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Culture, Media & Film

The emergence of the ‘Ai Khai’ worship and the social revival in post-COVID-19 southern Thailand: the interplay between local folklore and sacred tourism

ORCID Icon & ORCID Icon
Article: 2313845 | Received 21 Sep 2023, Accepted 30 Jan 2024, Published online: 28 Feb 2024

Abstract

This article undertakes a critical analysis of the ascendancy of the Ai Khai (ไอ้ไข่) cult, a religious phenomenon involving youthful spirit believed to bestow wealth and fortune, located at Wat Chedi (วัดเจดีย์: Pagoda Temple) in modern Thai society. This spirit is deeply embedded in the religious mythologies of the Southern Thai region and have evolved into a cultural force that catalyzes economic shifts at both the local and regional levels, particularly during the economic stagnation induced by the COVID-19 pandemic. Through a nuanced examination of Ai Khai narratives set against the backdrop of the Southern Thai region’s economic landscape, this study posits that the rise of the Ai Khai phenomenon is intricately linked to transformations in the capitalist economy of this geographical area. Additionally, this study explores the intertextual relationship between local folklore and canonical Buddhist narratives. By doing so, the Ai Khai narrative itself reveals a significant transformation: its evolution from a localized spectral entity to a trans-local guardian spirit. Consequently, Wat Chedi’s burgeoning prosperity has emerged as an unparalleled stimulant for local economic development under Post-COVID-19 situation. The article also discusses the possible way to keep the economic growth of the area following a sustainable development goal.

Introduction

Since the early 21st century, there has been a religious turn in Thai studies, with an increasing focus on the nexus between Theravada Buddhism and socio-economic practices in contemporary Thailand. Seminal research by Jackson (Citation2005) postulates that Thai Buddhist reformers have promulgated ethical paradigms that bolster fundamental values conducive to corporate success, particularly among the middle class. Esteemed Buddhist reformers like Panya Nanda Bhikkhu (1911–2007) and Phayom Kalayano (b. 1949) have advocated for frugality and conscientious living as pathways to diligent engagement in meaningful secular activities.

Some recent research emphasized the relation between religious ideology and political practice in Thailand with regional focus. The scholars such as Unno (Citation2017) and Saengthong (Citation2022) corroborate this view, identifying the enduring sway of local Buddhist culture and royalism over the political and economic behaviors in the southern Thai region. Meanwhile Jory & Saengthong (Citation2019) have emphasized the far-reaching impact of Theravada Buddhist ideology on the political landscape of Thai South, especially Nakhon Si Thammarat: the largest populated province of the region. It has been recognized as the epicenter of Theravada Buddhism in southern region from the ancient time. Moreover, given the population of the province consists of Thai, Chinese, Malay, Mon, Pathan and etc., also considered as the microcosmic realm of the Thai nation where ‘Thai’ peoples with different ethnic and religious background can peacefully live together with the concept of pluralism under royal hegemony of Chakri monarchs (Dejpawuttikul, Citation2022, p. 40) and within the society of Buddhist majority.

Historically, Nakhon Si Thammarat has served as a pivotal locus for Theravada Buddhism and political power, symbiotically intertwined with religious practices and amulet crafting. As Virunha (Citation2016) observes, this city became a fulcrum for both governance and religious faith between the 5th and 14th centuries, augmented by the Phra Mahathat Woramahawihan Temple, founded in the 1210s. In more recent times, Jackson (Citation2005) underlines the compatibility between Buddhism and capitalist enterprise, citing the 1980s as a period when Thai religions extolled material prosperity in tandem with burgeoning consumerist culture. In a departure from long-established centers like Wat Phra Mahathat, Wat Chedi (Pagoda Temple) has emerged as a new focal point for religious and economic activities in southern Thailand, specifically through the propagation of the Ai Khai phenomenon. Originating in the late 2000s, this phenomenon has propelled Wat Chedi from a relatively obscure temple to an expansive complex occupying over 11.85 acres, substantially supported by tourist contributions and media coverage (Phajitphirom, Citation2022).

Literature review

Notwithstanding the plethora of studies on southern Thailand, scholarly attention has been disproportionately concentrated on the volatile Deep South due to its ongoing ethnic conflicts and Muslim minority issues. Before the second half of 2000s, this intellectual circumstance has resulted in an academic neglect of the middle South internationally. Nevertheless, the political upheavals of 2006, 2009, and 2014, that led to many attempts by Thai governments and conservative elites to gain back their ideological domination through educational and cultural campaings nationally (Iamsa-ard et al., Citation2024, 6-7), have rekindled scholarly inquiries into southern Thai culture, with an emergent cadre of researchers reevaluating local folklore as arenas for contesting cultural and political identities (Jory & Saengthong, Citation2019; Paruchakul, Citation2007; and Reynolds, Citation2019).

