‘What’s the word? That’s the word!’: linguistic features of Filipino queer language

Abstract

Understanding queer language, which includes knowing its meaning and its applications, is essential not only for understanding sexuality and fostering language inclusivity but also for acknowledging the multifaceted uses of language across all societal groups. This study explored the semantic nuances and underlying patterns of Filipino queer language using Word Sense Disambiguation (WSD). Using content analysis on the data from publicly available posts and comments on Facebook and Twitter, the findings uncovered distinct characteristics of Filipino queer language, encompassing affixation, appropriation, clipping, association, mutation, neologism, recontextualization, and stylized reversal with affixation. The findings underscore the vibrancy and adaptability of Filipino queer language, reflecting the LGBTQIA + community’s ability to use language as a tool for self-expression and cultural relevance. Additionally, the findings highlight the significance of understanding queer language not only as an identity expression for LGBTQIA + individuals but also as a means to promote linguistic inclusivity for all groups in society. We discuss the implications, and we offer recommendations.

Keywords:

• Filipino queer individuals
• LGBTQ + community
• queer language
• semantic properties
• word sense disambiguation

REVIEWING EDITOR:

• Jeroen van de Weijer, College of International Studies, Shenzhen University, China

SUBJECTS:

• Mass Communication
• Media & Film Studies
• Language & Linguistics

1. Introduction

Queer language, also known as ‘gay language’ or ‘gay speak’ (Kulick, 2000; McCormick, 2010), is a special type of language used by people who identify themselves as LGBTQIA+ (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender/transexual, queer/questioning, intersex, ally/asexual, and others). It has developed gradually within LGBTQ + communities and has become a way for members to communicate, build connections, and express their identities (Casabal, 2008). Such a language is unique, and it continues to evolve, affecting how language is perceived, used, and understood within and outside of the queer community.

Leap (2015) explained that queer language is part of queer linguistics that studies how language both facilitates and masks the ways in which sexuality, gender, race, social class, and other forms of inequality intersect. In other words, queer individuals who fall outside of the gender binary of male-female form speeches that establish boundaries, separating themselves from non-speakers. Espeño-Rosales and Careterro (2019) and Sjölin (2022) stated that although often subjected to social discrimination, LGBTQIA + members have learned to resist the cultural influence of the dominant language by adopting their own unique speech variations or lingo. Thus, members of the LGBTQIA + community use the queer language not only to empower themselves with their own language but also to show the heteronormative society how creative their language is. Romero and Pagdanganan (2022) mentioned that queer language is a lively language not only because it is spoken with enthusiasm and creativity by LGBTQIA + individuals but also is made popular as it is used and heard in different TV programs, radio interviews, and films, garnering attention, and appeal through print and social media.

In the Philippines, it is noteworthy to consider that sexual orientation has emerged as a subject of considerable moral, political, and social significance in the country, with queer individuals have increasingly encountered instances of societal condemnation, manifesting in various contexts such as educational institutions, professional environments, and broader social settings (Casabal, 2008; Ulla & Pernia, 2022, 2023). Thus, these social institutions have become arenas of perpetual conflict for queer individuals, serving as sites of regular contention (Ulla & Pernia, 2022). While Atienza (2023) mentioned that for some Filipino queer individuals, especially in the capital, Manila, the ability to communicate and proficiency in language have emerged as indicators of social status, for some queer individuals, queer language serves as their protective tool, and barrier, safeguarding them against any potential harm.

Filipino queer language is also called ‘swardspeak’ (Pascual, 2016), ‘beki language/beki speak’ (Oco et al., 2015), and ‘baklese’ (Adihartono & Jocson, 2020), which is characterized as constantly evolving and ever-changing. Although Filipino queer language has undergone continuous updates in various settings such as beauty parlors, offices, universities, streets, media, and boutiques, some of these words and expressions used by the gay community in the 1970s still exist (Cortez, 2017). Some of the common words from the Filipino queer language are ‘charot’, ‘churva’, ‘echos’, ‘vungga’, and ‘waz’, as well as some other notable words such as ‘chaka’, ‘ditey’, ‘gora’, ‘imbyerna’, and ‘keribels’ (Oco et al., 2015). These queer words and expressions, while seemingly innocuous, possess a remarkable ability to evoke strong emotions and provoke reactions from both individuals and communities (Casabal, 2008). According to Gidalanga et al. (2021), the use of this queer language among Filipino queers was to preserve the confidentiality of their frequently sexually-oriented discussions, establish the boundaries between the privileged group and those outside of it, and showcase their proficiency in utilizing the exceptional language.

Furthermore, an intriguing aspect of queer language is the manner in which queer individuals utilize the common language while maintaining a distinct queer discourse by altering the English language structure, resulting in a shift in the meanings of sentences (Espeño-Rosales & Careterro, 2019). Espeño-Rosales and Careterro (2019) added that the use of queer language does not adhere to the subject-predicate structure of the English language, nor does it conform to the local dialectic structure, as the language is a fusion of English, Filipino, and other Philippine languages.

Consequently, Filipino queer language has become increasingly pervasive in modern-day Filipino conversations, permeating various queer and non-queer social spheres and leaving a lasting impact on the linguistic landscape in the country. In other words, the influence of queer Filipino language cannot only be heard and used by queer individuals, as nonbinary and heterosexuals may be using it as part of their daily conversation (Romero & Pagdanganan, 2022).

