Analyzing voice in language policy documents of the Moroccan government

Abstract

This paper examined the different voices present in language policy documents in article 5 which is the section devoted to language in the Moroccan constitution of 2011 using critical discourse analysis based on three levels of language policy analysis: discourse, contextual, and textual analyses. It showed how these documents reflect the ideological interests of policymakers in Moroccan society. These levels are the analyses of co-text in article 5 of the constitution; its relationship with other texts (intertextuality); concrete situations, such as language policy in general and that in Morocco in particular. The analysis showed that there are many different voices in language articles of the Moroccan constitution, but two are the most prominent: one based on national identity and values and the other grounded in liberty and language rights. These two prominent ones based on multilingualism and linguistic pluralism and focusing on Moroccan identity, history, and unity as one nation. The former is supported by the inclusion of a new indigenous language as an official language of the country and respect for its culture and people. The latter tends to denote that despite the addition of another official language, the country remains one unified nation, and Arabic is still saved and protected by the language policy stipulated in the new constitution.

Keywords:

• Language policy
• discourse analysis
• voice
• policy documents
• text analysis
• official language

REVIEWING EDITOR:

• Jeroen van de Weijer, College of International Studies, Shenzhen University, Shenzhen, China

SUBJECTS:

• Language & Linguistics
• English Language
• Sociolinguistics

In writing, voice is constituted by an author’s tone, choice of content and words, and sometimes even punctuation (Phan & Baurain, 2011). One of the earliest definitions of voice in writing was provided by Elbow (1981), who described it as ‘capturing the sound of the individual on the page’ and as an element that can reflect an author’s beliefs and thoughts. Writers (language policymakers in the current paper) use different voices for various reasons, which is tantamount to what Ede (1989) referred to as the situational written voice. The author stated that our use of this voice is similar to how we wear different clothes on different occasions. This variation in writing voice was further explained by Phan and Baurain (2011), who asserted that such a voice depends on and is affected by ‘social factors’. Some of these factors, such as audience expectations, genres, and sociocultural aspects, are reflected in a writer’s identity (Phan & Baurain, 2011). In writing, we decide what role we are enacting, which then confers us the voice to express our thoughts, ourselves, and our ideologies (Phan & Baurain, 2011). Therefore, the beliefs and ideologies held by writers can be determined by analyzing the way that they write. Correspondingly, this study analyzed how policymakers write language policy articles of the Moroccan constitution to ascertain what ideologies are reflected in these documents. This study presents how language authorities articulate these policies and which voice is chosen to present a given policy and why.

The purpose of this study is to analysis the section devoted to language in Moroccan constitution after constitutional amendment in 2011 to figure out voices and ideologies that might be presented by policymakers, and to examine how language policy is presented in government documents that might affect people and society. It is hoped that this study will contribute positively to the growing body of extant literature on the role of policymakers and how they can use language effectively to presents their positions since practices and regulations in language policy work to achieve language change in societies, group or system as suggested by Kaplan and Baldauf (1997).

Language policy

Spolsky (2004) pointed out that all language practices, beliefs, and decisions can be referred to as language policy, but not all such policies are explicit. Some are implicit, with people using them in their daily lives ungoverned by directly stated rules (Spolsky, 2004). Although explicit language policies sometimes minimally affect language practices, some of these regulations are still created by authorities in certain countries. A good example of explicit language is that found in government documents, which record policymakers’ decisions regarding how, when, and which language should be spoken and where. Moreover, Shohamy (2006) stated that language policy sometimes influences social ideology. Thus, such a policy is always supported by the cultural, ideological, and economic aspects of powerful populations. The same holds true for the Moroccan context. A new Constitution was approved in July 2011 as a result of protests calling for greater democracy and political reform, this makes the government work to update the 1996 constitution. (Rubio, 2015). Furthermore, there were many social and cultural aspects in Morocco that affects policymakers’ decisions such as the social movements, feminist associations and human rights organizations since the early 1990s that asked for reforms and change (De Castro, 2016).

