Understandings and applications of self-compassion and self-coldness among Hazaras in Australia: a qualitative study

ABSTRACT

Objective

Emerging research suggests that self-compassion and self-coldness are involved in the treatment of psychological difficulties among refugees and asylum seekers. Self-compassion involves treating oneself with warmth and care and self-coldness involves treating oneself with harsh judgement. We aimed to explore the unique understandings and applications of self-compassion and self-coldness among Hazara asylum seekers and refugees in Australia.

Method

Eleven Hazaras (ninemen and two women) who were seeking asylum or had a refugee background were interviewed about their understandings and applications of self-compassion and self-coldness. Transcripts of interview recordings were analysed using reflexive thematic analysis.

Results

Participants reported wide variation in their understandings and applications of self-compassion and self-coldness. Participants broadly reported difficulties turning inwards with self-compassion. Participants also tended to place the needs of others before their own because of their histories and community/cultural ideas about self-compassion, such as self-compassion being selfish or justified only if in service of others. Experiencing significant external stressors, such as long standing family separation and visa insecurity, were also barriers to contacting private experiences.

Conclusions

The current study identified several important barriers among the Hazara community in applying self-compassion. Descriptive terms for self-compassion and self-coldness are also provided by the community and might inform clinical approaches.

Key Points

What is already known about this topic

1. Hazara refugees and asylum seekers in Australia report significant contextual barriers and concerns about their mental health and separation from family.

2. Self-compassion and self-coldness are psychological variables which have been implicated in mental health outcomes including recovery from refugee trauma.

3. To the authors’ knowledge, no previous studies have explored the understandings and applications of self-compassion and self-coldness among Hazara asylum seekers and refugees.

What this topic adds

1. Hazaras reported difficulties turning inwards instead prioritising the needs of others which might influence the adoption of self-compassion.

2. Community views of self-compassion and self-coldness further influenced their understanding and application of self-compassion and self-coldness.

3. Hazaras also provided unique descriptions of self-compassion and self-coldness which might be useful when working clinically with this group.

KEYWORDS:

• Hazara
• refugee
• self-compassion
• self-coldness
• qualitative

Introduction

Worldwide there are an estimated 89 million asylum seekers and refugees who have been forcibly displaced by persecution, conflict, violence, human rights violations, climate change, and natural disasters in their home countries (United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, 2022). Refugees and asylum seekers are highly vulnerable to the development of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and other psychiatric issues given their exposures to conflict and persecution (Steel et al., 2009), as well as post-migratory stressors (Miller & Rasmussen, 2017). The prevalence of PTSD among asylum seekers and refugees resettled in a range of countries was recently estimated to be 31% (Blackmore et al., 2020). There is emerging evidence that self-compassion and self-coldness may mediate the effect of psychological treatment on refugee trauma (Aizik-Reebs et al., 2022). Self-compassion involves treating oneself with warmth and care during times of suffering, and self-coldness involves treating oneself harshly (Neff, 2003). These constructs have been implicated in the development and maintenance of a range of psychological difficulties (MacBeth & Gumley, 2012; Muris & Petrocchi, 2017). Self-compassion has been shown to be an important element in recovery from PTSD and other conditions (Meyer et al., 2019; Scoglio et al., 2015; Winders et al., 2020).

While immigrants might arrive in a new country experiencing good health compared with the destination country-born population (i.e., healthy immigrant effect), refugees and asylum seekers typically have experienced poorer mental health compared with the general population (Shawyer et al., 2017). The relationship between years since arrival in a new country and mental health is inconsistent among these communities (Elshahat et al., 2021). Their mental health has been found to follow differing trajectories over time: maintained improvements in mental health (Porter & Haslam, 2005; van Wyk et al., 2012), increased symptoms of trauma and psychological distress, and no symptom change over time (Cooper et al., 2019). Post-migration factors, such as discrimination, loneliness, ongoing family separation, and visa difficulties influence these trajectories (Miller et al., 2018; Procter, 2005; Silove et al., 2007; Vervliet et al., 2014; Wu et al., 2021). Given these experiences, many asylum seekers and refugees have reported a sense of ongoing threat involving uncertainty, hopelessness, and a sense of being unsafe, after arrival in a new country (Procter et al., 2018; van Kooy & Bowman, 2019). Barriers to participation in the community, including the absence of work rights, and an inability to bring family members to Australia, are significant issues in the post-conflict context for asylum seekers in Australia (Liddell et al., 2022; McNevin & Correa-Velez, 2006). While providing visa stability and supporting their family members to come to Australia is critically important, an understanding of psychological constructs which might support their wellbeing and mental health is also important.