Given that queer language is an identity expression among LGBTQIA + members, understanding its meaning not only allows space for language inclusivity but also recognizes the multifaceted uses of a language across all groups of people in society, especially since it has now become part of the linguistic landscape of the country. Using the lens of word sense disambiguation (WSD), the current study aims to explore the semantic and syntactic dimensions of Filipino queer language, making a valuable contribution to the field of linguistics in terms of fostering inclusivity. By recognizing the multifaceted nature and intricacies of queer language, this study also aims to shed light on its richness and complexity. We argue that understanding the intricacies inherent in queer expressions and words plays a pivotal role in fostering an inclusive environment wherein LGBTQIA + individuals are afforded the opportunity to openly articulate their identities and lived experiences, devoid of apprehension pertaining to misinterpretation or marginalization.

Before proceeding further, it is important to note some of the terminologies used in the study. The word ‘queer’ is used to refer to individuals who identify themselves as members of the LGBTQIA + community. Additionally, consistent with the term queer used in the study, we also use ‘queer language’ to refer to the language used by queer individuals.

1.1. Understanding queer language

Queerness has always been associated with codes, with hiding, deciphering, and strategic revealing (Roulston, 2013, p. 268).

Across various historical periods, numerous societies have exhibited a tendency to marginalize and stigmatize individuals who deviate from heteronormative sexual orientations and gender identities (Miedema et al., 2022; Morgenroth & Ryan, 2018). The pervasive social stigma surrounding individuals identifying as LGBTQIA + necessitated the formulation and implementation of diverse coping mechanisms and strategies for them to effectively navigate a societal landscape that exhibited a lack of acceptance towards them (Casabal, 2008). As a result, queer individuals employed strategies frequently encompassed the act of concealing their authentic identity and devising cryptic languages or behaviors as a means of establishing communication channels with individuals who similarly encountered comparable circumstances.

Given the influence of language in society, it should be noted that language within societal contexts can also serve as a mechanism for perpetuating gender inequality, primarily through the lens of power dynamics (Rubiales, 2020). For instance, the pervasive utilization of gender-based stereotypes in linguistic practices represents a prominent concern within the domain of gender-fair language (GFL) implementation. GFL presents a pervasive issue that extends beyond the confines of English and other Western languages, permeating various linguistic contexts across the globe. GFL poses additional complexities, primarily due to gender-specific pronouns in numerous linguistic systems. According to Koeser and Sczesny (2014), certain languages exhibit a customary practice of employing grammatically masculine personal nouns and pronouns in a generic capacity. This practice entails their usage to denote groups comprising individuals of both genders, individuals whose gender is unknown, or instances where gender is deemed inconsequential (Koeser & Sczesny, 2014). Gendered pronouns are widely prevalent in numerous languages, including the English language. As a result, the use of gendered pronouns has the potential to perpetuate and strengthen prevailing gender norms, societal expectations, and inequality.

However, the turn of sociolinguistics, where inclusivity is emphasized, has brought forward the recognition of queer linguistics, as it shapes the linguistic landscape of the modern-day society. Such queer linguistics may not only empower queer individuals but also present diverse perspectives of the LGBTQIA + community, especially in using the language to forge a sense of belonging in the past and today. Thus, it is imperative that queer language is understood pragmatically and semantically. McCormack et al. (2016) acknowledged that sexuality cannot be understood without knowing the meanings and applications of language, as language is the medium through which social conventions are reproduced. In a study they conducted, which aims to increase sociological knowledge of the nature and impacts of homosexually themed language in modern British culture, McCormack et al. (2016) emphasized that the use of language among queer men is influenced by the presence of shared values and norms within their community. Using in-depth interviews with 35 young openly gay men to examine the subtlety and complexity of the language used by gay men and the significance of comprehending the context and purpose of expressions like ‘that’s so gay’, the study revealed that the participants exhibited a remarkable ability to uphold intricate and nuanced interpretations of expressions devoid of homophobic pejoratives, such as the phrase ‘that’s so gay’. The prevailing sentiment among participants was to refute the proposition that these phrases possess an inherent homophobic nature. Instead, the participants contended that understanding the meaning and impact necessitates an examination of the intent behind their utterances and the specific contextual circumstances in which they are employed. The findings additionally underscore the significance of the presence of shared norms among individuals who employed the phrase ‘that’s so gay’, particularly in the context of interpreting linguistic expressions.

Furthermore, understanding the queer language is important because of its capacity to offer valuable insights into the historical experiences and perspectives of individuals within the LGBTQ + community. For instance, in a study conducted by Sjölin (2022), the researcher investigated the use of queer terminology in the diaries of Anne Lister, a 19th-century British landowner, and traveler who was well-known for her voluminous and meticulous notebooks that chronicled her personal life, including her interactions with women. By analyzing the diaries, the study pointed out that Lister’s diaries utilized peculiar words for sexual events that were not widely used in popular culture then. Sjölin (2022) found that Lister utilized terminology that was not contemporary gay slang, but at least part of it appeared to have been known and utilized by the women she had relationships with. The study concluded that the use of queer language in Lister’s diaries and its adaptation in television dramas was important because it shed light on the perspectives and experiences of LGBTQ + people in the past and encouraged more visibility and representation of LGBTQ + people in popular culture. In other words, the diaries of Anne Lister provide an unparalleled opportunity to gain insight into the experiences of a non-heteronormative woman during the 19th century, shedding light on her strategies for managing her interpersonal connections and sexual orientation within a predominantly unsupportive societal context.

