The farming ritual and the rice metaphor: how people of Kasepuhan Sinarresmi worship rice

Abstract

Rice is the most important staple food in the world, and its management is therefore of vital importance. Rice management of the people of Kasepuhan Sinarresmi, Sukabumi Regency West Java, Indonesia is symbolized in cultural practices of farming. Little attention has been paid to the rice metaphor in farming rituals that reveal the cognition of people in rice management. This article, therefore, aims to elucidate the farming ritual that reveals the cognition of the people of Kasepuhan Sinarresmi in dealing with rice. With a qualitative method in nature, the data were collected from observations and interviews with the leader of the kasepuhan. Being one of the ethnicities in Indonesia, Sundanese people in Kasepuhan Sinarresmi have demonstrated their cultural practices that worship rice and its goddess, Dewi Sri. Dewi Sri is believed to provide a good life and an abundant rice crop for the people. Some research claims that cognition affects behavior, and in the same notion we argue that the cognition of the people of Kasepuhan Sinarresmi manifested and constructed in the farming ritual influences the way the people treat rice that yields in rice metaphor. Implementing this, the people of this kasepuhan manage to be self-sufficient in rice.

Keywords:

• Cognition
• farming
• Kasepuhan Sinarresmi
• rice metaphor
• ritual

Reviewing Editor:

• Abiodun Olasupo Akande, Creative Arts, University of Lagos, Lagos, Nigeria

Subjects:

• Anthropology - Soc Sci
• Cultural Studies
• Language & Linguistics

Introduction

Since its domestication between 8,000 to 10,000 years ago, rice has been the most popular staple food and the most important crop in the world (Greenland, 1997; Sen et al., 2020; Zhu et al., 2018); the first crops were first tracked in China and Thailand (Gnanamanickam, 2009). A great number of people depend on rice (Oryza sativa L.) as their staple food, and 90% of rice production and consumption is in Asia (Evans, 1998). It is also an important source of fiber, energy, minerals, vitamins and other biomolecules (Sen et al., 2020). According to Fairhurst and Dobermann (2002), less than 5% of total rice production is traded within Asia and to Asia and Europe. This indicates that the issue of self-sufficiency is prominent in many Asian countries (Fairhurst & Dobermann, 2002). Regarding caloric intake, 65% of countries in Asia are dependent upon rice. Rice also contributes to protein intake in Bangladesh and Myanmar by more than 60% and by 30–40% in Indonesia, Thailand and the Philippines (Fairhurst & Dobermann, 2002). Rice is also the main source of energy that contributes 79.95 g of carbohydrates in 100 g of white, long grain, raw rice (Gnanamanickam, 2009).

Due to its vital role in food security, particularly in Indonesia, rice production and management have received relatively high attention. Some studies have demonstrated that rice plants may be attacked by pests or diseases (Ardjansyah et al., 2017; Sudir et al., 2014). Some solutions to the problems have been proposed as suggested by studies highlighting certain farming systems such as the system of jajar legowo (Witjaksono, 2018) or plant and disease management through Talaromyces flavus isolates and the endophytes Fusarium equiseti, Fusarium sp. and Trichoderma sp. as an essential biocontrol agent (Rawat et al., 2022). To increase rice production, the addition of silica was recommended because rice is a local cultivar with low productivity (Tampoma et al., 2017).

