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Cities and the Contentious Politics of Migration

Welcome Dayton: glocalization, the global mobility of people, and ethically engaged activist citizens

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Pages 202-225 | Published online: 17 Feb 2022
 

ABSTRACT

Cities historically provided the environment for the contentious integration of immigrants, refugees, and asylum seekers. Since 2011, during a US national debate over a wave of anti-immigrant state initiatives, the city of Dayton, Ohio, USA became the instrument for intentional integration by adopting a citizen led declaration to welcome immigrants and refugees. This essay documents Welcome Dayton, a community-initiated welcoming plan that was the byproduct of ‘transformative mediation’ practices and ultimately endorsed by the City of Dayton. Using participant observation and interpretive methodologies, we illustrate the connections between Dayton’s community-led, immigrant-friendly city initiative and the global migration of people. We also engage with three sets of literatures: on municipal immigrant integration, welcoming cities, and global studies (GS). We find that when placed in conversation, these literatures further demonstrate that globalization is about real and tangible relationships between the global and the local.

Acknowledgements

The authors wish to thank Noelle Brigden and the two anonymous reviewers of this manuscript for their invaluable comments, as well as the participants at the workshop ‘Cities and the Contentious Politics of Migration' held at the 2018 annual conference of the International Studies Association. Finally, thank you to Hans Schattle, Kelsey Norman, and Willem Maas for everything.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Notes

1 Varsanyi (Citation2010).

2 Riverstone-Newell (Citation2014, p. 147).

3 Varsanyi (Citation2010, viii).

4 Williamson (Citation2018, viii).

5 Riverstone-Newell (Citation2014, p. 197).

6 Altman (Citation2014).

7 See examples (Bose, Citation2020a, Citation2020b, Citation2021; Harwood & Lee, Citation2015; Housel et al., Citation2018; Lamping et al., Citation2018; Majka & Hallet, Citation2019; Majka & Longazel, Citation2017; McDaniel, Citation2016; McDaniel et al., Citation2019; Pottie-Sherman, Citation2018).

8 Welcoming America and Welcoming Economies.

9 Stumpf (Citation2006) and Atak and Simeon (Citation2018).

10 Paik (Citation2017).

11 Chomsky (Citation2014).

12 Lamping et al. (Citation2018).

13 McDaniel (Citation2018). See also Housel et al. (Citation2018), Winders (Citation2011).

14 Riverstone-Newell (Citation2014, p. 152). See also Pottie-Sherman (Citation2018), Ji et al. (Citation2016).

15 Majka and Longazel (Citation2017).

16 Bush and Folger (Citation2012).

17 Majka and Longazel (Citation2017).

18 See especially, Housel et al. (Citation2018).

19 Semuels (Citation2015); Lamping et al. (Citation2018), Isin (Citation2009).

20 Isin (Citation2009, p. 369), Schattle (Citation2008, Citation2012, Citation2021).

21 For a good place to start on understanding what is global studies, see the special issue of the journal Globalizations: Editorial (Citation2013), Steger and Wahlrab (Citation2017, p. 21); Darian-Smith and McCarty (Citation2017); Wahlrab (Citation2020).

22 Battersby (Citation2018, p. 139).

23 Schattle (Citation2018, p. 699).

24 Darian-Smith and McCarty (Citation2017, p. 39).

25 Appiah (Citation2006, p. 78). See also Beck (Citation2006), Beck and Sznaider (Citation2006).

26 Robertson (Citation1994).

27 Steger (Citation2019).

28 During the 2016 presidential election cycle and even well into the Trump presidency, Trump pushed the idea that immigrants, especially undocumented ones, commit crimes at higher rates than native born residents. This claim has been repeatedly defeated by evidence: Pérez-Peña (Citation2017), Rizzo (Citation2018).

29 Majka and Longazel (Citation2017, p. 24).

30 See timeline: Welcome Dayton.

31 Majka and Longazel (Citation2017, p. 4).

32 Majka and Longazel (Citation2017; p. 5).

33 Dayton Mediation Center.

34 Smith (Citation2010).

35 Human Relations Council.

36 Welcome Dayton (Citation2011, p. 5).

37 Welcome Dayton (Citation2011, pp. 15–16).

38 A committee of five people known as the ‘Immigrant Friendly City Core Team’ comprised of the following individuals: Tom Wahlrab – CHAIR, Connie Nisonger, Francisco Pelaez-Diaz, Lila Ivanovska, and Paul Woodie

39 Invitations went to known individuals and organizations that were ‘friendly’ with the core team’s intentions. It carried the implicit request that they share it with others.