According to Gilbert’s (2005) theory of social mentalities, humans have evolved three internal systems with distinct neurophysiological processes, as follows: safeness/soothing (a system associated with activation of the parasympathetic nervous system and internal experiences of soothing, safety, warmth, and closeness with others); threat protection (emotional responses such as anger or anxiety linked with subcortical fight-flight defensive responses associated with the sympathetic nervous system); and drive (associated with motivation towards fulfilling desires, such as performing well at work or commencing a romantic relationship, and emotions such as excitement). Stress and mental health difficulties can relate to threat-detection responses (such as hypervigilance, hyperarousal, and shame) and lower activation of the safeness/soothing system (Gilbert, 2009, 2014, 2015). The safeness/soothing system has been shown to be facilitated by self-compassion, and its activation might reduce the dominance of threat-protection bodily responses in response to contextual difficulties and trauma (Brenner et al., 2018; Gilbert et al., 2011; Svendsen et al., 2016).

Neff (2003) described self-compassion as comprising three elements: Self-kindness (treating oneself with warmth and understanding during times of suffering); common humanity (a sense that all humans experience suffering); and mindfulness (taking a curious, non-judgemental stance towards one’s own suffering. Research has consistently demonstrated that self-compassion is associated with myriad psychological and physical health benefits (Zessin et al., 2015) and has negative associations with psychopathology (MacBeth & Gumley, 2012). An opposing way of self-relating has been termed self-coldness, which has been associated with psychological distress (Brenner et al., 2017). Self-coldness comprises the following elements: Self-judgement (tending to judge oneself harshly and critically), isolation (a sense of being alone in one’s suffering), and over-identified (a tendency to become overwhelmed by uncomfortable thoughts and emotions; Brenner et al., 2018; Muris & Petrocchi, 2017; Neff, 2003).

The Hazara community in Australia

Hazaras originate from Afghanistan, comprising between 10–25% of the general Afghanistan population (Maley, 2009). They are a growing refugee community in Australia with approximately equal numbers of men and women and population of 42,000 (Australian Bureau of Statistics, n.d.). Hazaras have a long history of being persecuted in Afghanistan and surrounding countries because of their religious affiliation (the majority of Hazaras are Shi’a Muslim) and Central Asian physical features (Maley, 2009). Afghanistan continues to be unsafe for Hazaras especially given recent socio-political developments (Maley, 2021).

Many Hazaras residing in Australia are men who arrived by boat and are separated from their families (NSW Service for the Treatment and Rehabilitation of Torture and Trauma Survivors, 2019). Hazaras resettled in Australia have reported diverse experiences, practices, and conditions, such as diverse levels of religiosity (Parkes, 2020). Hazaras in Australia have been documented to experience higher levels of psychological distress symptoms, including PTSD, compared with an Australian-born group (Shawyer et al., 2017). Copolov et al. (2018) previously explored the subjective wellbeing of young resettled Hazaras in Australia and found that having family members with them and higher levels of acculturation were direct predictors of their subjective wellbeing. Qualitative work has also highlighted that young Hazara men experienced higher levels of adaptation challenges compared with Hazara women (Copolov & Knowles, 2021).