Within specific political and intellectual contexts, Ai Khai phenomenon represents the latest regional development that warrants meticulous investigation. Existing literature connects this phenomenon to the popular Thai Buddhist narrative surrounding Luang Pu Thuat (Phajitphirom, Citation2022), a legendary monk whose story portrayed the political ramifications of incorporating Pattani and its surrounding provinces as central Buddhist loci (Jory, Citation2008; Maud, Citation2007). In the context following the economic crisis in 1997, the significance of religious beliefs and sacred narratives in Nakhon Si Thammarat holds a consequential influence as seen by the cult of Jatukam RamthepFootnote1 that had been flourished and became national phenomena during 2000s-2010s (Saengthong, Citation2019).

It is apparent that the coming of the COVID-19 pandemic has further complicated the socio-economic landscape of southern Thailand (Marddent & Arporn, Citation2021). Interestingly, amid the societal crisis during 2019-2021, most of provinces in southern region - where agriculture, fishery, and tourism are the main sources of income for the local – faced the state of economic downfall except Nakhon Si Thammarat. The province had got the benefit from the massive tourists who come to pray Ai Khai of Wat Chedi. This circumstance led to the expansion of the temple and local community (Issarawattana & Manajit, Citation2022), and various bussiness both in Sichon district and Nakhon Si Thammarat at large unexpectedly. It also includes the emergence of new social relations and associations in the area. Needless to say the local people’s need for new technology to enhance their profit. As some scholars suggested, within global economic competition, the promotion of tourism can facilitate cultural exchange and mutual understanding with new communication technology and social media, yielding positive social ramifications within the community (Abbas, Citation2019, Citation2023a, Citation2023b; Yu et al., Citation2022) with the increasing awareness of environmental degradation and pollution (Wang, Citation2023).

By the lack of social sciences research on the socio-economic root of the cult of Ai Khai and its relation to the growth of tourism and economic revival, this article examines Ai Khai phenomenon within the complex tapestry of historical, cultural, and economic shifts in southern Thailand. The authors argue that the economic downturn induced by the COVID-19 pandemic, in conjunction with governmental interventions, has metamorphosed Ai Khai and Wat Chedi into beacons of economic hope, elevating their importance from a regional to a national scale. Methodologically, the authors mainly employ qualitative method focusing folklore research and interpretation of local texts as the primary data for the analysis of the origin of Ai Khai story. Economic data of the southern Thai region provided by Thai government agencies will be used to support the main argument.

Background of Southern Thailand’s economic landscape

Southern Thailand’s economic foundation predominantly rests on agriculture, with a primary focus on the cultivation and export of essential industrial crops, such as rubber, oil palms, and various fruits. Since the 1950s, the government has actively promoted rubber cultivation as the primary income source due to the global surge in rubber prices, catalyzed by the burgeoning automobile industry. This catalytic factor has led the local population to transition from subsistence-based rice farming to rubber tree cultivation for latex extraction, establishing rubber cultivation as the economic cornerstone of the southern region. Ouyyanont (Citation2015) asserts that the agricultural sector, particularly rubber production, plays a pivotal role in economic development, serving as a vital source of income, employment, and agricultural holdings. Significantly, Thailand stands as the world’s leading rubber exporter, and the concentration of rubber plantations primarily occurs in Songkhla, Surat Thani, and Nakhon Si Thammarat. The southern region’s economic vitality has, historically, hinged on the agricultural sector, with the latter’s contribution to the southern GDP being substantial. Presently, agricultural products account for more than one-third of the high-level agricultural product output, reaffirming that household income in the region still relies on agriculture for more than half of its total earnings.

Nonetheless, since the 1970s, the Thai government has redirected its focus toward tourism-based economics, recognizing its potential as a low-capital-intensive revenue source compared to other industrial sectors. This shift has also impacted the southern and eastern regions, albeit to a lesser extent than the southwestern areas. For instance, Nakhon Si Thammarat, positioned centrally within Southern Thailand, has diversified its tourism industry to attract travelers through enhanced travel infrastructure. Katsakarn’s (Citation2022) study emphasizes Nakhon Si Thammarat’s multifaceted tourism industry development, capitalizing on convenient travel routes and the allure of natural and religious attractions, resulting in a surge in tourist arrivals. In 2018, Nakhon Si Thammarat recorded tourism revenue amounting to 2,121 million baht, experiencing a growth rate of 9.18 percent compared to the previous year, reflecting the post-Covid-19 policy landscape in Thailand. It is imperative to acknowledge that the South’s tourism sector interacts with a multitude of industries, including hospitality, accommodation, transportation, tour guides, restaurants, and local businesses, thereby fostering a wider circulation of funds and income distribution among the local populace.