40 Housel et al. (Citation2018, p. 396).

41 For a more in-depth analysis of these processes and their influence on the Welcome Dayton plan, see: ibid.

42 Block (Citation2008).

43 Block (Citation2007, p. 3).

44 Folger and Bush (Citation2010).

45 The questions were: 1) What have you noticed about how the city has benefited from its new residents? 2) what is possible if we become a city that intentionally welcomes immigrants? 3) what doubts do you have if Dayton intentionally welcomes immigrants? 4) Are you willing to commit yourself for three months to write a plan, if followed, would make Dayton an intentionally welcoming city for immigrants?

46 CNN reported on the city council and Dayton mayor’s endorsement of the plan: Castillo (Citation2011). Further, Tucson, AZ specifically names Dayton in its own welcoming plan adopted on August 7, 2012: Tucson city resolution 21944.

47 Majka and Hallet (Citation2019).

48 Lamping et al. (Citation2018).

49 MacKinnon and Derickson (Citation2013).

50 Housel et al. (Citation2018)

51 Dimaggio (Citation2010, p. 205).

52 Folger and Bush (Citation2010), "Transformative Mediation: Theoretical Foundations.", note 2 specifically details and contrasts these two views of human beings—one assuming inherent deficits in the capacities for agency and empathy and one assuming inherent sufficiency of these capacities.

53 Tom Wahlrab points out that Diversity Caucus and other community organizations date to as far back as the 1980s era welcoming programs. Other researchers would be well served by interviewing members of these groups to create a richer history of Dayton’s global-local welcoming activism.

54 Housel et al. (Citation2018, p. 401).

55 Email 2/11/18

56 Email 2/11/18

57 Housel et al. (Citation2018, p. 6).

61 Email 1/12/2022.

62 Email 1/12/2022.

64 Personal conversation January 12, 2022.

67 Chanda (Citation2007).

68 Peric (Citation2018).

69 Robertson (Citation2011); Wahlrab (Citation2019); Steger and James (Citation2013); James and Steger (Citation2016); Wahlrab (Citation2017).

70 Robertson (Citation1994).

71 Walker (Citation1985). For an excellent account of globalization and the rust belt, see: Kim and Short (Citation2008); Mobasher and Sadri (Citation2004).

72 Robertson (Citation1994).

73 Longworth (Citation2008).

74 See Manfred Steger’s critical evaluation of this narrative in: Steger (Citation2013; p. 112).

75 See Welcoming America.

76 Kerr et al. (Citation2014).

77 Williamson (Citation2018).

78 Frolik (Citation2015).

80 https://data.thespectrum.com/refugee/ohio/all/all/. Syrian refugees started arriving in Ohio in 2013 and by 2019 there were close to one thousand.

81 Khondker (Citation2018, p. 96).

83 Sassen (Citation2014, p. 61).

84 UNHCR (Citation2017, p. 20).

85 Betts and Collier (Citation2017, p. 6).

86 UNHCR (Citation2018).

87 De Graauw (Citation2016).

88 Alexander et al. (Citation2020).

89 United Nations Conference of Plenipotentiaries on the Status of Refugees and Stateless Persons (Citation1951). United Nations General Assembly resolution 429(V) of 14 December 1950, available at http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/docid/3b00f08a27.html. The Protocol of 1967 is attached to United Nations General Assembly resolution 2198 (XXI) of 16 December 1967, available at http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/docid/3b00f1cc50.html.

90 Betts and Collier (Citation2017, pp. 44–45).

91 For a mostly empirical account of overall undocumented migration to the US during the 1980s see, Bean et al. (Citation1990).

92 See also Chomsky (Citation2021).

93 Here we adopt citizen in the expanded notion adopted by Isin (Citation2009).

94 For example, in the first half of 2010 nearly every state in the US was considering some form of legislation on immigration. Arizona’s was probably the most discussed for its laws allowing police to determine the immigration status of people stopped for traffic reasons: ‘Key provisions include: law enforcement must attempt to determine the immigration status of a person involved in a lawful stop, detention or arrest when the officer reasonably suspects the person is an illegal immigrant; state residents may sue state and local agencies for noncompliance; and failure to carry an alien registration document is now a state violation.’ http://www.ncsl.org/research/immigration/2010-immigration-related-laws-and-resolutions-936.aspx. Castañeda and Shemesh (Citation2020), Arrocha (Citation2021).