With the wide rice production as well as consumption in Asia, some studies have been carried out in revealing local or traditional farming systems. The Matigsalog and Ata tribes in the Philippines maintain their traditional farming systems that contribute to ecosystem and biodiversity sustainability through their cropping calendars and their point to the heavens for the crops to be planted (Macusi et al., 2023). In the Northern Philippines, the local people known as Ifugaos practice ethno-ecological traditions that contribute to sustainable farming systems and give benefits for the farmers and the local communities (Calderon et al., 2015; Charette-Castonguay, 2014). Rice farming rituals related to certain myths is also performed by the Kadazan community in the Penampang Plains in Sabah, East Malaysia (Hussin, 2008). Farmers of Indonesia also perform traditional farming systems based on agricultural calendar, called Pranoto Mongso in Central and East Java, Parlontara in South Sulawesi, Kertamasa in Bali, Wariga in Aceh and Nyale in Southeast Nusatenggara, calendar of the Baduy people (Atmojo, 2021; Octafia, 2019; Sarvina & Surmaini, 2019; Wulandari, 2022). These studies denote the importance of local traditional farming systems in planting systems and timing that affect food security and sustainability. However, relatively little attention has been paid to the wealth of local cultural practices revealing the cognition of the people that supports rice management, particularly in West Java. Some studies claim that cognition affects behavior. A study by Cameron and Moss-Morris (2004) demonstrates illness-cognition regulates illness behavior. Similarly, Contreras-Hueta et al. (2020) claim that social cognition guides decisions. In the same fashion, we argue that the cognition of the people of Kasepuhan Sinarresmi manifested and constructed in the farming ritual influences the way the people treat rice. It is important, therefore, to uncover indigenous cultural practices exhibiting cognition in rice management. The research questions are formulated in the following questions:

1. What cultural practices are performed by the people of Kasepuhan Sinarresmi?

2. How do metaphors of rice denoting the cognition of the people of Kasepuhan Sinarresmi affect the way they worship rice?

Methods

The research was qualitative in nature with content analysis of interviews. It was carried out in Kasepuhan Sinarresmi, Sukabumi Regency, West Java Province, Indonesia in May 2022. Kasepuhan Sinarresmi is located in Sukabumi Regency, about 280 km west of Bandung, the capital city of West Java Province. This kasepuhan is near Ciletuh Geopark, one of the world’s geoparks that have been recently included in the world’s heritage.

Prior to data collection, the participants in the research gave their consent to be involved in the research. Data were collected through interviews and observations in the location. Interviews were carried out with the leader of Kasepuhan Sinarresmi, a prominent informant, Abah. Abah, a Sundanese address term, is originally used to call one’s father. Yet, it develops into a nickname to refer to an authoritative prominent mature Sundanese man, a name to show respect. Because the people of the kasepuhan completely comply with the rules established by the leader of the kasepuhan that have been in existence for decades, interviewing him would yield similar belief system of other people in the kasepuhan. In this kasepuhan, only the leader of the kasepuhan is called Abah to signify a respectful address term. Data were collected from primary and secondary sources. Interviews were conducted to collect primary data on farming rituals and how the people of this kasepuhan treat rice. The interviews were transcribed and a content analysis was conducted to reveal the information regarding farming rituals and the ways of how the people of this kasepuhan worshipped rice. In addition to interviews, data were collected through observations of farming practiced by the community. Secondary data were collected from the literature to complement the interviews and observations. To reveal the cognition of the people in the rice metaphor, linguistic manifestations related to rice were recorded and transcribed from the interviews with the leader. Conceptualizing rice in other domains that uncover the cognition of the people is analyzed through the theory of Conceptual Metaphor (Lakoff & Johnson, 1980), which maps correspondence between the source and the target domains.

Results and discussion

Rice, the staple food in Kasepuhan Sinarresmi, Sukabumi Regency West Java Indonesia, has been worshipped for generations. The people of this kasepuhan regard rice as sacred goods, valuables that are not for sale. For the people of Kasepuhan Sinarresmi, selling rice means selling life, a big sin equivalent to assassination and the punishment is clear. It must be redeemed. Seven generations will be held responsible for such a deed.

Kasepuhan Sinarresmi is the land of the ancestors, and the people of this kasepuhan plant rice based on the star constellation. The rice fields on different plateaus, the spread of rice barns and the people living in traditional customs are enchanting dispositions of Kasepuhan Sinarresmi. People of Kasepuhan Sinarresmi are dependent upon the virtue of nature; greed is a character that must be avoided. The belief is that what nature bestows on them is what they deserve.

Kasepuhan Sinarresmi

The word kasepuhan is derived from the Sundanese word sepuh ‘old’ as an adjective, and affixes ka- and -an as a noun to denote the understanding of the place of the old (or the elder people). This term also reveals a leadership system of a community based on the customs or habits of the elder people. In this case, the leadership system refers to the habits of the ancestors, and hence, should be followed by the people living in the kasepuhan.