Moreover, the examination of queer language serves as a means to mitigate the obliteration of past queer experiences and foster enhanced prominence and portrayal of LGBTQ + individuals within media and popular culture.

Various studies on gay language have also piqued the interest of researchers worldwide. For instance, in South Africa, Ntuli (2013) delved into the realm of ‘IsiNgqumo’, the most widely spoken gay language in the country. Ntuli’s research focused on how indigenous gay individuals utilized this language to assert their identity and carve out a space for themselves within African society.

Similar investigations were carried out in Southeast Asia, with Vatjinda (2021) examining the Thai gay language in Thailand. Vatjinda’s study scrutinized the distinctive features of this language, including gay slang, pronouns, swear words, rhyming phrases, ambiguous terminology, and suggestive expressions. In Indonesia, Susandi et al. (2018) explored ‘Bahasa Bencong/Banci’, the gay language, delving into its linguistic characteristics, origins, and utilization among bisexual and homosexual men in Bali.

Furthermore, Rubiales (2020) highlighted the enigmatic nature of queer language, describing it as a clandestine code that can be challenging to decipher. Some words within the queer lexicon are purposefully veiled, making it difficult for those outside the LGBTQIA + community to discern their meanings. The notion of gay language as a ‘secret code’ remains a recurring theme in research. In Nuncio et al.’s (2021) study, terms like ‘Dakota, Harrison’ (meaning ‘big penis’) and ‘Lucrecia Kasilag’ (meaning ‘crazy’) were unveiled.

While many of these studies scrutinized the unique structure, form, and cultural identity inherent in gay language, there remains a gap in research exploring the formation, comprehension, and semantic communication of such language.

1.2. Word sense disambiguation

Language, vital to express feelings and thoughts, is a communication medium for exchanging information over the network through textual data forms. In natural languages, there are words spelled the same but have a different meaning in a different context, words surrounding the ambiguous word. Those words are called polysemous or vague words due to many possible interpretations, meanings, or senses they have, that is, the word with more than one possible tag (Kaddoura & Ahmed, 2022, p. 1).

Word sense disambiguation (WSD) is the process of determining the correct meaning of a word that has multiple interpretations within a specific context (Bevilacqua et al., 2021). For instance, the English word ‘bank’ can refer to a ‘financial institution’, ‘riverside’, ‘reservoir’, and so on. These words with multiple meanings are known as ambiguous words, and the process of identifying the correct meaning for a particular context is termed WSD (Pal & Saha, 2015).

WSD is one of the most challenging jobs in information technology. This essential task in natural language processing (NLP) has practical applications in machine translation and information retrieval, providing significant benefits (Moro et al., 2014). The lexical ambiguity of polysemous words is a difficult issue in many NLP applications like machine translation, question answering, and information retrieval. To alleviate this problem, word sense disambiguation is used to identify the most suitable meaning of a word in a given context from a limited set of possibilities. This technique can offer significant advantages to various NLP tasks by effectively addressing the issue of ambiguity (Nodehi & Charkari, 2022).

Moreover, WSD is crucial in resolving challenges in NLP applications like text clustering and classification, word similarity computation, and more. It helps ensure accurate and meaningful analysis by determining the correct sense of words in different contexts, contributing to improved performance and outcomes in these applications (Gogoi et al., 2021). In addition, Corrêa et al. (2018) mentioned that the task of WSD can be categorized into two primary types: lexical sample and all-words disambiguation. In the lexical sample, it is imperative to employ a WSD system in order to resolve ambiguity within a limited set of specific target words. In the all-words disambiguation, the WSD system is supposed to disambiguate all open-class words. This work often necessitates a broad range of domain coverage, necessitating using a knowledge-based system. In other words, it is anticipated that the WSD system will be able to resolve the multiple senses of all open-class words present within a given textual context. The successful completion of this particular task typically necessitates a comprehensive understanding of various contexts.

A number of WSD research (see Corrêa et al., 2018; Kaddoura & Ahmed, 2022; Lopez-Arevalo et al., 2017; Wang et al., 2020) have been done in the area of knowledge and information-based systems employing technologies in identifying WSD. For instance, the study by Lopez-Arevalo et al. (2017) offers a method for domain-specific WSD that involves determining the prevailing sense (synset from WordNet) of ambiguous terms. The approach employed two corpora: the domain-specific test corpus (which contains target ambiguous terms) and a domain-specific auxiliary corpus (generated by employing relevant words from the domain-specific test corpus). The method is divided into four stages: (1) auxiliary corpus production, (2) related feature extraction (from the auxiliary corpus), (3) test feature extraction (from the test corpus), and (4) feature integration.