However, generally the rubber market has witnessed a sustained decline in prices over the past two decades (Rubber Authority of Thailand, Citation2023), attributed to a global decrease in latex demand and increased competition from other Southeast Asian nations. This downturn has significantly impacted rubber farmers in the southern region, resulting in a slower economic growth rate compared to other regions. Particularly, the Northeastern region, formerly viewed disparagingly by central and southern regions, has seen a notable reversal of fortunes as people from these areas migrated to the South to work as laborers in rubber tapping for plantation owners. The economic landscape in the South has further contracted amidst the Covid-19 pandemic. The region has faced substantial challenges, compelling its population to shift from a predominantly agricultural focus to a diversified economy with increased emphasis on the tourism sector. However, the tourism industry in the southern region, especially in natural attractions, continues to shrink due to travel restrictions and transportation constraints associated with the Covid-19 pandemic.

Considering these circumstances, it becomes evident that an economic structure grounded in agriculture and tourism has emerged as a crucial source of income for the southern population, surpassing employment opportunities in the business sector. Even amid declining rubber and palm prices, many Southern residents have retained their agricultural interests by venturing into fruit orchards, particularly focusing on durian cultivation, which enjoys high demand in the Chinese market. Additionally, land trading and speculation have become avenues for economic stability in the central and southern regions, with land traders resorting to supernatural beliefs to secure their future prosperity. This economic regression throughout the 2010s has played a pivotal role in motivating local residents to seek new avenues for financial security and prosperity. While agricultural income has seen a decline, Nakhon Si Thammarat province witnessed a noteworthy 47.02 percent increase in tourism income in 2022, as reported by the Economics Tourism and Sports Division (Citation2022). Of paramount significance, flight services in Nakhon Si Thammarat Province expanded by 95.95 percent, boasting 40 daily flights and a surge in passenger numbers compared to the preceding year, which saw a remarkable 34.9 percent increase attributable to the growing popularity of Wat Chedi Ai Khai and the region’s enduring appeal as a travel destination as seen in and . Ai Khai’s statue at Wat Chi and his picture story shows in .

Figure 1. Tourism income in Nakhon Si Thammarat province in 2022.

Figure 1. Tourism income in Nakhon Si Thammarat province in 2022.

Figure 2. Expansion of flights in Nakhon Si Thammarat Province in 2022.

Figure 2. Expansion of flights in Nakhon Si Thammarat Province in 2022.

Figure 3. East-Coast Southern Provinces’ Annual Income from Tourism, 2013–2021 Source: Tourism Authority of Thailand.

Figure 3. East-Coast Southern Provinces’ Annual Income from Tourism, 2013–2021 Source: Tourism Authority of Thailand.

Picture 1. Vows, requests, and hopes of visitors to Chedi Temple’s Ai Khai, Nakhon Si Thammarat Province.

Picture 1. Vows, requests, and hopes of visitors to Chedi Temple’s Ai Khai, Nakhon Si Thammarat Province.

The Legend of Ai Khai: a spiritual Journey through time

The captivating tale of Ai Khai finds its roots in the 1970s, revolving around a benevolent child spirit known to bestow blessings upon those who offer sincere sacrifices. Prior to the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic, devout locals fervently made offerings to Ai Khai, and as word spread of the prosperity experienced by these contributors, Ai Khai’s renown flourished. According to Jomrit (2022), Ai Khai’s legend is woven around a 9-year-old boy, the offspring of a humble farmer, who tragically drowned. Following his untimely demise, his wandering soul sought to reunite with his parents, eventually crossing paths with Luang Pu Thuat, a legendary monk of the Ayutthaya era (14th to 18th centuries).Footnote2 Luang Pu Thuat, having ventured from Ayutthaya to mediate land disputes with the governor of the Pattani Kingdom, encountered Ai Khai. Subsequently, Ai Khai accompanied Luang Pu Thuat to Nakhon Si Thammarat, taking a rest in Sichon City, near the village pavilion, with his spiritual presence finding a home at Wat Chedi.

When members of the community desired to make wishes and have them fulfilled, an idol was meticulously crafted from wood, depicting a naked boy. This image emerged from the dream vision of Thiang Mueang In, affectionately known as ‘Tiang Hak Lek’, a figure renowned for his formidable magical prowess. These events unfolded sometime between 1980 and 1981 (Promwiset, Citation2019, p. 36). In subsequent years, the appellation ‘Pu Khai’ (Grandfather Khai) emerged as a way of showing respect for Ai Khai at Wat Chedi. The belief was that, as descendants, they should address their spiritual benefactor as ‘grandfather’, a more reverential title than the informal ‘Ai.’ This choice of address, though unconventional in contemporary society, has consistently appeared on coins and monuments throughout history. Kerdmeesup notes that the temple committee and its associates continued to employ the term ‘Ai Khai’, reasoning that Ai Khai’s untimely demise prevented him from attaining adulthood.Footnote3 Nonetheless, Ai Khai, who resides at Wat Chedi and aids the local populace, is regarded as a guardian spirit akin to a deity deeply embedded in the region’s ethos. This narrative, intertwined with the experiences of villagers who have reaped the rewards of their vows to Ai Khai, contributed to the gradual growth of faith in Ai Khai’s sanctity.