Kasepuhan Sinarresmi, with a population of about 11,000 people consisting of about 2500 families, is one of kampung adat (a local village with unique traditional customs) located at the National Park of Mount Halimun Salak in West Java. It is located at Desa Sirnaresmi, District of Cisolok, Banten Kidul (South Banten) in Sukabumi Regency, West Java Indonesia (Figure 1). This kasepuhan is one of the villages in the National Park of Mount Halimun Salak in Sukabumi Regency West Java Indonesia. Based on history, this kasepuhan originated from a kingdom reigned by Prabu Siliwangi in the 15th century, who resided in Cipatat, Bogor. The prominent adat figures spread and established villages or kasepuhan with different authorities for certain reasons (Humaeni et al., 2018). In the kasepuhan, cultural values must be preserved and passed on to the next generations, particularly in farming rituals. The elder people have the authority to maintain the traditional farming system, and it is the beginning of the Sinarresmi ethnic with a unique traditional farming system. The people strongly believe in kapamalian so pamali is still the way of life. The word kapamalian (Sundanese word) derives from pamali meaning ‘taboo’, and this belief is a part of people in Kasepuhan Sinarresmi. In Danadibrata (2006), pamali is defined as prohibitions passed on from ancestors to prohibit certain actions that can cause disaster. With such a belief system, they manage to maintain harmony with nature.

Figure 1. Map of Kasepuhan Sinarresmi Sukabumi, West Java, Indonesia.

Source: https://www.google.com/maps/place/Kasepuhan+Sinar+Resmi/@-6.8623258,107.015343,8.33z.

Principles of life

The principles of the life of the people in this kasepuhan are tilu sapamilu, tatali paranti karuhun and adat governance (governance based on inheritable traditional customs) (Aulia & Adhitama, 2021). Tilu sapamilu refers to life balance. This principle is preceded by the dichotomy concept of dualism, and the third element balances the contradictory ones. The word tilu, meaning three, signifies the importance of unifying two contradictory elements. In relation to rice processing and management, this principle is symbolized in three buildings for rice, namely leuit (barns), lisung (a long wooden pan for pounding rice), and goah (a place to keep crops). The three buildings must exist to smoothly manage and process rice from seeds into cooked rice.

Tatali paranti karuhun is the principle to follow the way of life as modelled by the elder (karuhun, a Sundanese word meaning ancestors). Etymologically, this is derived from the word tatali ‘rope’ symbolizing bonding and measurement in living life. It is sacred and must be complied with, thus, violating this will result in accidents or disaster for not only the person him/herself but also the whole community.

According to Abah, the leader of Kasepuhan Sinarresmi, this kasepuhan adopts a particular farming system. People use local seeds that have been grown for generations. The planting and fertilization are different from other areas. The rice pest management in Kasepuhan Sinarresmi is carried out naturally with very little or even without pesticides. Natural fertilizers such as manure are used. Manure as a natural fertilizer used in amendment can reduce rice yield loss (Zhu et al., 2022). Tractors are not used to plow the soil; planting is done naturally without machines.

As a manifestation of their obedience to their ancestors, the people perform some rituals in rice planting, harvesting, storage, and first consumption. These rituals are intended to ask for blessings to gain abundant rice crops to meet the people’s needs for the year to come. Furthermore, there are other rituals to express their gratitude during drying the paddy rice, when the paddy rice is brought home, and when the paddy rice is put in a barn. The production, management, and consumption have been conducted so well that the people always have rice as their staple food (Khomsan et al., 2014) even during the dry season when rice yields tend to decrease. Research by Ikmaludin et al. (2018) suggests that the people of Kasepuhan Sinarresmi manage to be self-sufficient in rice.

Rice farming as cultural practices

Rituals of rice farming

The principle of tatali paranti karuhun is the cultural basis of the people to maintain and preserve local genius, implemented in their religion, way of life, occupation, as well as social and cultural activities for generations. Rice planting is conducted naturally once a year. Planting rice once a year is expected to stop the pest cycle of wereng (Khomsan, 2014). This, in turn, possibly affects the social and cultural characteristics of food and nutrition based on traditional values the people uphold (Kusnaka, 1992).