Similarly, Wang et al. (2020) presented a novel approach that leverages knowledge-based techniques to address WSD. They proposed a method that models the problem by utilizing the semantic space and semantic path that are concealed within a given sentence. The methodology employed was predicated upon utilizing a widely recognized Knowledge Base (KB) known as WordNet. The study further employed the application of Latent Semantic Analysis (LSA) to model the semantic space and PageRank to model the semantic path. The researchers found the efficacy of the method, which has been substantiated through empirical experimentation, demonstrating unparalleled performance in multiple WSD datasets.

While studies have demonstrated how WSD is understood and employed in various contexts, studies that present different perspectives, making use of WSD, are rarely conducted. Of particular importance, there is a need to understand how queer language is used and the different meanings that embody such a language. Thus, this present study explores the semantic and syntactic dimensions of the Filipino queer language using the lens of WSD. We sought to answer the following questions:

1. What are some queer language that Filipino queer people use?

2. What are the semantic nuances and patterns of the Filipino queer language?

2. Methodology

This study employs an exploratory, descriptive qualitative study, which involves delving into the Filipino queer language and describing it with an open mind, gathering information, and systematically describing what is observed or discovered (Cypress, 2018). This method was chosen to keep objectivity in disambiguating Filipino queer language. Furthermore, the study utilizes content analysis, a research method used to systematically examine and analyze the content of various forms of communication, such as text, audio, video, or visual materials (Riffe et al., 2019). In this study, we employed content analysis to provide a concise and comprehensive description of the Filipino queer language.

2.1. Data gathering procedure and analysis

To answer the research questions, we collected the data from publicly available posts and comments on Facebook and Twitter that discussed, featured, or used queer language from August 01, 2023, to October 31, 2023. We used the following Filipino keywords: salitang beki, beki language, gay lingo, gay language, and salitang bakla, which all mean ‘gay language’, to search for queer language on social media. Although the study did not involve human participants, to ensure user privacy and comply with ethical standards, all data were anonymized and stripped of personally identifiable information, especially since the data source came from social media posts.

After collecting the data, we transferred it to a Microsoft Excel sheet to identify and remove duplications. We then sorted the words alphabetically. Out of the 109 words we initially collected, only 31 words were used in this study after the removal of duplicates.

The data then underwent word sense disambiguation, a process that involves determining the meaning of a word by analyzing its surrounding words and the context in which the target word is used (Rahman & Borah, 2022). The definitions of the words were categorized based on their usage, the author-provided definitions, and the contextual usage of the terms, using the method of construction and meaning developed by Cantina (2020), Espeño-Rosales and Careterro (2019), Nuncio et al. (2021), and Rubiales (2020). Moreover, the analysis focused on identifying semantic nuances and patterns within the collected data. By examining the interplay between the words and their surrounding content, the subtle meanings and connotations embedded in the Filipino queer language used on social media platforms were unveiled. The meticulous categorization and identification process allowed us to discern the intricate semantic variations and linguistic patterns within the explored linguistic expressions.

3. Findings

3.1 Filipino queer words

In our exploration of Filipino queer linguistic expressions, we present a comprehensive compilation in Table 1, showcasing a vibrant lexicon that reflects the richness of queer culture in the Philippines. The table includes Filipino queer words and phrases alongside their meanings, providing insights into the nuanced communication within the Filipino queer community. From endearing references like ‘Beh/bhie’ for best friends or loved ones to humorous expressions like ‘Echos/chos/charot/char/chariz’ signifying jest, the array of words captures the dynamic and playful nature of communication.

Table 1. Filipino queer words with their corresponding meanings.

Filipino queer words	Meanings
48 years	A very long time
Accla	Gay
Accling/Accla	Gay
Amaccana accla	Problematic or unruly behavior
Beh/bhie	Bestfriend, baby, or someone dear
Boogsh/Kabog	Impressive
Borlogs	Asleep
Borta	Muscular
Crayola	Cry
Dogshow	Making fun of someone in a friendly and non-offensive way
Echos/chos/charot/char/chariz	Just kidding!
Eme/ems/keme/kimi/Kimmy/Kimmy lang	Not serious
Forda	For the
Gandara	Beautiful
Gardenia	Guard
Gora/Gorabels	Let us go!
Haggardo Versoza	Haggard
Julanis Morisette	Rain
Kepay	Female genitalia
Keber/Kebs	I do not care
Keri/Keribels	Doable
Kinabog/Kabog	Defeated
Lafang	Eat
Pak/Pakak	Impressive
Sharon Cuneta	Take out food
Shupatembang	Sister
Shutacca	Expression of surprise and can be used as a swear word
Slay/ate and left no crumbs!	Impress/You nailed it!
Waley	Nothing
Wiz	No

Table 2. Illustrates how Filipino queer words reflect affixation and how they are disambiguated.

Filipino queer words	Affixes	Meanings
Charot	The prefix ‘c’ + ‘harot’ (to tease)	A fib/lie/joke
Chariz	The prefix ‘c’ + ‘harot’ (to tease) + the suffix ‘iz’	A fib/lie/joke
Crayola	cry + the suffix ‘ola’	Cry
Gandara	ganda (beautiful) + ‘ra’	Beautiful
Gora	go + the suffix ‘ra’	Let’s go!/Go!
Gorabels	go + the suffix ‘rabels’	Let’s go!/Go!
Waley	Wala + the suffix ‘ey’	Nothing
Wiz	Wala + the suffix ‘iz’	No

Table 3. Some of the Filipino queer words under appropriation.