Interestingly, in their context-oriented discourse analysis, Krzyżanowski and Wodak (2011) indicated that multilingualist language policy oscillates between economic values and people’s cultures and ideologies. The authors found that political interests play a critical role in functionalizing language policy. Similarly, Wodak et al. (2012) averred that language choices depend on many factors, such as language ideology and context-related issues. In the present paper, the researcher examined how context-related factors—in this case, ‘an official document’—and ideology are reflected in the different linguistic voices present in Morocco’s 2011 language policy.

Critical discourse analysis and the discourse-historical approach

Savski (2016) showed that conducting critical discourse analysis helps determine the difference between two voices in language policy documents of the government. He added that using the discourse-historical approach (DHA) advances the differentiation between attitudes and social knowledge in various fields and how they are represented in a historical context. In the current analysis, the DHA was deployed to probe into how policymakers’ linguistic voices are represented in the texts of language policy documents and their relationship with society and history. Wodak and Meyer (2009) stated that the DHA enables the exploration of how texts, genres, and discourses change in relation to sociopolitical change. This is exactly what happened in Morocco when it updated its constitution in 2011 after political revolutions occurred in the Middle East. Specifically, the Moroccan government added a new language, Tamazight, as an official language aside from Arabic. Wodak and Meyer (2009) pointed out that the DHA is suitable for the field of politics, as it can be used to develop a conceptual framework for political discourse. It is therefore a practical method of analyzing government documents, such as the Moroccan constitution. This constitution is updated to represent different variety of social groups and to adapt the state structure to the social, political, historical or cultural features of the society as concluded by Rkioua (2012).

History and identity of Moroccan Arabic and tamazight

It is important to note that Morocco had only one official language, Arabic, until 2011 (Tomaštik, 2010), during which the country updated its constitution. One of the most radical changes was that concerning language articles, which now recognize Tamazight as another official language. According to Zouhir (2014), standard Arabic language is the language of prestige in Morocco, that is, the language used in religion, education, and official functions. Arabic helps Morocco be part of Arabic nations on the basis of the idea of ‘one nation, one religion and one language’ (Sadiqi, 2003). It is the language of Islamic identity (Sadiqi, 2003). This language represents the national identity and values that were explored in this paper.

Although only 35% of Moroccans speak standard Arabic fluently (Elbiad, 1991), it is seen by the population as the language of their identity. According to Tomaštik (2010), the Arabic language is used in school instructions, TV programs, and political settings in Morocco, and it is not simply the spoken language but also the official written language for legal documents. Aside from speaking standard Arabic, Moroccan citizens use their own dialects in daily communication because Arabic is a diglossic language, coming in varieties other than the high-status version of it (Tomaštik, 2010). After 2011, the Moroccan constitution kept Arabic as the official, but not the only, national language. As previously stated, the government added Tamazight as an official means of communication in the country.

Both Arabic and Tamazight spread across North and West Africa (Zouhir, 2014). In Morocco, Tamazight is the indigenous language (Zouhir, 2014), spoken by more than 30% of the population (Tomaštik, 2010). It has three basic varieties (Tomaštik, 2010). As argued by Tomaštik (2010), Tamazight was not included in the constitution as an official language before 2011 for ideological reasons and because no standard writing system or preferred script exists for this language. Furthermore, no teachers could teach the language in schools. The author also explained that Tamazight is the main identity and cultural marker of the Amazigh population. This assertion is supported by Moustaoui (2016), who confirmed that there is what he called ‘Amazigh’s evolution and movement’ to change the language from being merely an oral language to a written one. He found that people extensively use Tamazight and Moroccan Arabic in social communication. Madani et al. (2012) stated that ‘compared to earlier constitutional texts, which promoted a selective identity (Arabic and Islamic), the new constitution is clearly more open. The 2011 constitution highlights the importance of minority and indigenous languages, but the analysis of the language used to communicate this importance uncovered two linguistic voices: one based on the identity and unity of the country as a single nation and the other grounded in language rights and respect for minorities.