Each passing year witnessed a rapid surge in the number of pilgrims and visitors to the shrine, to the extent that parking became an unattainable luxury, forcing devotees to traverse several kilometers on foot to reach the temple. Interviews reveal that Thiang, the village headman, harnessed two Thingan trees to carve a likeness of the young boy and conducted a ritual to awaken the spirit within. In 1983, in preparation for royal celebrations, Phra Ajarn Tem assumed the title of Phrakhru Chetiyaphirak. This pivotal year also marked the production of the first-generation Ai Khai coins, referred to as ‘Dek Wat Chedi’ (Ai Khai, the child of Chedi Temple). The growing popularity of these initial currency editions propelled Ai Khai of Wat Chedi into the limelight, attracting an increasing number of outsiders to the temple and a surge in vows. Initially, these vows predominantly revolved around matters such as lost items and animals. However, they evolved over time to encompass a wider spectrum, including matters related to gambling, travel, fortune, trade, competition, examinations, job applications, relocation, and career advancement. It could be argued that the faithful made vows encompassing all their desires, as Ai Khai is believed to facilitate their fulfillment, giving rise to the adage ‘Worship and Receive.’

After Phra Khru Chetiyapirak’s departure from Wat Chedi to establish Sa Si Mum Temple, the Ai Khai Medal was reinvented, and Phra Apichit assumed the role of abbot, overseeing the temple’s expansion. In 2003, the famed Ai Khai Dek Wat Chedi amulets were introduced, further cementing Ai Khai’s reputation, even extending its influence to Thai expatriates overseas (History of Wat Chedi, 2019). In essence, these spiritual beliefs have given rise to subcultures rooted in the veneration of ancestral spirits that can infuse power into inanimate objects, effectively transforming them into sacred symbols. These spirits act as intermediaries, bridging the gap between the spiritual and human realms, culminating in intricate worship rituals (Meethaisong, Citation2021). Wat Chedi occupies a unique place in the hearts of individuals, embodying a space teeming with scholarship, ethics, populism, myths, beliefs, and the rituals associated with Ai Khai—an artful fusion of tradition and modernity. Curiously, local scholars of Wat Chedi often emphasize that Ai Khai is not a guarantor of financial gains, unlike Phra Jatukam Ramthep, another renowned local spirit in Nakhon Si Thammarat’s realm that traditionally promised economic rewards to its devotees. The narratives, beliefs, and rituals surrounding Ai Khai impart a profound message to contemporary villagers—they seek not miracles or supernatural favors, but individuals embodying generosity and a willingness to sacrifice for the greater good (Saengthong, Citation2019). In this context, local authorities strive to imbue the image of Ai Khai with moral significance, reshaping the meaning of local sacred objects and cementing Ai Khai’s role as a spiritual beacon in the Wat Chedi community.

Ai Khai: a journey from local ghost to universal sanctity

The transformation of Ai Khai from a regional spirit to a broader symbol of virtues and principles mirrors a well-established pattern seen with other deities, such as Guan Yu, who evolved from a historical Chinese warrior into a deity embodying honor. In the case of Mae Nak Phra Khanong, a figure associated with local spirits, it is suggested that she might have been a tree-dwelling ghost, a topic often discussed in the community as a symbol of love and fidelity to her spouse (McDaniel, Citation2011). What sets Ai Khai apart is his status as a local ghost, or one might use the term ‘rural ghost’, that has transcended into a more encompassing sacred phenomenon. This transition is elucidated by Promwiset’s study (2019) titled ‘The Legend of Khai, Wat Chedi with the Process of Sanctification’, which sheds light on the social context of Nakhon Si Thammarat Province.

Narratively, Ai Khai’s stories elucidate how their origins evolved from indigenous ghosts to universal entities through the crafting of narratives. Firstly, this innovation involves narratives that incorporate beliefs tied to the spirit or pre-existing core characters, connecting them to modern figures. For instance, by intertwining the myth that Ai Khai was once a disciple of Luang Pu Thuat embarking on a pilgrimage, the local ghost Ai Khai, initially conceived as a traditional ghost, assumed the role of a temple guardian or protector. This connection with the temple and Buddhism, through the role of guardian, serves as a unifying bridge, aligning Ai Khai with the temple’s benevolent forces. Secondly, the concept of ghosts serving as temple guardians is seen as a literary archetype that enables the acceptance of religious beliefs or objects on a universal scale. In essence, Ai Khai is a good spirit, not a malevolent one that haunts or harms others, as depicted in tales of vengeful spirits. Instead, Ai Khai, unlike the Burmese counterpart called Nats ((နတ်), is considered virtuous and a protector of religion. Khai is a force for good, akin to a guardian, while Mae Nak, a central figure in literature, initially portrayed a malevolent spirit—until someone like Somdej Phra Puttachan arrived to subdue her and utilize her statue as an amulet. After harmonizing religious values, as depicted in central Thai ghost literature by Somdet Phra Phutthachan To, the concept of Mae Nak assumed a protective role. This mirrors the case of the ‘Protector’ deity or ghost in Myanma, characterized as religious and benevolent.

