimand strategies within Saudi Spoken Arabic differ significantly from other forms of communication, particularly in their context-specific nature and the balance between directness and indirectness.

Within professional settings or public environments, individuals used various reprimand strategies, including positive politeness, negative politeness, and off-record techniques. Positive politeness strategies involved soliciting information or reasons, providing advice, suggesting behavioral changes, moralizing, and establishing shared perspectives. Negative politeness strategies aimed to minimize potential impositions or threats to autonomy or face, incorporating techniques such as apologizing and downplaying the imposition. On the other hand, off-record strategies were employed to indirectly convey messages or suggestions without explicitly stating them. These strategies encompassed dropping hints, employing conventional indirectness, and using irony.

For the second research question which discussed the employment of reprimand strategies by individuals with varying sociodemographic characteristics, the research findings show that sociodemographic characteristics, specifically age and gender, play a role in the choice of reprimand strategies in Saudi Spoken Arabic. While no significant differences were observed between males and females, age emerged as a determinant factor. Older individuals tended to favor direct and explicit strategies, aligning with the bald-on record approach. In contrast, younger individuals exhibited a preference for indirect approaches, incorporating positive and negative politeness as well as off-record strategies.

The examination of age and gender differences sheds light on the sociopragmatic dynamics of reprimands within the context of Saudi Spoken Arabic. Older individuals, by predominantly using direct strategies, emphasize authority and assertiveness in reprimand situations. In contrast, the indirect approaches favored by younger individuals reflect a sensitivity to interpersonal relationships and a preference for maintaining harmony. Overall, gaining an understanding of these strategies can be beneficial for individuals engaging with Saudi Arabic speakers, facilitating more effective and culturally appropriate communication.

While the findings provide valuable insights, it is essential to carefully apply these findings outside of the specific demographic and regional context examined in the study because different regions within Saudi Arabia may exhibit diverse linguistic and cultural norms. Another notable limitation includes the small sample size of participants. Moreover, the reliance on the DCT as the primary data collection method limited the depth of understanding but was enough to gain deep understanding of reprimand strategies. In addition, language is dynamic and evolves over time, so these strategies may witness changes influenced by societal shifts, generational changes, or external factors.

The study recommends addressing further research and potential research gaps as this is crucial for expanding the overall understanding of reprimand strategies in Saudi Spoken Arabic. Additional contextual factors that may influence reprimand strategies, such as social status and educational background, may be investigated. Another suggestion is to conduct comparative studies to explore potential variations in reprimand strategies across different Arabic dialects. Saudi Spoken Arabic may share similarities with or differ from other regional dialects, and a cross-dialectal analysis could reveal insights into the linguistic and cultural diversity within the Arab world.

Acknowledgments

The author is grateful to Princess Nourah bint Abdulrahman University for supporting this research through sabbatical leave program.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Additional information

Funding

This research is funded by Princess Nourah bint Abdulrahman University, (Grant Number: 9-4-1444).

Notes on contributors

Aisha Mohammed N. Alhusein

Aisha Mohammed N. Alhusein is Associate Professor of Applied Linguistics at Princess Nourah bint Abdulrahman University, Riyadh, Saudi Arabia. Her research interests lie in the areas of psycholinguistics, sociolinguistics, syntax and pragmatics. She published several research papers in international journals. [email protected]

Appendix 1:

Discourse completion task (English version)

In this task, you will be presented with a partial conversation or dialogue. Your goal is to complete the conversation by providing your response based on the context provided. Your response should be relevant, keeping in mind the given context. We assure you that the information obtained will remain confidential and will be used solely for research and academic purposes.

At home:

1. You are a parent, and you found one of your children playing with the gas stove. What will you say to them?

2. Your sibling used your personal laptop for an extended period and accidentally deleted an important file of yours. What will you say to them?

At the university:

1. You are a university student. One of your classmates borrowed one of your books, but they lost it, and you have an exam on the same subject in two days. What will you say to them?

2. You are a university student, and one of your classmates insists on you attending a university event in one of its auditoriums. You both have an exam the next day, and you remember that the professor mentioned discussing exam questions on the day before the exam, which coincides with the event. Your classmate is insistent on skipping the lecture. What will you say to them?

At work:

1. You see one of your colleagues at work taking pens and paper for personal use at home, and this behavior has been repeated. What will you say to them?