The current study

Aizik-Reebs et al. (2022) previously found that self-compassion and self-criticism were mediators of the effect of mindfulness-based treatment on refugee trauma among a young sample of Eritrean asylum seekers in Israel. Other research also suggested that compassion- and mindfulness-focused interventions have psychological benefits, from increasing psychological flexibility and enhancing emotional regulation, among refugees with trauma backgrounds (Hinton, Ojserkis, et al., 2013; Hinton, Pich, et al., 2013). Awareness of the unique understandings and uses of self-compassion and self-coldness among Hazaras might inform how we can tailor psychosocial interventions for use with them. The current study aimed to qualitatively explore the understandings and applications of self-compassion and self-coldness, as well as potential barriers to self-compassion, among Hazara refugees and asylum seekers in Australia.

Method

Participants

Eligibility criteria for participation were: Aged 18 years or older, currently residing in Australia, of Hazara ethnicity, and had a refugee background. The sample consisted of 11 participants (nine [82%] were men). Years of arrival in Australia were between 2005 and 2016, with an average time residing in Australia of approximately 12 years. See Table 1 for further demographic information.

Table 1. Participant demographics.

Variable	n (%)
Age (M = 29.91, SD = 8.18)
Mode of arrival Boat Plane	6 (55%) 5 (45%)
Country of residence before arrival in Australia Afghanistan Pakistan Iran	2 (18%) 8 (73%) 1 (9%)
Visa status Temporary Permanent No visa	3 (27%) 4 (36%) 4 (36%)
Work (study) Full-time Part-time Part-time (fulltime) Not working or studying	5 (45%) 3 (27%) 1 (9%) 2 (18%)
Family in Australia Present Absent	4 (36%) 7 (64%)
Religion Shi’a Muslim No religion	10 (91%) 1 (9%)

Materials

This study was part of a larger study investigating the subjective wellbeing and mental health of Hazaras in Australia. A list of questions was prepared for semi-structured interviews, with a subset of questions aimed to capture participants’ understandings and their application of self-compassion and self-coldness. This subset of the interview guide is provided in the Supplemental File. Examples of questions include “what does self-kindness mean to you?”, “can you tell me about a specific time in your life when you were cold towards yourself and describe this to me in as much detail as possible?”.

The questions on self-compassion and self-coldness were administered approximately half-way through the interview after questions about pre-migration experiences and post-migration challenges. Before each section of this part of the interview, a short description of self-coldness or self-compassion was presented to the participant (in both English and Farsi). For self-coldness, an example was given where a person was extending a harsh, critical attitude towards themselves after forgetting their friend’s birthday. Participants were then presented with short descriptions of each of the elements of self-coldness and then asked questions about their understandings of this concept and examples from their own lives. Self-compassion was introduced with a short description of self-compassion as described by Neff (2003, p. 87). Following this, participants were asked questions about their understandings of this concept and examples from their own experiences.

Procedure

Approval for the study was granted by the Human Research Ethics Committee at The Cairnmillar Institute. The first author approached Hazara community leaders and group moderators over social media to describe the purpose of the research and gauge interest in promoting the study among their networks. An advertisement was provided containing a Qualtrics link to information about the study and instructions if they elected to proceed with the study. Participants were offered a retail voucher ($30 AUD) for their participation, which they could choose to accept or not accept.

Participants were recruited through snowball sampling methods which involved the first author contacting Hazara Facebook group moderators to describe the purpose of the research. These people could elect to share with their Facebook group an advertisement containing information about the research, and a Qualtrics link for potential participants to provide basic contact information (e.g., name, phone number) to proceed with participation. Participants provided their information after reading the first Qualtrics page which contained the plain language statement. This provided information about the research, including the purpose, and collection and use of data. Participants were also provided with information about community legal and mental health support services which they could access if they required support. After receiving the online form, the first author phoned potential participants to organise an interview time and ask them whether they would like the support of an interpreter. Participants were emailed a consent form to sign by typing their name, or they could provide consent verbally during the interview.