Filipino queer words	Language origins	Meanings
Forda	From the English phrase for the	For the
Keber	From the Spanish phrase ‘nada que ver’ (nothing to do with or no connection)	I do not care!
Keri	From the English word carry	Can; good; manageable
Kinabog	From the Filipino word kinabog (knocked out)	Defeated
Lafang	From the Filipino word lapa (butcher; slaughter; big lump of meat)	To eat

Table 4. Shows the Filipino queer words formed by clipping.

Filipino queer words	Original words	Meanings
Accling/Accla	Bakla	Gay
Beh	Bestfriend or baby	Short for bestfriend or baby
Borta	Bortawan	Muscular

Moreover, the inclusion of terms such as ‘Kepay’ and ‘Shupatembang’ unveils the community’s ability to navigate sensitive topics with creativity and humor, highlighting the diversity and resilience embedded in Filipino queer discourse.

It should be noted that while the above queer language was used by the queer community in the Philippines, with the technological advancement, especially with the prevalence of social media, these queer expressions can now be heard spoken by some of the queer celebrities in the country on television programs. However, there may be some Filipinos who may not be able to recognize and understand these expressions, given the fact that some queer individuals do not use such a language outside of their community for fear of discrimination.

In addition, the words included in Table 1 are queer expressions whose meanings are ambiguous. For example, ‘48 years’ may literally mean 48 years, but for the queer community, it means ‘a very long time’.

3.2 Semantic nuances and patterns in Filipino queer language

3.2.1 Affixation

Affixation, the adding of affixes to roots or bases, is one of the word-formation strategies that we have identified in the Filipino queer language. It is evident in the following queer words: ‘charot’, ‘chariz’, ‘crayola’, ‘gandara’, ‘gora’, and ‘gorabels’ as presented in Table 2.

‘Gora’ and ‘gorabels’ are the alterations of the English word go in Filipino queer language. The suffixes ‘ra’ and ‘rabels’ were affixed and have made the Filipino queer language even more interesting.

In addition, ‘charot’ refers to a joke whereas ‘gandara’ was formed because of the combination of ‘ganda’ (beautiful) and the suffix ‘ra’. Gandara means beautiful.

‘Chariz’ is another variation of ‘charot’. Crayola is from the verb cry and ‘ola’ was affixed at the end of this word. Although the letter ‘a’ was inserted into the verb cry, ‘crayola’ still means cry and can either be used as a noun or a verb.

The queer word ‘wiz’ means no. The said queer word has also a variation, which includes the word ‘waz’ which is from the Cebuano word ‘wa’ (nothing), and ‘z’ was added to the word ‘wa’. Similarly, ‘waley’ was coined from the combination of ‘wala’ (nothing) and the suffix ‘ey’.

3.2.2 Appropriation

Another word-formation strategy found in Filipino queer language is appropriation presented in Table 3.

Forda is a modern Filipino queer word, which is the creative abbreviation of ‘for the’. In different social media platforms, ‘forda ferson’ (which means for the person) is being used by both members of Gen Z and LGBTQIA + in the Philippines to sound comical. Unknown to some, ‘keber’ is a Filipinized rendition of the Spanish phrase ‘nada que ver’. ‘Keber’ can also be called ‘kebs’ which is a shortened term for ‘keber’.

The word ‘keri’ can be defined as okay fine, or simply manageable. For instance, if somebody can finish a work, that person can say, ‘Keri!’ (I can do it!). For Filipino queers, they use it to mean they are good at doing something. Usually, ‘lang’ is added to mean ‘just okay’ or ‘Keribels’ (Keri plus the suffix -bels).

Moreover, ‘kinabog’ means knocked out in English and is also a Filipino queer term. In Filipino queer language, ‘kinabog’ is from the root ‘kabog’ (punch). Meanwhile, ‘lafang’ is from ‘lapa’ and when ‘lapa’ is used as a verb, it means to eat. Thus, the queer term ‘lafang’ was coined.

3.2.3 Clipping

Clipping is another word-formation strategy evident in Filipino queer words. Clipping is the process of deleting some elements of the word to have a short form of a pre-existing morpheme, as evident in the gay word ‘ter’ which is formed from deleting the ‘sis’. More of the examples of clipping are shown in Table 4.

The Filipino word ‘bakla’ can be derogatory to the LGBTQIA + community and refers to a biological man exhibiting female mannerisms. The word ‘bakla’ has been used in different forms, such as ‘badesh’, ‘jokla’, ‘tukling’, and ‘vaklush’. Therefore, ‘accling’ and ‘accla’ were clipped from the word ‘bakla’. Also, ‘accling’ used a double ‘c’ and was suffixed with -ing. ‘Accla’ was also spelled with a double ‘c’. By clipping plus the alternation in spelling and affixation, ‘bakla’ becomes less offensive.

Additionally, ‘beh’ can be traced from ‘bes’ which has been clipped either from ‘bestfriend’ or ‘baby’. Other variations of beh is ‘besh’ or ‘beshie’. In like manner, the clipped Filipino queer word ‘borta’ can be disambiguated by knowing its original form, which is ‘bortawan’. The word ‘borta’ is a mutation from the Filipino word ‘katawan’ (which means body). The first syllable, ‘ka’, was changed to ‘bor’. The clipped form of ‘bortawan’ is, therefore, ‘borta’, which pertains to somebody who is muscular.