Methodology

Data

The researcher analyzed Article 5 (the section devoted to language) of the Moroccan constitution of 2011. The World Intellectual Property Organization (WIPO) reported that since its independence in 1956, Morocco has updated its constitution six times. The last amendment before the 2011 revision took place in 1996. In a note, the WIPO stated that the 2011 constitution recognizes linguistic pluralism and plural identities, denoting a significant shift in the constitution’s history that was prompted by years of demand from Moroccan activists (Tomaštik, 2010). The original text of the Moroccan constitution can be found on the official website of the government (mcrp.gov.ma), and Arabic and French versions are available from the WIPO. The researcher scrutinized the original Arabic text and demonstrate how the different linguistics voices emerged, and translated excerpts were provided. Specifically, the researcher looked into the language section of the 1996 constitution and compared it with that contained in the 2011 constitution. The former is available in Arabic, French, and English from the WIPO.

Methods

The researcher investigated how language policy is presented in the Moroccan constitution using the three levels of language policy analysis suggested by Reisigl and Wodak (2009)—discourse, contextual, and textual analyses—and adapted by Savski (2016) (Figure 1). First, the four-level contextual analysis proposed by Wodak (2008) and adapted by Savski (2016) for his study on Slovene government documents were initiated. These levels are the analyses of co-text in the documents; its relationship with other texts (intertextuality); concrete situations, such as language policy in general and that in Morocco in particular; and relevant historical or sociopolitical contexts.

Figure 1. Levels of analysis.

Second, the exact texts were explored and how language is used to consciously or unconsciously convey different ideologies. This phenomenon was clearly presented by Wodak (2008), as shown in Table 1. This table was adapted to include the Moroccan situation. Finally, a discourse analysis was performed of how language is used in both text and context. The researcher examined the different voices arising in the language section of the constitution by scrutinizing the word choice, contextual choice, and other elements that reflect varying ideologies and values and that reflect different interests of policymakers, whether intentionally or unintentionally.

Table 1. Adapted textual analysis table for the Moroccan context.

Strategy	Objectives	In Morocco’s official document
Nomination/referential	Construction of in- and out-groups	How language is used to refer to actors (e.g. using categories or metaphors)
Predication	Labeling social actors positively or negatively	Explicit and implicit attribution
Argumentation	Justification of positive or negative attributions	How policymakers use arguments to support their claims
Perspectivation	Expressing involvement, positioning a speaker’s point of view	How point of view is expressed in the text
Intensification, mitigation	Modifying the epistemic status of a proposition	Intention in producing utterance (illocutionary force)

Source. Wodak (2008).

Analysis and discussion

As expected, many different voices could be discerned from the text. The researcher analyzed the Arabic text of Article 5 (the section devoted to language) of the Moroccan constitution of 2011, and translated extracts were utilized to explain these voices. The translated version of the constitution can be found online at www.constituteproject.org (see Appendix A). All the exact textual translations were reproduced from the website. The two prominent voices present in the text are discussed as follows.

National identity and unity

The voice presented clearly in the document is what we can call the voice of national identity and unity. This voice is connected to Morocco’s history and identity as one nation. It emphasizes the importance of being Moroccan as opposed to any other categorization of identity. In this respect, Moroccan identity is linked to language, culture, attitudes, history, and emotions.

Likewise, Tamazight constitutes an official language of the State, being common patrimony of all Moroccans without exception. (Extract 1, Article 5)

In extract 1, there is clear evidence of policymakers’ emphasis on the importance of identity and unity as a Moroccan nation. It is projected as a good reason for the addition of Tamazight as an official language. That is, Tamazight is the heritage of all Moroccans, which is why policymakers declared it an official language. The use of words such as ‘all’, ‘without exception’, and ‘Moroccans’ are good examples of the focus on national unity. In this stance, policymakers strategically use the language to refer to people in Morocco as one connected country emphasizing their unity.