2. Your friend at work does not seem to care about their attire when coming to work. What will you say to them?

In public places:

1. You are inside a waiting room at a government institution. One of the visitors has lit a cigarette to smoke. What will you say to them?

2. You are at a medical center with your sick parent. There is a visitor in the waiting area talking loudly and laughing. What will you say to them?

In the context of friendship:

1. You have a meeting with your friend. You have been waiting for 30 minutes, and this is not the first time they have been late. What will you say to them?

2. You live in a room in Riyadh, and you visited your family in Al Qassim for a week. Your friend asked to stay in your room in Riyadh during their visit to the city, and you agreed. However, when you returned to the room, you found it in a very messy and disorganized state. What will you say to them?

Appendix 2:

Discourse completion task (Arabic version)

اختبار إكمال الخطاب

في هذا الاختبار، سيتم عرض محادثة أو حوار لك. الهدف هو إكمال المحادثة من خلال تقديم إجابتك بناءً على السياق المقدم. يجب أن تكون إجابتك ذات علاقة، مع الأخذ في الاعتبار السياق المحدد. ونؤكد لكم أن المعلومات التي تم الحصول عليها ستبقى سرية وسيتم استخدامها فقط للأغراض البحثية والأكاديمية.

مواقف في المنزل:

1. أنت أب/أم. ووجدت أحد أطفالك يلعب بطباخ الغاز. ماذا ستقول/ستقولين له/لها؟

2. استخدم أخيك جهاز الكمبيوتر المحمول الخاص بك لفترة طويلة، ووجدت أنه تم حذف أحد الملفات المهمة لديك. ماذا ستقول/ستقولين له/لها؟

مواقف في مجال الجامعة:

1. أنت طالب/طالبة جامعي/جامعية. قام أحد زملائك/زميلاتك باستعارة أحد كتبك، ولكنه/ولكنها أضاع/أضاعت الكتاب الذي تم استعارته منك وكان لديك امتحان في نفس المادة بعد يومين. ماذا ستقول/ستقولين له/لها؟

2. أنت طالب جامعي/طالبة جامعية، وأصر أحد زملائك على حضورك معه الى حفل تقيمه الجامعة في إحدى مدرجاتها. لديكما امتحان غدًا، وتذكرت أن الأستاذ أخبر الفصل أنه سيناقش أسئلة الامتحان في اليوم السابق للامتحان، وهو اليوم الذي ستقام فيه الحفلة. أصر/أصرت زميلك/زميلتك على تفويت المحاضرة، ماذا ستقول/ستقولين له/لها؟

مواقف في مجال العمل:

1. رأيت أحد/إحدى زملائك/زميلاتك في العمل يأخذ/تأخذ أقلاما وأوراقا للاستعمال الشخصي في المنزل، وقد تكرر فعل ذلك. ماذا ستقول/ستقولين له/لها؟

2. صديقك/صديقتك في العمل لا يهتم/تهتم بلباسه/بلباسها الذي يأتي/تأتي به الى العمل. ماذا ستقول/ستقولين له/لها؟

في الأماكن العامة:

1. أنت داخل قاعة الانتظار في إحدى المؤسسات الحكومية. قام/قامت أحد المراجعين/المراجعات بإشعال سيجارة للتدخين. ماذا ستقول/ستقولين له/لها؟

2. أنت في إحدى المراكز الطبية. وكنت في رفقة والدك المريض. كان بجانبك وفي قاعة الانتظار أحد المراجعين ويتكلم بصوت عال ويضحك. ماذا ستقول/ستقولين له/لها؟

في مجال الصداقة:

1. لديك موعد مع صديقك/صديقتك. لقد كنت تنتظر لمدة 30 دقيقة، وهذه ليست المرة الأولى التي يأتي/تأتي متأخرا/متأخرة. ماذا ستقول/ستقولين له/لها؟

أنت تسكن في غرفة في الرياض، وقمت بزيارة عائلتك التي تسكن القصيم لمدة أسبوع. طلب/طلبت صديقك/صديقتك البقاء في غرفتك في الرياض خلال زيارته/زيارتها للرياض. قبلت بذلك. ولكن عندما رجعت الى الغرفة وجدتها في أسوأ حال من حيث النظافة والترتيب. ماذا ستقول/ستقولين له/لها؟