Secondly, the concept of ghosts serving as temple guardians is seen as a literary archetype that enables the acceptance of religious beliefs or objects on a universal scale. In essence, Ai Khai is a good spirit, not a malevolent one that haunts or harms others, as depicted in tales of vengeful spirits. Instead, Ai Khai, unlike the Burmese counterpart Nats, is considered virtuous and a protector of religion. Khai is a force for good, akin to a guardian, while Mae Nak, a figure of central region in Thai popular culture, initially portrayed a malevolent spirit—until someone like Somdet Phra Puttachan arrived to subdue her and utilize her forehead bone as an amulet. Nak spirit assumed a protective role after she was neutralized (McDaniel, Citation2011, 97). This mirrors the case of the ‘Protector’ ghost in Burma, characterized as religious and benevolent. Thirdly, the belief in spirits and ghosts predates the arrival of Buddhism, coexisting with Buddha, superstitions, and Brahmanism. These belief systems seamlessly merged, creating a rich tapestry of spiritual beliefs.

Evidently, the stories of Mae Nak Phra Khanong, associated with Somdet Phra Phutthachan, and Ai Khai of Wat Chedi, linked to Luang Pu Thuat, both incorporate myths and legends into the modern context. Notably, Ai Khai is also associated with a contemporary figure: Khun Phantharak Rajadet, or ‘Khun Phan’, a former police officer and native of Nakhon Si Thammarat renowned for his ancient magical prowess (Reynolds, Citation2019). This connection serves to anchor Ai Khai in the present. Khun Phan and ‘Chao Khai’ (Kid Khai) have been portrayed in movies and literature for contemporary enjoyment, alongside the early village chief who crafted the idol. All these figures represent modern individuals with whom people can relate. Ai Khai represents an innovative form of reverence that amalgamates old ideas of ghosts, Buddhism, Brahmanism, and superstition into a singular entity. Through successful integration, this innovation has become ‘commercialized,’ fostering tourism and other forms of commerce. Presently, Ai Khai and other local spirits have evolved into guardians with a broader context and role.

Essentially, while Ai Khai’s function may not deviate significantly from that of sacred monks, holy maestros, or revered religious objects, its distinct characteristic lies in its status as a sacred entity that lacks the ethical constraints associated with other revered figures. Ai Khai, being a ghostly child spirit rather than a monk or a spirit of Lord Buddha, embodies an accessibility that transcends space and distance. This phenomenon illustrates the consequences of being Ai Khai and the societal backdrop rooted in local ghosts, ghosts with a history of inspiring popular myths, such as the Ta Khian ghost, the Banyan ghost, the goddess, and the godfather in the local region. These are ghosts that pertain to the realm of the supernatural, but their haunting is seen as universally acceptable behavior. Starting as a unique local ghost, Ai Khai has evolved into a broader, more public entity. Therefore, the elevation of Ai Khai from a local ghost, whose role was rooted in religious faith and dependency, to a broader, more universally accepted figure may be seen as a psychological process. It offers ghosts a status of being local or specific, adding a dimension of time and place that enhances societal acceptability.

portrays Ai Khai at Wat Chedi.

Ai Khai worship at Wat Chedi: fostering economic growth and personal fulfillment

The practices associated with worshiping Ai Khai have not only deepened spiritual connections but have also played a significant role in driving economic development within the region. This dynamic has led to the proliferation of votive shops, an upsurge in flights to Nakhon Si Thammarat, expanded accommodations and hotels, and even the creation of new job opportunities, particularly in the realm of online redemption careers. Ai Khai worship can be categorized into two distinct groups: those who seek blessings and success, and those who come to express their gratitude for the blessings they have received. Insights gleaned from interviews conducted by the researcher suggest that the process of making vows and redemption pledges to Ai Khai involves two key components:

  1. Vows to Ai Khai: These vows originate from three primary sources: oral traditions passed down through word of mouth, individuals residing in the vicinity of the temple, and those who engage with the practice through electronic means. The number of vows varies, typically ranging from one to five.

  2. Redemption Pledges to Ai Khai, Wat Chedi: The timing of redemption pledges is contingent on factors such as popularity and auspiciousness. These redemption pledges typically revolve around five core themes: work, education, security, prosperity, and love, as well as the retrieval of lost items. Redemption pledges to Ai Khai can be made through two distinct avenues: worship and votive offerings. Votive offerings encompass a diverse range of items, categorized into seven groups, including figurines of chickens, sculptures representing various professions, statues of sizable animals, military uniforms, slingshots, toys, firecrackers, boiled eggs, red water, and various performance arts.