The State works for the preservation of Hassani, as an integral component of the Moroccan cultural unity, as well as the protection of the speakers [of it] and of the practical cultural expression of Morocco. Likewise, it sees (wake up at night to make sure) to the coherence of linguistic policy and national culture. (Extract 2, Article 5)

Extract 2 shows how policymakers refer to the essentiality of shared Moroccan culture and history referring to Hassani which is the main component of identity in the Moroccan culture. ‘Cultural unity’ is highly respected as a reason for choosing the nation’s official languages. The Arabic version uses the verb form, which means ‘wake up at night’ in English: waking up at night to make sure that there is coherence between linguistic policy and national culture. The verb form of ‘cultural unity’ serves as a metaphor for underscoring the importance of not only protecting national culture but also ensuring its connection to linguistic policy. This clearly reflects how policymakers employ the language in the constitution to emphasize the importance of people identity. They use the metaphor ‘wake up at night’ to tell the reader that they as a country are waking up at night to protect their national culture and linguistic policy from any threating behavior or action. The word ‘wake up at night’ is usually used in wars and conflicts contexts as a sign of ensuring security and safety.

A National Council of Languages and of Moroccan Culture is created, charged with notably the protection and the development of the Arabic and Tamazight languages and of the diverse Moroccan cultural expressions, which constitute one authentic patrimony and one source of contemporary inspiration. It brings together the institutions concerned in these domains. An organic law determines its attributions, composition and the modalities of [its] functioning. (Extract 3, Article 5)

Even the name of the new organization serves to punctuate national unity and Moroccan identity and culture (extract 3). The goal of introducing this organization is to protect Moroccan languages and culture. All Moroccan cultural expressions are regarded as ‘one authentic patrimony and one source of contemporary inspiration’, which is why policymakers want to protect them. As previously stated, they keep using words such as ‘one’, ‘all’, ‘Moroccans’, ‘culture’, and ‘integral’ to attach importance to national unity. Even when policymakers added a new official language, they wanted to stress that the country maintains its own culture and national unity. In this extract policymakers emphasize the importance of involving any institution or organization that could help in not just developing these two official languages (Arabic and Tamazight) but also in protecting all Moroccan cultural expressions. They employ words such as ‘institutions’, ‘organic law’ and ‘attributions’ to show how they concerned about people identity, culture and national unity.

Language rights and diversity

The other voice that is clearly recognizable in the document is what we can refer to as the voice of language rights and diversity. Language choice shows that policymakers pay considerable attention to language rights as part of human rights and democracy in relation to languages in Morocco. They emphasize their linguistic pluralism, with the new constitution including the indigenous language of more than 30% of the population as an official language.

Likewise, it (the state) sees to the coherence of linguistic policy and national culture and to the learning and mastery of the foreign languages of greatest use in the world, as tools of communication, of integration and of interaction [by which] society [may] know, and to be open to different cultures and to contemporary civilizations. (Extract 4, Article 5)

Extract 4 shows how policymakers identify the importance of respecting not only the country’s languages but also all foreign languages. They emphasize learning and teaching the languages that are widespread across the world. They want people to not simply learn foreign languages but also master them: ‘be proficient’ and ‘to be open’ are popular Arabic metaphors used here to describe the freedom and liberty associated with languages. Here we can notice how policymakers strategically use the language to emphasize the importance of showing openness to other cultures which leads to improve contemporary civilizations perspectives. They use words such as ‘tools of communication’, ‘mastery of the foreign languages’ and ‘society [may] know’ to show that people should deepen their understanding of this world and also to know their place within it.

An organic law defines the process of implementation of the official character of this language (Tamazight), as well as the modalities of its integration into teaching and into the priority domains of public life, so that it may be permitted in time to fulfill its function as an official language. (Extract 5, Article 5)

Here, ‘implementation’ is used as a metaphor to describe the significance of showing the new official language in actual usage. Policymakers want to integrate it into real public life. ‘Its function’ implies that this language has an important role in society, so all people should know and see it in actual situations. They clearly stated that a law should be created to defines the process of identifying Tamazight as an official language into not just teaching but also into the priority domains of public life. This stance shows how policymakers respect language rights and diversity by focusing on the importance of implementing process of Tamazight as an official language.