Essentially, rice farming rituals in this kasepuhan starts from rice (paddy) planting until rice consumption. The rituals are Ngaseuk, Mipit, Ngunjal, Ngadiukkeun Pare and Nganyaran. Rice farming rituals performed by the people of Kasepuhan Sinarresmi bear similar significance to farming rituals in other areas. Some Indonesian societies practice this kind of rituals such as in East Java with the rituals of Keleman and Metik (Dila, 2017) and in South Bengkulu Regency with Nundang Rice (Mizliati et al., 2017).

Ngaseuk

Earning their living in agricultural sectors, the people of Kasepuhan Sinarresmi live on what nature bestows on them, perform some activities of growing plants or rice in swidden lands, called berladang, grow rice in rice fields, or bersawah, and grow plants in fields. Growing rice is conducted once a year and after the harvest, the land is left to rest without any vegetation. People believe doing this can improve the condition of the land to achieve its potential to produce good crops. To keep the soil nourishment, no chemical fertilizers are used; only natural ones are used to make the soil ready for the next planting period.

Rice planting is held between September and October, during the rainy season when the rain level is medium. Various plants are placed in the middle of the swidden field, which is considered a very sacred place (Iskandar & Iskandar, 2017). Only seeds native to the area are grown, making it highly possible to yield a good harvest. The selection of certain seeds is based on the following considerations (Ikmaludin et al., 2018):

1. traditional ceremonies require local seeds;

2. superior seeds recommended by the government cannot grow well in this area;

3. the local paddy rice has long stems making them easy to harvest, dry and store; it can be stored for up to five years and it will not fall out.

4. the farming system, their ancestor’s heritage, should be preserved.

Worship to the rice goddess includes all rituals from planting rice until rice consumption. When opening land for growing rice, the people of this kasepuhan perform a ritual. The crucial moment during planting rice is the ritual of Ngaseuk as shown in Figure 2. Ngaseuk is a verb derived from the noun aseuk. Aseuk is a 1.5 pole with a sharp end to make holes as the place for rice seeds. The ritual of Ngaseuk also involves spell recitation. Planting rice ritual, called Nandur, is also performed among the Balinese people (Aridawati, 2020).

Figure 2. Ngaseuk (planting rice).

Source: Facebook of Kasepuhan Sinarresmi, reused with permission.

The ritual of planting rice begins in the morning when the leader of the kasepuhan prepares pungpuhunan (a ritual place bordered by sticks of barahulu (Amomum sp) in the middle of the field. He then enters the pungpuhunan and crouches down in front of a woven bamboo basket containing sacred grains of rice. Incantations are recited as gaharu incense is burning. After the incantations, a couple of rice seeds called pare indung (the rice mother) are sown in the middle of pungpuhunan. Pare indung serves as the first seeds of rice. Once this ritual is performed, men walk ahead of women, making holes in the ground with aseuk while women place rice seeds in the holes.

Mipit

Mipit is a ritual of harvesting rice crops, usually held about five months after sowing between March and April. The ritual of Mipit is performed three days before harvesting. One day prior to the harvesting day, the leader of the kasepuhan and his wife performed fasting called mutih. During fasting time, they drink and eat just a little rice. Special meals such as steamed swidden rice, glutinous rice, freshwater fish, and meat from squirrels should be prepared for three days. On the harvesting day, some preparations are undertaken. For example, the stem and midrib of a young sugar palm leaf are embedded in the ground of the pungpuhunan and are supported by bamboo. Each pair of leaf midribs is woven to make an oval shape, and the leaves are tied together at the tip (Iskandar & Iskandar, 2017). The ritual begins when the leader of the kasepuhan crouches down in the pungpuhunan. Gaharu incense is burned, and the leader recites incantations. This is also done on the second and third days. During this time, when there is more than one rice variety, each variety is separately placed in blocks.