This multifaceted practice not only enriches the spiritual lives of individuals but also stimulates economic activity in the region. The proliferation of votive shops, offering a diverse array of items for worshipers, stands as a testament to the economic vibrancy generated by Ai Khai worship. Furthermore, the increased accessibility facilitated by a surge in flights to Nakhon Si Thammarat has fueled growth in the hospitality sector, evident in the expansion of accommodations and hotels. Additionally, the emergence of online redemption careers has opened new avenues for employment and economic engagement, underscoring the profound impact of Ai Khai worship on both individual lives and the regional economy. illustrates the vows, requests, and hopes of visitors to Chedi Temple’s Ai Khai, Nakhon Si Thammarat Province.

Community economy and income distribution: the impact of the cult of Ai Khai

The southern region has historically relied heavily on tourism as a significant source of economic revenue, largely attributed to its breathtaking and globally renowned natural attractions. Tourism in this region exhibits a notable concentration, with 41% of tourists originating from China and Malaysia, according to data from the Ministry of Tourism and Sports in 2019. However, this reliance on tourism, characterized by its concentrated economic structure and limited value addition, has rendered the southern area highly susceptible to the adverse impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic. Consequently, the once-thriving tourist industry, the lifeblood of the southern region’s economy, has crumbled, prompting a shift towards agriculture, particularly fruit orchards, in a bid to boost exports. This transition has, in turn, driven up land costs.

The proliferation of votive shops surrounding Wat Chedi can be attributed to the practice of vow rituals and the deep-rooted belief in Ai Khai, which is intertwined with temple construction, the establishment of faith, and the promotion of religious tourism. These rituals encompass acts of merit-making, paying homage to Buddha images, and gilding shrine adornments upon successful requests. While the veracity of these claims remains uncertain, the return of individuals to demonstrate success is a notable phenomenon. Although their numbers may appear modest when compared to the total visitors, they symbolize the broader trend. In the era of widespread communication, success stories become amplified, reinforcing the notion of achievement.

Crucially, modern communication transcends geographical boundaries and time constraints, facilitating easier access to faith-influenced information, including the belief in consumption as a product of faith inventions. Approximately 70 shops, including itinerant traders offering services such as lottery tickets, amulet rentals, and sacred offerings made upon request, are dispersed over a several-kilometer radius. These offerings encompass items like firecrackers, picture frames, flowers, sacrifices, military uniforms, and children’s toys, notably stucco chickens of varying sizes. Significantly, stucco chickens now pervade the temple area. An interview with ‘Luang Phi’, a monk at Wat Chedi with over three years of ordination, revealed that ‘the temple has acquired land for showcasing the numerous votive chickens, covering an area of 20 rai’ (interviewed on January 24, 2022, at Wat Chedi). This indicates that local enterprises are emblematic of success, attracting both buyers and sellers. Consequently, trade has led to a substantial increase in the number of chickens within the temple, fostering additional economic stimuli through tourism. It could be said that, during COVID-19 pandemic, praying Ai Khai at Wat Chedi had been a crucial part in dramatically growth of Nakhon Si Thammart’s tourism over other southern provinces as seen from the below:

Picture 2. Vows, requests, and hopes of visitors to Chedi Temple’s Ai Khai, Nakhon Si Thammarat Province.

Picture 2. Vows, requests, and hopes of visitors to Chedi Temple’s Ai Khai, Nakhon Si Thammarat Province.

Picture 3. Wat Chedi in Nakhon Si Thammarat Province, which created work and a career for the community.

Picture 3. Wat Chedi in Nakhon Si Thammarat Province, which created work and a career for the community.

The funds accrued by the temple have been invested in the construction and development of Buddhist temples, resulting in the creation of numerous churches, sanctuaries, ceremonies, monks, and sermons. This community-driven approach has invigorated the local economy, dispersed income and generated employment opportunities, particularly in construction, materials, equipment, and labor. The combination of religious beliefs and the psychological dependence on requests, epitomized by Ai Khai, has spurred economic activity across various domains, including informal and retail sectors, as well as offerings. This catalytic effect has set in motion a cycle of commerce, trade, and community investment, with a significant portion of the local population engaging in selling regional and vow-related products. Luang Phi indicated that ‘over 60 shops have been established to sell items freely, contingent on providing one volunteer worker to assist with temple tasks’ (interviewed on January 24, 2022, at Wat Chedi). This symbiotic arrangement ensures the survival of these shops, turning the creation of beliefs into a commodity and product generation into a community-driven economic venture.

shows Wat Chedi in Nakhon Si Thammarat Province, which created work and a career for the community.