Arabic in the 1996 and 2011 constitutions

Unlike the 2011 constitution, the 1996 version has no section on language. The preamble to the latter stipulates the following: ‘An Islamic and fully sovereign state whose official language is Arabic, the Kingdom of Morocco constitutes a part of the Great Arab Maghreb’. This is the only segment where one can find the word ‘language’. It is clearly stated that there are no official languages other than Arabic, and no clear language policy for the country is mentioned.

Arabic is still the official language of the State.

The State works for the protection and for the development of the Arabic language, as well as the promotion of its use. (Extract 6, Article 5)

In extract 6 of the 2011 document, Arabic is highlighted as the official language of the country in the past years—a point emphasized by ‘still’. Policymakers want to protect, develop, and promote it. The use of these verbs implies the importance of the language in Moroccan society, suggesting that even if another language is designated as an official language, Arabic remains saved and protected. By doing so policymakers want to assure people that by adding new official language, the main national language that is spoken by majority of people will not be affected by any new act. They are emphasizing language rights and diversity but not forgetting national identity and unity.

Conclusion

The analysis led to the conclusion that government documents can be used to determine policymakers’ beliefs and ideologies, which are then reflected in society and sociocultural practices. The voices in these written texts were analyzed to discuss how writers’ ideologies, attitudes, and beliefs manifest in documents. This approach advanced the examination of language policy documents to ascertain how the ideologies espoused by authorities may affect people’s philosophies in the future and change society. There are many voices found in the language section of Morocco’s 2011 constitution, but the two prominent ones were that based on multilingualism and linguistic pluralism in a democratic country and that focusing on Moroccan identity, history, and unity as one nation. The former is supported by the inclusion of a new indigenous language as an official language of the country and respect for its culture and people. The latter tends to denote that despite the addition of another official language, the country remains one unified nation, and Arabic is still saved and protected by the language policy stipulated in the new constitution. This is designed to ensure people that all their cultural, religious, and social norms are safe. Written language policy can be analyzed on the basis of voice, which has been shown to have a good connection to ideologies and practices.

The study has some limitations that should be mentioned, the first of which concerns the data collected through only text discourse analysis, it would be better if the researcher strengthen the results by interviewing policymakers to find out more insights and to might suggest turning them into actions. Second, people opinion is worth to be explored to see how these changes in the country constitutions could affect their identity and to examine its potential sociocultural effects. This study examined how language policy is presented in the Moroccan constitution of 2011 and how policymakers add new official language trying not to affect national unity and culture. Future studies of political aspects of this change and its sociocultural effects are highly recommended to help in understanding how language policy might affect people societies, cultures and identities.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Additional information

Notes on contributors

Monera Almohawes

Monera Almohawes Assistant professor in English department at the University of Ha’il.

Appendix A.

The translated version of Article 5 of the Moroccan constitution of 2011

Article 5

Arabic is [demeure] the official language of the State.

The State works for the protection and for the development of the Arabic language, as well as the promotion of its use.

Likewise, Tamazight [Berber/amazighe] constitutes an official language of the State, being common patrimony of all Moroccans without exception.

An organic law defines the process of implementation of the official character of this language, as well as the modalities of its integration into teaching and into the priority domains of public life, so that it may be permitted in time to fulfill its function as an official language.

The State works for the preservation of Hassani, as an integral component of the Moroccan cultural unity, as well as the protection of the speakers [of it] and of the practical cultural expression of Morocco. Likewise, it sees to the coherence of linguistic policy and national culture and to the learning and mastery of the foreign languages of greatest use in the world, as tools of communication, of integration and of interaction [by which] society [may] know, and to be open to different cultures and to contemporary civilizations.

A National Council of Languages and of Moroccan Culture [Conseil national des langues et de la culture marocaine] is created, charged with[,] notably[,] the protection and the development of the Arabic and Tamazight languages and of the diverse Moroccan cultural expressions, which constitute one authentic patrimony and one source of contemporary inspiration. It brings together the institutions concerned in these domains. An organic law determines its attributions, composition and the modalities of [its] functioning.