Ngunjal

Ngunjal in Sundanese means ‘sending or delivering’. It refers to the action of delivering the rice crop from rice fields or swidden lands to the local adat government to be stored in leuit (a village barn) as spare food. Sending the rice to the local authority is carried out on foot by men only. It is forbidden that rice be delivered by motor vehicles. Delivering the rice generally commences in the late evening. Rice weighing between 20 and 40 kg is put on the shoulders of the male bearers. When the rice arrives, the men are welcomed by women with the sound of women hitting the lisung (a long wooden pan for pounding rice) with sticks and singing. The women count the bundles of rice, amounting to thousands of bundles. Having finished counting, the rice is put in the barn. Storing the rice in leuit symbolizes maintaining food security; they store rice for their future needs and only consume it as needed. Every family has a certain amount of rice fields so they can meet their daily needs of rice from the crops they harvest and put the spare rice in the rice barn. In this way, it is clearly understood the people of this kasepuhan manage to maintain self-sufficiency in rice.

In this ritual, saving rice in leuit can be understood as saving money in banks in the modern era. However, this may extend to the understanding that rice is crucial and saving it is a means of saving their lives as well, particularly during the dry season, when the rain level is low.

Ngadiukkeun Pare

Ngadiukkeun Pare is a ritual of putting the rice in the barn called leuit si jimat by the leader of kasepuhan. Certain incantations are recited, revealing the gratitude to God and the blessings of ancestors for taking care of the people of Kasepuhan Sinarresmi. Leuit si jimat functions as a bank of rice for the people and as a place for rice seeds (Supriatin, 2012). In addition, leuit si jimat is also a manifestation of the solidarity of Sinarresmi people (Nopianti, 2016). In addition to leuit si jimat that functions as the main village barn, each family in the kasepuhan also has their own leuit as seen in Figure 3.

Figure 3. Leuit (Barns).

Source: Authors’ document, 2022.

The rice bundles are hung on a bamboo pole supported by other bamboo to a height of about two meters, which is placed near the farm shelter. After drying, the rice bundles are carried out to and stored in the barn. Storing the first rice bundles (pare indung ‘the mother rice’) is called ngadiukkeun pare indung. The ritual begins with the upper part of the rice panicles harvested from the pungpuhunan being cut to flatten the upper part of the panicles. In the barn, the rice is put in the center part by a man, and other rice bundles are placed nearby (Iskandar & Iskandar, 2017).

Nganyaran

Nganyaran is a ritual of consuming newly harvested rice. Nganyaran derives from the Sundanese word anyar meaning new. Nganyaran is a verb, thus, it means an action to try new things. Pertinent to the ritual of rice, Nganyaran is a ritual of steaming the newly harvested rice crop and consuming it together with all the people.

Prior to Nganyaran, the rice needs pounding. Pounding rice in this kasepuhan requires the people involved to remain silent. The lisung (a long wooden pan for pounding rice) is made in the woods. This pounding process is accompanied by an art performance of angklung dogdog lojor. Pounding the rice performed in silence serves as a symbol of respect to the goddess of rice, Dewi Sri. Angklung dogdog lojor in rituals is a product of the tangible and intangible culture, and it functions as a medium of prayer, as well as a distinctive identity for Kasepuhan Sinarresmi (Budi et al., 2015).

Steaming rice, a process after pounding the rice, is another important ritual. The rice steaming is carried out in Imah Gede, literally meaning a big house. It is a sacred place for the people of Kasepuhan Sinarresmi. Women cooking rice have to be in ‘clean’ condition, meaning that the women who are having their periods must not cook rice in Imah Gede. It is believed that when a woman having her period is cooking rice, the result will be distasteful either directly or indirectly and may be visually apparent. Imah Gede symbolizes not only the measurement of the house but also the values of appreciating communal activities and solidarity.

Nganyaran ritual has been performed for generations and in abah’s view, it is a ritual of expressing gratitude to God for the rice harvest. It includes the process of steaming the freshly harvested rice by Ambu (the wife of the kasepuhan leader) supported by other women. The rice is then given to the leader to taste (Supriatin, 2012). The community also practices jekat (donating some amount of the harvest to people in need); for example, from 100 bundles of rice, 10 bundles must be donated. In this way, it is believed that what they consume is what belongs to them, and it is full of blessings.

