Social Psychological Dynamics of the Intractable Kurdish Conflict in Turkey

Abstract

Proponents of contemporary peace-building paradigms argue that the formal end of an intractable conflict does not automatically provide a meaningful change in either side‘s social beliefs. Through an analysis of Turkey’s Kurdish conflict (viewed in the light of the ethos of conflict theory) I intended to examine the nature of the Turkish ethos that contributed to the peace process’s failure in 2015. To gain a greater understanding of the set of social beliefs, in 2015 I conducted 20 in-depth interviews with non-Kurdish local opinion leaders. My findings indicate that Turkey’s inattention to the Turkish ethos of the conflict constituted one of the prominent shortcomings of its peace process.

Acknowledgements

The data for this paper was originally collected and analysed by the author for his master’s thesis. I would like to thank Talha Köse, Hüseyin Alptekin, Elif Çelebi, Shale Horowitz, audiences at MPSA, and two Ethnopolitics reviewers for their helpful comments and conversations.

Disclosure Statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Notes

1 I use the concepts “members,” “society,” and “groups” interchangeably.

2 The concept of “intractable” has become highly popular in the recent literature among the students of conflict resolution. See, for example, Coleman (2003); Bar-Tal (2007); and www.crinfo.org.

3 When two societies engage in vicious cycles of armed conflict, both sides develop an “ethos of conflict” to adopt challenges of any severe negative experiences they may suffer (e.g., human and material costs, stress, threat, pain, traumas, and so on). I directly focus on the Turkish ethos of the conflict because journalists, politicians, and researchers often prefer to focus on the opposition (Kurdish) side of the conflict. It is, therefore, natural and vital to look inside Turkish society. Yet, I assume that a similar process may also occur in Kurds.

4 For an insightful discussion of the multi-dimensional nature of the Kurdish question, see the special issue (Volume 18, Issue 1) of this journal, entitled “Kurdish Politics.”

5 There is a well-established empirical and conceptual literature concerning this idea, which suggests that successful adaptation to violent conflicts requires formation of a meaningful world view. Bar-Tal (2007) provides a comprehensive literature review related to that argument. This argument is valid when two different social groups are both confronted with violent experiences.

6 One social belief was omitted. Beliefs about unity overlapped to a large extent with the beliefs called patriotism, positive self-image, and peace.

7 These people are busy (which also explains the gender gap of the participants) thus value their time. My decision making on the construction of a representative sample was guided by kindly local researchers in the Thrace region, namely the Tekirdağ branch of the MUSIAD (Müstakil Sanayici ve İşadamları Derneği, the Independent Industrialists’ and Businessmen’s Association), and Trakya Gazetesi (a regional media firm).

8 See Appendix A for a complete wording of the interview questions.

9 See Bar-Tal, 2007; Bar-Tal et al., 2009; Bar-Tal & Halperin, 2011; Bar-Tal et al., 2014; Halperin & Bar-Tal, 2011; Oren et al., 2015.

10 See Oren et al., 2015 for a review of strategies states use to establish and sustain the conflict supportive narratives.

11 Not all societal beliefs are dysfunctional in times of peace, such as beliefs about patriotism, peace, unity, positive self-image, and security. These types of beliefs are also imperative during peaceful periods.