The rule of faith

Abstract

Both Irenaeus and Tertullian address the issue of “the rule of faith” in a context where they fight adversaries or heretics. The argument of both writers reaches a climax when they point out how cento-writers composed new stories or texts by lifting lines verbatim from classical epics. Thus, they kept the words (verba) and altered the stories (res or sensus). This article takes this analogy as point of departure in a way not yet done, and finds that ancient rhetoric, with ideals of literary composition, arrangement and order, is decisive for how both Irenaeus and Tertullian present the rule of faith. This applies to both terminology and the illustrations they use. The rule of faith is the intended story of Scripture, which is naturally discerned from there in a way analogous to how historians were expected to arrange their stories. Lucian of Samosata and Dionysius of Halicarnassus provide helpful analogies.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Notes

1 See Rodriguez, “The Rule of Faith.”

2 Sandnes, The Gospel, 125–40.

3 See Norris, “Theology and Language,” 289; Blowers, “The Regula Fidei,” 210–12; Hartog, “The ‘Rule of Faith,” 70 and 74; Kaufman, Becoming Divine, 68–9. Bokedal, “Early Rule of Faith,” defines the rule as the sum of biblical theology. Grant, Irenaeus of Lyons, 46–51 argues less with the centos, but helpfully roots Irenaeus’ language in ancient rhetoric on storytelling.

4 As for the origin of the rule, see Bokedal, “Origin.”

5 In his classical study, Kunze, Glaubensregel, 322–5 lists the appearances.

6 Translation from Grant, Irenaeus of Lyons, who translated selected parts.

7 LSJ s.v. Dillon (ACW) renders this verb “patched together.”

8 The idea of a secret supplementary revelation is important also in Tertullian’s treatise against the heretics (see later).

9 SC renders Latin illorum argumentum with “leur doctrine” here.

10 Grant, Irenaeus, 49–50 demonstrates that this term, which has become crucial in a salvation historical theological approach, is at home in how poems and narratives are structured, indicating “the purpose and direction of the plot.”

11 At his time “Scripture” is less defined than in present-day use, but most certainly includes the four gospels and a collection of Pauline letters.

12 Quoted according to R.G. Bury’s edition in Loeb Classical Library.

13 LSJ “tell in detail;” and Brill Dictionary has “to recount, explain in detail.” The Latin text has exponere, which again may justify more exposition than putting together a story.

14 Translation from Dillon, St. Irenaeus of Lyons Against the Heresies.

15 See LSJ and Brill Dictionary s.v.

16 In Cels. 7.11, Origen has a similar discussion regarding a Christian reading of the prophets, using some of the same terms.

17 LSJ and Brill Dictionary sv.

18 Wilken, “The Homeric Cento in Irenaeus,” 27.

19 For references, see Sandnes, “’Legemet og lemmene” and Aasgaard, “Brotherhood,” 171–2.

20 Nörr, “Time and Acquisition of Ownership.” Partsch, Praescriptio, 76, 109. Partsch was followed by Stirnimann, Die Praescriptio Tertullians, 99–126; Refoulé, Traité de la Prescription, 32–6. For a detailed presentation of the issue, see Schleyer, Tertullian, 105–45. Schleyer is critical of a specific judicial background.

21 Balfour, “Tertullian and Roman Law” with relevant literature.

22 For a similar argument regarding Apologeticum, see Kensky, “Getting Perspective.”

23 For Latin text, Schleyer (FC). The translations are my own.

24 In his Marc. 4, Tertullian admits that accusations of falsity may well be mutual; hence, there is a need for some objective argument. He finds this in the issue of age and origin.

25 Schleyer, Tertullian, 91–3.

26 This view led Tertullian to a view on Greek philosophy and classical legacy which differed markedly from e.g. the Cappadocians; see Sandnes, Challenge, 110–95.

27 See OLD sv.

28 Schleyer, Tertullian renders this “Schriftzeugnisse.” It is worthy of note that in Apol. 18.1 Latin argumenta describes Scripture as a helping hand to find God’s dispositio et voluntas.

29 OLD sv.

30 Usher, “Prolegomenon to the Homeric Centos.” For this definition, see p. 305.

31 Fragments of this work are preserved in Buecheler and Riese, Anthologia Latina. See also Lamacchia, Hosidii Getae Medea.

32 This philosophical dialogue is attributed to Cebes, a friend of Socrates in Plato’s dialogues, but it probably dates from the 2nd century C.E. It pictures allegorically – hence it is called Pinax – human life.

33 See McGill, Virgil Recomposed, 5–7; Sandnes, The Gospel, 113–8.

34 See Sandnes, “Eudocia’s Homeric Cento.”

35 Green, ed. The Works of Ausonius, 133.20–21. See also Sandnes, The Gospel, 108–13.

36 Cullhed, Proba the Prophet.

37 Sandnes, The Epic Jesus.

38 The critique against the cento approach voiced by Irenaeus and Tertullian is echoed in how much research has viewed the centos of Proba and Eudocia; see Glei, “Der Kaiserin Neue Kleider,” 10–12.