The rice metaphor

For the people of this kasepuhan, rice is sacred. Rice for the people of Sinarresmi is a symbol of life, not simply a commodity. Rice must not be sold, and the cycle, as well as the farming system, is managed by the rules of adat (Sigit, 2012). Rice processing and management follow strict rules, starting from planting rice, which is conducted once a year, using local seeds, harvesting, storing the crop in leuit (a barn), pounding the rice using lisung, and bringing it to the kitchen, called pawon, cooked in hawu (a stove made of clay) to rice consumption (Nuryanto, 2011). As the staple food, the management of the people of the kasepuhan to meet their rice needs signifies a well-planned and successful food management (Ambayoen et al., 2018).

One prominent mythological figure in Sundanese culture closely related to rice that is also associated with fertility is Dewi Sri (Goddess Sri). In the Sundanese belief system, she is also referred to as Nyi Pohaci, Nyi Pohaci Sanghyang Sri, Nyi Pwah Sang Hyang Asri, and Nyi Dangdayang Tresnawati. Sundanese farmers position the goddess of rice in a special, major place. Dewi Sri becomes the center of worship as many rituals are devoted to her for her blessings in the form of good crops and harvest (Heryana, 2012). People of Kasepuhan Sinarresmi believe that Dewi Sri is a symbol of prosperity and fertility that controls the prosperity of the earth (Adisaputri & Widiastuti, 2015). Believing Dewi Sri as a symbol of fertility signifies a crucial role in the agriculture of the Indonesian society (Dewi et al., 2018; Nastiti, 2020).

Intertwined with the mythological figure, the people cognitively construct rice concepts yielding in metaphorical ways of thinking and expressions. Metaphors of rice are identified from a variety of both verbal and nonverbal actions. In nonverbal actions, the rice cultivation period between four to nine months is metaphorically understood as women giving birth to a child that can only be one time in a year. A constellation of stars guides farmers when planting rice begins. Applying this technique has guided them when harvest can start, and therefore, rice plants can be protected from pests. Specifically, rice metaphor in the ritual of rice farming is significantly exhibited in the Ngadiukkeun Pare . Ngadiukkeun means make something or someone sit, denoting an active process of creating a convenient position for a long time. This metaphor signals that pare ‘rice’ is a respected person that stays for a certain period. Cognitively, the mental process of picturing someone sitting down results in a vivid depiction of rice in the rice barns.

According to Abah, conceptualizing rice as life is built upon the philosophy of growing rice from the soil, which signifies where life begins. Selling or buying rice, is, therefore, forbidden. Selling rice means selling life. This is the manifestation of how the people of Kasepuhan Sinarresmi uphold rice worship. Verbal expressions as the realization of the rice concept are demonstrated in the following expressions: ‘rice is your life’; ‘rice is your mother’; ‘we do not sell rice’; ‘it is our life’ and ‘rice is your wife’. How Sundanese people in general pay respect to women is illustrated in the rituals of rice: planting, harvesting, storing, and consuming rice. Things related to the goddess of rice are performed according to the rules that have been passed on for generations and no adaptations have been made so far.

The rituals of rice starting from sowing until consuming rice indicate the cognition of the Kasepuhan Sinarresmi people. They acknowledge and believe that rice harvest is the generosity of the rice goddess, Dewi Sri, who protects their plants (Holil, 2020). Therefore, some rituals of are performed to honor her. Rituals are embodied cognition (Geertz & Klocová, 2018), requiring a description of an action. In rice rituals, participants do certain things in a particular sequence that influence what the people in this kasepuhan feel, think, remember, and do. Embodied cognition of the people has motivated them to extend their abilities to adapt themselves to the environment and, thus, create tools that assist them to make their lives easier. In the ritual of Ngaseuk, for example, they create a pole to make holes to plant rice seeds. They also build village barns in such a place and shape that protect the rice from rain and rodents.

An understanding of the metaphorical linguistic expressions of rice signals an understanding of one conceptual domain as another domain (Kӧvecses, 2010; Lakoff & Johnson, 1980), which is called the Conceptual Theory of Metaphor. A set of mappings between the two domains, the source and the target domains, produces an effortless understanding of metaphorical expressions.