3.2.4 Association

Another way to disambiguate Filipino queer words is through association. In association, queer words derive their meaning from the qualities, characteristics, or facts associated with a particular person, place, or event. This is presented in Table 5. For instance, the term ‘Bella Flores’ in the Filipino gay community refers to someone who has a bad temper, drawing inspiration from the famous actress known for playing villainous roles.

The words ‘Haggardo Versoza’, originated from a Filipino actor named Gardo Versoza. However, for queer individuals, ‘Haggardo Versoza’ means haggard.

Moreover, Julanis Morisette was alluded to ‘Alanis Morisette’. Alanis Morisette is a Canadian-American singer-songwriter. Julan is a queer term for the Filipino word ‘ulan’ (rain). Thus, Julanis Morisette simply means rain in English.

Sharon Cuneta is a singer and an actress from the Philippines and is known for her 1985 hit song ‘Bituing Walang Ningning’ (A Star Without Shine). In the chorus of the song ‘Bituing Walang Ningning’, the famous verse ‘balutin mo ako’ (wrap me) was cited, and the Filipino LGBTQIA + community makes use of this expression to refer to the act of wrapping and taking away food by a guest who was invited for a celebration or a gathering. The person who does this act can also be called Sharon Cuneta. Hence, the Filipino queer expression Sharon Cuneta means ‘take away the food’.

Gardenia means guard in the Filipino queer language. The first syllable of gardenia, which is ‘gard’ sounds like guard. Gardenia is a brand of loaf bread and is now used and spoken by queer people in the Philippines.

3.2.5 Mutation

In the context of gay language, mutation is a process of altering the original word. This involves cutting, modifying, or replacing syllables or letters and adding new affixes or letters to create variations and play with the sound. An example of this is the word ‘bakla’ (gay), which was mutated to ‘beki’ or ‘beks’ to sound less insulting (see Table 6 for more examples of mutations). Therefore, mutations in this context aim to modify the original word to create a new, less stigmatizing meaning.

The Filipino queer word ‘borlogs’ is a good example of mutation. The said word is from the Filipino term ‘tulog’ which means to sleep when translated into English. ‘Tu’ was changed to ‘bor’ to alter the word, and -s was affixed at the end of the queer word. On the other hand, ‘shutacca’ was used by Filipino queer people to lower the severity of the Filipino swear expression ‘puta ka’ (You are a bitch/Fuck you!). The letter ‘p’ was changed to ‘sh,’ ‘k’ was substituted by double c, and ‘puta ka’ became one word. Among close friends, this is used as a joke.

3.2.6 Neologism

Another way to shed light on the ambiguity of some Filipino queer words is by learning neologisms as presented in Table 7. Neologism is a freshly coined word or expression, which are generated in response to the needs of language users and the cultural changes that take place within a specific language community at a given time. The existence of neologisms highlights the direct connection between language and its users as a social and communicative tool.

‘Amaccana accla’ is a relatively new expression that means criticizing or denouncing fellow members for their problematic behavior. Also, ‘ammaccana accla’ can also be derived from ‘Tama na bakla’ (That is already enough)’ while ‘accla’ is a queer word for gay. Thus, ‘Amaccana accla’ is a contemporary term in the Philippines to refer to behavior that is deemed problematic or disorderly and should be stopped.

Similarly, ‘boogsh’ is a variant of ‘pak’ or ‘kabog’ which is an expression of amazement or surprise. ‘Boogsh’ has the same meaning as ‘bongga’ (great or wonderful) and was also one of the newly coined words, similar to ‘eme’ or ‘ems’, which is used to indicate a joke similar to char or charot.

‘Keme’, ‘kimmy’, and ‘kimmy lang’ can also be used as variants of ‘eme’.

3.2.7 Recontextualization

Recontextualization refers to the creation of new meanings as evident in some Filipino queer words in Table 8.

The meaning of 48 years is simple, as it simply pertains to a specific period of time. The Filipino queer expression 48 years means something is taking a very long time.

Furthermore, a dog show is a competition in which dogs are exhibited and rated by a panel of judges. In the Filipino queer language, however, dog show means making fun of someone. Thus, in the Filipino queer language, ‘dog show’ has a negative implication, for it is associated with ‘gaguhan’ (foolishness) and ‘ululan’ (howling but also used as a term to refer to craziness and foolishness).

Slay is another recontextualized word used in the Filipino queer language. Ate and left no crumbs is its variant. The original meaning of slay is to kill. However, the data showed that slay means to impress or be great in Filipino queer language.

3.2.8 Stylized reversal with affixation

Stylized reversal with affixation is a process that includes three steps: simple reversal, affixation, and styling. This can be seen in examples such as the Filipino queer words ‘hanabishi’ (husband), ‘eklabush’ (guy), ‘yufak’ (tired) and ‘bayers’ (goodbye). These words are formed by reversing the word ‘bana’ (meaning husband) to create ‘anab’. Then, a prefix ‘h’ and a suffix ‘ishi’ are added to create the new word ‘hanabishi’.