In the post-COVID-19 era, the faith in Ai Khai at Wat Chedi remains popular, causing significant growth in the tourism and accommodation sectors in Nakhon Si Thammarat. Devotees visit Wat Chedi daily, leading to fully booked hotel rooms and additional flights by various airlines to cater to the demand. Believers who have seen their wishes fulfilled often return, setting off firecrackers as an expression of their gratitude. Observations indicate that many individuals primarily seek blessings for financial success and prosperity. This influx of visitors with shared objectives has led to the saturation of accommodations in Nakhon Si Thammarat during the COVID-19 pandemic. Travelers now need to make reservations well in advance to secure lodging, with hotels in Sichon District, Khanom District, and Tha Sala District often fully booked months ahead. Restaurants and food establishments are also bustling, drawing patrons from across the country. Additionally, airlines offering direct flights from Don Mueang to Nakhon Si Thammarat have been fully booked in advance due to visits to Wat Chedi, prompting some groups to fly to Surat Thani or Krabi, the nearest airports, and rent cars to reach the temple, thus avoiding congestion at Nakhon Si Thammarat Airport. New flight routes by airlines like Vietjet and Thai Smile have been introduced to accommodate the rising number of passengers.

The economic significance of the tourism industry centered around Wat Chedi aligns with the findings of the Sritrakul’s study (Citation2021), which highlights that Ai Khai’s faith has prompted an influx of tourists and the construction of various sacred Ai Khai objects, symbolizing the connection between people and supernatural forces. Wat Chedi’s development has positively impacted the area, fostering a circular economy and stimulating business activities within various communities. This economic transformation has offered villagers, beyond their traditional agricultural pursuits, various income-generating opportunities such as the sale of government lottery tickets, crafting chicken statues for Ai Khai worship, food and beverage businesses, and homestay accommodations. This trend underscores the potent influence of sacred powers and holy artifacts on economic growth in the southern region. In the context of southern Thailand, this phenomenon mirrors the relationship between cultural beliefs and economic shifts, reminiscent of the economic revitalization brought about by the ‘Jatukam’ holy coin during the late 2000s that came after economic crisis in 1997. Consequently, it can be argued that in southern Thailand, this phenomenon reaffirms the connection between cultural beliefs and economic dynamics of the region.

Implications and policy recommendations

As mentioned above, the veneration of Ai Khai at Wat Chedi has emerged as a pivotal factor contributing to the remarkable economic progress within Sichon District, aligning with the expansion of Nakhon Si Thammarat’s tourism industry amidst the COVID-19 pandemic. Notably, the demographic composition of Ai Khai worshippers transcends Thai borders, encompassing not only Thai locals but also international visitors, particularly individuals of Chinese from Malaysia, Singapore, and China. This diverse influx of tourists epitomizes the interconnectivity fostered by tourism routes established within the One Belt, One Road initiative, amalgamating the linkages of geography, transportation, and information (Wang, Citation2023). Recent scholarly investigations indicate that people from diverse backgrounds access tailored information via varied social media platforms, shaping both physical tourist sites and the digital landscape into forums for cross-cultural exchange between local inhabitants and global travelers (Abbas, Citation2019).

However, the expansion of Wat Chedi’s landscape and its neighboring community to accommodate Ai Khai worshippers and tourists has precipitated three significant challenges necessitating spatial research and the formulation of tourism policies in Southern Thailand. These challenges include:

  1. Environmental pollution stemming from the creation and incineration of material objects utilized in idol worship, constituting an unhealthy livelihood for local villagers. The swift expansion of Wat Chedi and surrounding communities has led to the emission of carbon dioxide, emblematic of a pressing issue within the tourism sector and tourist-centric locales, urging resolution within the framework of sustainable development, particularly the issue of energy recycling (Issarawattana & Manajit, Citation2022; Wang, Citation2023; Shah, Citation2023; Pongsakornrungsilp & Pongsakornrungsilp, Citation2023).

  2. The imperative to develop appropriate infrastructure and transportation networks, emphasizing the adoption of eco-friendly energy sources, and fostering social responsibility within the local business sector. These endeavors serve as crucial prerequisites for sustaining the growth of tourist destinations amid the post-COVID-19 landscape, wherein financial crises persist in developing nations reliant on tourism revenues and stimulate governments around the world to increase the national budget on healthcare (Wang, Citation2023; Micah, Citation2023). Moreover, communicating information to forestall disease transmission stands as a vital facet of lodging and resort management, underlining the significance of social responsibility (Abbas, Citation2023a; Yu et al., Citation2022; Pongsakornrungsilp et al., Citation2022).

  3. Enhancing proficiency in utilizing and accessing social networking tehnologies among students, entrepreneurs, and local denizens is an urgent need, especially platforms such as Instagram, Baidu, Facebook, Twitter, WhatsApp, Weibo, and TikTok (Abbas, Citation2019). This proficiency is pivotal in broadening avenues to engage with new clientele. It would be clearer to target at individuals characterized as neurotic locals—’unwilling to exert effort in technology use and perceiving technology as inherently challenging and unsocial, with limited connections beyond their immediate environment’ (Abbas, Citation2023b, p. 6). Facilitating education concerning social networks and communication technologies across various age groups and skill levels, supported by governmental bodies and universities, assumes significance in fostering a growth-oriented mindset within local communities, aligning local aspirations with global imperatives for sustainable tourism development.