Comprehending the concept of mother or wife in the local culture requires an understanding of the position of women in Sundanese culture. With the majority of Indonesian people being patriarchal, the role of a wife and a mother is crucial in securing a family life. In some cultures, being a wife entails the position of a husband as the breadwinner, working in public, while a wife is more in the domestic domain (Putri & Lestari, 2015; Sihite, 2007). According to Hardjodisastro and Hardjodisastro (2010) in more modern life marriage life is about respect and sharing roles, and no dominant roles are perceived. However, in general, a husband may not think of household expenses as they think of domestic affairs as the wife’s responsibility. When a wife has children, she will be called a mother by her children, and the responsibility of being a mother may even get bigger, yet parents can adopt co-parenting in child-rearing (Hossain, 2019).

In rice farming rituals, Abah added that the rice as the symbol of the goddess is engaged with the earth. Such actions reveal how the people of Sinarresmi metaphorically think of the rice as a person who can grow and develop, bringing more yields. The woman, the goddess of rice and the man, the earth, unite to breed new lives. In this ritual, it can be seen the practice of the conceptual metaphor of RICE AS A MOTHER.

Conceptualizing rice as a mother constructs the conceptual metaphor of RICE IS A MOTHER that signifies features of human beings in rice. The practice of planting rice once a year denotes the cognition of mothers who bear a child in nine months. Having the character of a mother that gives birth to children, rice is viewed to produce crops. In particular, rice has a gender, and viewing rice to have gender signifies biological attributes people have. Conceptualizing rice as a mother clearly demonstrates the gender of a female. In relation to the source domain of a person, Krisnawati et al. (2021) in their research on metaphor of nature demonstrate that a person is a common source domain. In rice farming practices of this kasepuhan, the source domain is specified as a mother. Perceiving the important role of the rice goddess, Dewi Sri, they believe that she guides the way they treat rice. To fully understand the linguistic meaning elements of rice as a mother, Figure 4 displays the mapping of the source domain a mother and the target domain rice.

Figure 4. Metaphor mapping of rice as a mother.

Conceptualizing rice to have a mother’s characteristics denotes that rice is a female with the ability to breed. Rice is united to the earth to breed new lives. With this belief system, rituals are performed to honor rice. In ritual practices, rice is in the heart of the people. Rice serves as a symbol of fertility and prosperity as well as a treasure that should be preserved. Previous research has indicated that rice for this kasepuhan is crucial, not only as the staple food but also as a symbol of food security kept in a village barn (Supriatin, 2012).

Another concept of rice is constructed through the understanding of rice as a person having a gender, a male or a female, that yields the metaphor of RICE AS A PERSON. Unifying both male and female rice (paddy) into the soil is comprehended as a ritual of marriage potentially producing offspring. Therefore, such cognition results in a need for a rice barn, called leuit. Characteristics of a person is embedded in rice so the people always treat rice with respect and care because rice is a source of life for them. The mapping of the source domain of a person to the target domain of rice is depicted in Figure 5.

Figure 5. Metaphor mapping of rice as a person.

The practices of the rituals, manifested in the rice metaphor, produce and reflect the belief and belonging of the people of the kasepuhan. Believing in what nature bestows on them, guided by their belief in the goddess of rice, they manage to cultivate their land well and be self-sufficient in rice. Rituals performed in rice cultivation also signify their identity, a mere community identity as rice worshippers. What they practice symbolizes the outcomes of rituals as belief and belonging (Marshall, 2002). Belonging to a community practicing rice farming rituals to honor the goddess of rice, they practice ecological sustainability as well, as demonstrated in the avoidance of unnatural pesticides and unexploited use of land. With such belief, it is evident that the people have practiced sustainability, far before the issue of sustainability is discussed.

Conclusion

Cultural practices manifested in rice farming rituals of Kasepuhan Sinarresmi people exhibit the cognitive conceptualization of rice. Conceptualizing rice as a mother, intertwined with the mythological figure of Dewi Sri, is the reason for worshipping rice leading to rice management as the staple food in this region and ecological preservation. Performing the rice ritual has made the people always respect and appreciate nature. Believing in the power of nature to provide abundant rice harvest is rooted in their faith in the goddess of rice, Dewi Sri. It is, therefore, important that the practices in Kasepuhan Sinarresmi be preserved amidst the advances in information and technology. Pertaining to the rice cultivation, the use of natural ingredients and local seeds has enabled the people to meet their needs for the staple food of rice.