The Filipino queer word ‘kepay’ is another example of stylized reversal with affixation. This word came from the Filipino slang ‘pek pek’ which means vagina. The reversed spelling of ‘pek’ is ‘kep’ and the suffix -ay was added after ‘kep’, so the combination of ‘kep’ and ‘ay’ gave birth to the modern queer word ‘kepay’ which refers to the female genitalia.

4. Discussion

The study investigates the Filipino queer language on social media platforms (Facebook and Twitter) through a semantic and syntactic analysis employing WSD and content analysis. Based on the data analysis, the findings highlight two important points.

First, the findings demonstrate that in the context of a conservative and less accepting society towards LGBTQIA + individuals in the Philippines (Casabal, 2008; Ulla & Pernia, 2022, 2023), the queer community utilizes queer language to subvert norms and avoid societal taboos and inappropriateness. Such use of queer language among queer individuals aligns with historical patterns of exclusion and stigma faced by queer individuals, prompting them to adopt and use a language for them to successfully traverse an unsupportive social environment (Casabal, 2008; Miedema et al., 2022; Morgenroth & Ryan, 2018). This suggests that it is only such use of queer language that enables queer individuals to communicate with other members of the LGBTQIA + community in a coded and nuanced manner, fostering a sense of community and belonging in environments where their identities may not be recognized or understood. In other words, using queer language allows queer individuals to reclaim their identities and control their own narratives, empowering them and giving them a safe platform to express themselves. Creating a place where one feels at home is crucial to LGBTQIA + people who want safe spaces to act out their many, constantly evolving identities without fear of rejection or judgment (Schreuder, 2021). However, with the advancement of technology, it can be argued that the level of acceptance of gay language in the Philippines has significantly increased in recent years, as both individuals who identify as queer and those who do not can be observed using queer language (Casabal, 2008; Romero & Pagdanganan, 2022).

Second, the findings also revealed the different linguistics and semantics features of Filipino queer language. Using WSD, it was found that the Filipino queer language employs various word-formation strategies to enhance its richness and creativity. For example, the use of affixation, which adds affixes to roots or bases to create new words or alter existing ones, is evident in the following examples, ‘charot’, ‘chariz’, ‘crayola’, ‘gandara’, ‘gora’, and ‘gorabels’.

Additionally, appropriation, which involves borrowing foreign words and adapting them to fit the Filipino queer lexicon, as well as clipping, which shortens existing words to create new ones, such as ‘ter’ from ‘sister’ in the word ‘gay’, was also reflected in some Filipino queer language.

Filipino queer words can also derive meaning from associations with people, places, or events, aiding in understanding the intended meaning, such as the name of a movie actor, singer, or other artist.

Other word-formation strategies evident in the Filipino queer language also include mutation, which alters original words by modifying syllables, and letters or adding affixes to create new, less stigmatizing terms while maintaining linguistic relevance. Neologisms are newly coined words or expressions that reflect cultural changes and language evolution, responding to the evolving needs and dynamics of language users. Recontextualization assigns new meanings to existing words or phrases, reflecting the adaptability and creativity inherent in language usage. Lastly, stylized reversal with affixation results in phonetically similar yet contextually distinct queer terms. This can be seen in examples such as the Filipino queer words ‘hanabishi’ (husband), ‘eklabush’ (guy), ‘yufak’ (tired), and ‘bayers’ (goodbye). These words are formed by reversing the word ‘bana’ (meaning husband) to create ‘anab’. Then, the prefix ‘h’ and the suffix ‘ishi’ are added to create the new word ‘hanabishi’.

From a queer linguistics perspective, the findings highlight the intricate relationship between language, identity, and societal acceptance within the queer community in the Philippines. In a conservative and less accepting social environment, queer individuals utilize queer language as a tool for resistance against societal norms and taboos, echoing historical patterns of exclusion and stigma. This linguistic phenomenon allows queer individuals to navigate their surroundings and communicate with others in a coded manner, fostering a sense of community and belonging. By reclaiming their identities through language, queer individuals assert agency and control over their narratives, creating safe spaces for self-expression. However, the evolving acceptance of queer language, evident in its usage by both queer and non-queer individuals (Romero & Pagdanganan, 2022), suggests a shifting cultural landscape influenced by factors like technological advancements. The linguistic features of Filipino queer language further illustrate its richness and creativity, incorporating various word-formation strategies such as affixation, appropriation, clipping, and mutation. These linguistic processes not only enhance the complexity of queer language but also reflect the dynamic nature of language evolution and cultural adaptation (Espeño-Rosales & Careterro, 2019; Rubiales, 2020). Through neologisms, recontextualization, and stylized reversal, Filipino queer language continuously adapts to meet the evolving needs and identities of its users, emphasizing the fluidity and resilience of queer linguistic expressions within the Filipino queer community.

The findings of the current study contribute to the literature on queer linguistics, as we highlight that in the Filipino queer language, word sense disambiguation and semantics play crucial roles in understanding the diverse lexical formations used within the LGBTQIA + community in the Philippines. These linguistic strategies in the Filipino queer language not only serve to create inclusive, nuanced, and culturally relevant expressions among queer people, but it also enables communication, solidarity, and self-expression while navigating societal norms and prejudices.