Conclusion

The emergence of the COVID-19 pandemic in 2019 has plunged the global population into a profound health crisis. Individuals are not solely reliant on state-sponsored medical services and institutions to navigate these challenging times; they are also turning to the creation of sacred spaces and religious ceremonies for solace. In this context, Nakhon Si Thammarat has evolved into a pilgrimage destination due to the reverence of Ai Khai at Wat Chedi. This temple has gained prominence as a place of pilgrimage, drawing people from across the country who seek blessings from this revered child spirit. This research endeavors to shed light on the economic underpinnings of the Wat Chedi and Ai Khai phenomena, elucidating the dynamics of religious markets, consumption patterns, and the branding associated with the marketing of the temple.

Grounded in empirical data gathered from the region, Ai Khai is perceived as a guardian figure tasked with safeguarding temples, monks, and Buddhism itself—the very core of the believer community. It has transcended its origins as a local sacred entity, which held that spirits and communities shared a bond within every temple and community based on faith, to attain the status of a regional sanctuary. It is now linked with other prominent figures in the Southern Thai region, such as Luang Pu Thuat of Pattani and Khun Phantharak Ratchadet. This connection has elevated the local spirit to a national scale, encompassing the preservation of Buddhism. Consequently, this confluence of belief, faith, and a community-driven economy has given rise to travel and trade spurred by devotion to Ai Khai.

From a modern Thai Buddhist perspective, there may be tensions between Buddhism, spirits, religious wisdom, and the role of temples in disseminating Buddhist teachings. On the other hand, the local community stands to benefit economically, both from commercial activities and tourism, as well as from overall development, thanks to the community-driven economic system fueled by support for Ai Khai at Wat Chedi and the bureaucratic mechanisms of Nakhon Si Thammarat province. Additionally, our research indicates that Ai Khai is interwoven with religious beliefs, constituting a vernacular faith that spreads widely compared to figures like Luang Pu Thuat of Chang Hai Temple in Pattani Province, who transitioned from a localized master to a revered figure on a national scale. In the past, this local figure contributed to the prosperity of the region, offering hope for wealth during times of economic downturn. Ai Khai of Wat Chedi encapsulates the belief in local sacred entities that straddle the realms of religion and faith—a spirit that bestows blessings and, as a result, spawns an economic avenue that interconnects locality, economy, and tourism. Actively engaging in the utilization of online social media. These factors were identified as pivotal in utilizing social media effectively for tourism business amidst the challenges posed by COVID-19. The authors stress the significance of integrating social media into educational frameworks to enrich both local people and tourists’ immersive learning encounters. Additionally, it suggests the need for future research endeavors to delve deeper into the potential utilization of social media for fostering sustainable educational practices.

Hence, Wat Chedi has evolved into not only a place of worship for local residents and visitors from other regions seeking Ai Khai’s blessings but also a venue for sharing sacred narratives and experiences that serve to manifest the community’s identity. Through the construction of images representing deities and edifices, the temple communicates profound meanings and bridges the gap between humanity and the supernatural realm through visual representations. This transcends mere worship and wish-making; it constitutes a novel approach to bolster people’s faith, ultimately transforming Wat Chedi into a tourist attraction and a sacred precinct within Nakhon Si Thammarat Province.

Authors’ contributions

Anutsara Ruengmak: data collection, preparation of the manuscript and filedwork materials, interpretation of southern Thai folklore tale, interview.

Thanapas Dejpawuttikul: research design, conception, review of literature, main argument and historical context, analysis of economic and tourism implications, revision of the manuscript.

Acknowledgments

We extend our gratitude to the Walailak University for their support with WU Research Fund. This research conducted following the human research ethics (WU-EC-LI-2-008-63).

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Additional information

Funding

This study was supported by the Institute of Research and Innovation, Walailak University.

Notes on contributors

Anutsara Ruengmak

Anutsara Rueangmak (first author) received a bachelor’s degree in Integrated Thai Studies from the School of Liberal Arts, Walailak University, and master’s degree in Thai and Applied Thai, Prince Songkhla University, Thailand. She is interested in folklore, particularly in Southern Thailand. Currently she works for the Thai department at Walailak University, and extends her interest to development of community tourism.

Thanapas Dejpawuttikul

Thanapas Dejpawuttikul (corresponding author) is an assistant professor in Southeast Asian history at the School of Liberal Arts, Walailak University, Thailand. He has background in history discipline and political science. Thanapas’ academic interest was shifted from general Asian history to intellectual history of Thailand and Myanmar. His current research focuses on the issue of agrarian transition in Southern Thailand and its impact to cultue and politics of the region with comparative perspective.

Notes

1 The “Jatukam Ramathep” amulet, purportedly possessing the ability to bestow good fortune upon families, originated in Nakhon Si Thammarat Province in 1987 and experienced a surge in popularity during the period between 2000 and 2010.

2 Jomrit, A. personal communication, December 5, 2022

3 Kerdmeesup, S. personal communication, October 1, 2020.

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