With a limited scale of the study, the cultural practices in this kasepuhan cannot be generalized into broader communities. However, some of the practices such as saving rice in a barn, no chemical use as well as the unexploited use of land may to some extent be applied in other regions to promote ecological sustainability.

Glossary
abah	=	a Sundanese address term to refer to an authoritative person (a leader)
adat	=	inheritable traditional customs
aseuk	=	a stick with a sharp end to make holes as the place for rice seeds
goah	=	a place to keep crops
hawu	=	a stove made of clay
indung	=	mother
Imah Gede	=	the big house
jekat	=	donating some amount of rice harvest to people in need
kasepuhan	=	a village (etymologically it derives from the word sepuh)
kapamalian	=	the way of life of Sundanese people based on pamali
leuit	=	a barn
lisung	=	a wooden pan for pounding rice
Mipit	=	a ritual of harvesting rice crops
Ngadiukken Pare	=	a ritual of putting rice in the barn
Ngaseuk	=	a ritual of planting rice
Nganyaran	=	a ritual of consuming newly-harvested rice
Ngunjal	=	sending or delivering rice to the local government
pamali	=	taboo, prohibitions passed on from ancestors to prohibit certain actions that can cause disaster
pare	=	rice
pawon	=	kitchen
pungpuhunan	=	a ritual place bordered by sticks of barahulu (Amomum sp) in the middle of the field
sepuh	=	old, the elder

Acknowledgments

The authors wish to thank the people of Kasepuhan Sinarresmi, Desa Sirnaresmi, Sukabumi Regency, particularly to Abah Asep Nugraha, for the invaluable information. The participants in this research have given their consent. Permission to reuse the picture has been granted.

Disclosure statement

The authors report there are no competing interests to declare.

Correction Statement

This article has been corrected with minor changes. These changes do not impact the academic content of the article.

Additional information

Funding

This work was supported by the Academic Leadership Grant scheme of Universitas Padjadjaran under Grant no. 2203/UN6.3.1/PT.0020/2022.

Notes on contributors

Ekaning Krisnawati

Ekaning Krisnawati is an Associate Professor at Department of Linguistics and a researcher at the Center for Language Studies of Faculty of Cultural Sciences Universitas Padjadjaran Indonesia. Her research interests include pragmatics, sociolinguistics, discourse, and applied linguistics. Her recent publication is on metaphor in nature tourism discourse. She can be reached at [email protected].

Eva Tuckyta Sari Sujatna

Eva Tuckyta Sari Sujatna is a Professor of Linguistics at Faculty of Cultural Sciences, Universitas Padjadjaran, Indonesia. Her currently publications are “Objective or subjective adjectives? A case study on UNESCO Global Geopark tourism texts (2024) and “An appraisal perspective on students’ use of attitudinal resources in university EFL academic oral presentations” (2023). She can be contacted at [email protected].

Rosaria Mita Amalia

Rosaria Mita Amalia is an Associate Professor at the Department of Linguistics, Faculty of Cultural Sciences, Universitas Padjadjaran. Her research revolves around the fields of Pragmatics, (Critical) Discourse Analysis, and Culture. Several of her academic writings have been published in accredited national journals and reputable international journals. All publications can be verified through Google Scholar, Research Gate and Scopus.

Ypsi Soeria Soemantri

Ypsi Soeria Soemantri was a senior lecturer at Department of Linguistics Faculty of Cultural Sciences Universitas Padjadjaran. Her studies were on morphology.

Kasno Pamungkas

Kasno Pamungkas. In line with his doctoral studies on interdisciplinary studies, he is a researcher at the Center for Language Studies and Tourism Studies Universitas Padjadjaran Indonesia. He publishes articles in international journals and acts as a reviewer of some reputable international journals. Furthermore, his main research interests are interdisciplinary linguistics, toponym, tourism, and branding which are published in the form of songs as well to support the brand studies.