5. Conclusion

In the present study, we explored the semantic nuances and underlying patterns of Filipino queer language through the perspective of Word Sense Disambiguation (WSD). Our findings unveiled that the Filipino queer language exhibits distinct characteristics, primarily revolving around affixation, appropriation, clipping, association, mutation, neologism, recontextualization, and stylized reversal with affixation. These linguistic phenomena are closely intertwined with the contextual settings in which they are employed. Knowing and understanding these Filipino queer language distinct characteristics are of paramount importance in the process of disambiguating and attributing significance to queer words in the Filipino language. These characteristics reflect the dynamic and innovative language usage within the LGBTQIA + community in the Philippines.

Although the study shed light on the semantic properties of Filipino queer language, it has its limitations. For instance, the corpus of the study was taken from Facebook and Twitter in a short period of time (August 2023–October 2023), which resulted in limited queer language used for the study. Future studies may employ different data collection methods and expand the scope of the study to include other Filipino queer language in use.

Another limitation of the study is that it did not involve the participation of the queer individuals. In other words, the study only employed content analysis. Interviewing the queer individual and their experiences as regards using queer language in different contexts may add a layer to the discussion of language inclusivity. Also, the current study was conducted only in the Philippines. Future studies may extend the scope of the study by including other countries to examine the different linguistic features of different queer languages.

Nonetheless, it is crucial to emphasize that although the study was conducted in the Philippines, it has wider implications for policymakers, queer linguists, and education practitioners. First, the linguistic landscape of Filipino queer language is defined by its liveliness and constant evolution, shaped by diverse methods and influences. Thus, the recognition of the liveliness and constant evolution of Filipino queer language suggests a need for inclusive language policies that acknowledge and accommodate diverse linguistic expressions within the LGBTQIA + community. Policymakers could consider integrating queer linguistics into educational curricula and language planning initiatives to promote linguistic diversity and inclusivity.

Queer linguists can utilize the findings to explore further the dynamic nature of language within the LGBTQIA + community, deepening our understanding of how language serves as a medium for self-expression, identity formation, and cultural relevance. This could lead to interdisciplinary research collaborations between linguists, sociologists, and cultural studies scholars to examine the multifaceted aspects of queer language in different cultural contexts.

Finally, education practitioners can use the insights gained from the analysis of Filipino queer language to develop inclusive teaching materials and strategies that reflect the linguistic diversity of their students. By incorporating queer language and culture into educational settings, educators can create safer and more affirming environments for LGBTQIA + students, promoting acceptance and understanding among all members of the school community.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Table 5. Presents some of the Filipino queer words that employ association.

Filipino queer words	Original words	Meanings
Haggardo Versoza	Reference to Gardo Versoza	Haggard; tired
Gardenia	Reference to Gardenia, a brand of a loaf bread	Guard
Julanis Morisette	Reference to Alanis Morisette	Rain
Sharon Cuneta	Reference to the song of Sharon Cuneta entitled ‘A Star Without Shine’	Take out food

Table 6. Presents two mutated words cited in this study.

Filipino queer words	Origins	Meanings
Borlogs	Tulog	To sleep/Asleep
Shutacca	Puta ka	You’re a bitch!/Fuck you!

Table 7. Shows Filipino queer words under neologism.

Neologized Filipino queer words	Meanings
Amaccana accla	That is enough; Stop it!
Boogsh/kabog	Expression of amazement
Eme/ems/keme/kimi/Kimmy/Kimmy lang	Just fine
Shupatembang	Older sister

Table 8. Presents the English words now used as Filipino queer words.

Filipino queer words/expressions	Original meanings	Recontextualized meanings
48 years	A span of time	A very long time
Dog show	A dog competition	Making fun of someone in a friendly and non-offensive way
Slay/ate and left no crumbs	To kill in a violent way	Impress

Additional information

Notes on contributors

Mark Bedoya Ulla

Mark Bedoya Ulla is an Assistant Professor and the Head of Research at the School of Languages and General Education, Walailak University, Thailand. He obtained his Doctor of Communication degree from the University of the Philippines Open University. His research interests are teacher education, EFL teaching, language education and studies, and teacher training.

Jonathan Marcos Macaraeg

Jonathan Marcos Macaraeg is a licensed professional teacher. He finished his Bachelor of Arts in English (2014), Master of Arts in English (2017), and Master of Arts in English as a Second Language (2019) in Baguio City, Philippines. Also, he had taught English and literature courses at the Philippine Military Academy for four years. At present, he is a lecturer at Paragon International University, Phnom Penh, Cambodia. He is currently taking PhD in Language Education at Saint Louis University (Philippines) and hopes to complete it in the near future. Language teaching and poetry analysis are his research interests.

Renz E. Ferrera

Renz E. Ferrera is a college instructor at Don Mariano Marcos Memorial State University. He finished a Bachelor of Secondary Education major in English and a Master’s in Language Teaching in Agoo, La Union. His professional journey commenced as a Junior High School Teacher, accumulating two years of valuable teaching experience before seamlessly transitioning to higher education. Presently, he imparts knowledge in Professional Education subjects at his alma mater. Currently, he is pursuing a Doctor of Philosophy in Language Education at St. Louis University. His scholarly endeavors revolve around the realm of Educational Technology.