95 Betts and Collier (Citation2017, p. 49).

96 Paik (Citation2016, p. 4). The violence perpetrated against these rightless persons is discussed at length in: Longazel and Hallett (Citation2021).

97 Gidda (Citation2017).

98 Congressional action was to be made by March 6, 2018 but Congress failed to act. In the interim, the 4th circuit court of appeals rejected Trump’s argument and claimed that canceling DACA was unconstitutional. Further, at the end of Feb 2018, the Supreme Court rejected Trump’s request to review this decision based on constitutional grounds (doing so would have skipped a number of procedural steps according to the Court.). As of this writing, the Court is expected to decide no earlier than 2020. For details see: Wolf and Gomez (Citation2018). See also: Liptak and Shear (Citation2018), Narea (Citation2019).

99 On the divide between worthy and unworthy immigrants, see: Gessen (Citation2017). There are serious moral obligations that are ignored when we focus on the financial or similar monetized aspects of immigration. Numerous articles on Trump’s preference for white immigrants exist but the uproar over his ‘s-hole’ comment made the press: Moore and Porter (Citation2018). See also: Davis et al. (Citation2018. See also: Simmons (Citation2018). And on the issue of immigrants and crime see: Flagg (Citation2018).

100 Nixon (Citation2018).

101 Miroff (Citation2017).

102 Sullivan and Benner (Citation2021).

103 Barrett and Roediger (Citation1997).

104 Chomsky, Undocumented: How Immigration Became Illegal.

105 Memoli (Citation2021). On public opinion, see: Mitchell and Jurkowitz (Citation2021).

108 Takaki (Citation1993), see especially chapter 3 "the 'Giddy' Multitude".

109 Takaki points to the early passage of anti-miscegenation legislation as further evidence of the giddy multitude as a solidaristic force based on mutual recognition.

110 Takaki (Citation1993, p. 63).

111 This is precisely the suggestion Meghana Nayak makes in her discussion of this topic: Nayak (Citation2018). Nayak specifically criticizes the narrative of the white working class espoused by many on the left who attributed it with the rise of Trump. As she notes, postmortems on the 2016 election claimed that white working class voters went for Trump because ‘they were harmed by neoliberalism and austerity but excluded by democratic pluralism’s advocacy for and inclusion of other communities (women, queer communities, indigenous Americans, African Americans, Latinx communities, Muslim communities, among others)’ (200).

112 On this see Steger and Wahlrab (Citation2017).

113 Brigden (Citation2015, Citation2016), Brigden and Mainwaring (Citation2016), Mainwaring and Brigden (Citation2016).

114 Nagourney (Citation2017).

115 Held (Citation2018).

116 Benner and Medina (Citation2018).

117 Riverstone-Newell (Citation2014, Citation2017).

118 Riverstone-Newell (Citation2017).

119 Poggioli (Citation2016).

120 Livesay (Citation2017).

121 Martins (Citation2018).

122 Martins (Citation2018).

Additional information

Notes on contributors

Amentahru Wahlrab

Amentahru Wahlrab is Associate Professor of Political Science in the Department of History and Political Science at the University of Texas at Tyler. His research interests lie at the intersection of globalization, political economy, political violence, and populism. He is the coauthor, with Manfred B. Steger, of What is Global Studies? Theory and Practice (Routledge, 2017) and coeditor, with Michael J. McNeal, of US Approaches to the Arab Uprisings: International Relations and Democracy Promotion (I. B. Tauris, 2018). He is also an editorial board member and the book review editor for the journal Populism published by Brill.

Tom Wahlrab

Tom Wahlrab is the former Executive Director of the City of Dayton (Ohio) Human Relations Council and the Dayton Mediation Center. Mr. Wahlrab is one of the principal facilitators of the community conversation that resulted in the Welcome Dayton Plan. He supported the process that resulted in the City of Dayton’s Second Generation Disparity Study and subsequent Procurement Enhancement Plan Ordinance and Policy. He has thirty years working in government and private sector environments involving affirmative action, contract compliance, civil rights, mediation and conflict management, community building, civic engagement and workplace team systems development. Tom received a BA from Central State University, Wilberforce, Ohio and a MS Ed. from the University of Dayton. Mr. Wahlrab is a Fellow and Board member with the Institute for the Study of Conflict Transformation (ISCT), a former member of the Board of Directors for the National Association for Community Mediation (NAFCM) and a founding member and first chairperson of the Ohio Community Mediation Association.

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