Individual interviews (between 30 and 120 minutes) were conducted and recorded using an Australian online video platform, Coviu. A pilot interview was first conducted with a Hazara community leader. Two of the men were interviewed with the assistance of a Hazaragi interpreter who was accredited by the National Accreditation Authority for Translators and Interpreters. Participants were reminded that they could choose not to answer any question, and that their responses would be de-identified when the audio recordings were transcribed. Questions about self-coldness were presented before questions about self-compassion to minimise discomfort experienced, if any, at the time of interview completion. All participants were debriefed following the interview. Audio files were manually transcribed into Microsoft Word documents.

Data analysis

Data were analysed using reflexive thematic analysis based on the six-phase approach of Braun and Clarke (2021a) as follows: (a) familiarisation (involving multiple readings of allocated transcripts by each author and recording notes in page margins); (b) generation of codes (the authors applied code labels to transcripts, and data were compiled for each); (c) initial theme generation (tentative themes were formed by clustering codes, with data collated for each); (d) developing and reviewing themes (visual tools, including mind-maps, were used to develop and review themes); (e) refining, defining, and naming themes (theme names were developed along with brief descriptions); and (f) writing up (final write-up involved one of the authors re-reading transcripts against the themes, and discussion with the research team regarding the presentation of the findings). Several meetings were held among the authors throughout these phases. A thematic map was created, and quotes illustrating each theme were presented.

We adopted an inductive approach to analysis which meant that themes were produced from the data, rather than imposing a pre-established theory or framework (Braun & Clarke, 2021a). We did not hold any assumptions relating to data saturation, such as there being a point in time where further interviews would produce redundant data. Braun and Clarke (2021b) argued that saturation is not necessary when conducting reflexive thematic analysis. Given this was an exploratory study, we based our sample size approach on whether the richness of the data was sufficient to address our research aims (Malterud et al., 2016). Our sample size was similar to previous qualitative research with refugees resettled in Australia (Liddell et al., 2022), as well as recent research using reflexive thematic analysis (e.g., Busted et al., 2020).

Reflexive statement

All authors have completed postgraduate level education and are fluent in English. CW is a sixth/seventh-generation Australian with British/Swedish ancestry and no religious affiliation. CW has volunteer paralegal experience at a community organisation for asylum seekers. CW acknowledges that there was a clear power imbalance in this work; these clients had received rejections on the refugee visa applications, and CW interviewed them about their reasons for asylum-seeking in Australia. CW’s previous volunteering influenced the focus of the current study, although participants were recruited independently of this previous role. RM is a second-generation Australian from a CALD (South-East Asian) and Catholic background. JB is a second-generation Australian with New Zealand/English ancestry and no religious affiliation. To reduce bias in the data analysis, the researchers met several times to discuss codes and themes which they initially produced independently using their own coding procedures (as described).

Results

Participants were predominantly young men separated from their families with temporary or uncertain visa status. They had experienced potentially traumatic events in their homelands, for example, assassination of family members (P7) and witnessing targeted shootings (P1). Notwithstanding their trauma backgrounds, the participants were open and engaged throughout the interviews. Participants shared that they felt comfortable answering questions and asking for clarification or for questions to be repeated.

Participants reported varied understandings and applications of self-compassion and self-coldness and their elements (see Supplemental File for examples of terms used by participants to describe concepts). The four themes produced through reflexive thematic analysis highlighted possible reasons for variations in understandings and applications of self-compassion and self-coldness: (a) difficulties turning inwards (two subthemes: emotional avoidance, external threats are too great); (b) prioritising others’ needs before my own; (c) community views of self-compassion and self-coldness (three subthemes: self-compassion could be viewed as selfish, self-compassion is justified only if in the service of others, and self-coldness is a vulnerability); and (d) an openness to the idea of self-compassion. Figure 1 depicts a thematic map. When reporting participants’ quotes, we elected not to change the grammar or sentence structure that they used to ensure accurate reporting of their responses.

Figure 1. Thematic map.

This image is a thematic map which displays our themes and subthemes. It is provided for illustrative purposes.

Note. Subthemes (white) are attached to themes (grey) with lines.

Theme 1: difficulties turning inwards

Trauma cut across the theme of difficulties turning inwards. There were two subthemes which appeared to reflect such difficulties: emotional avoidance and external threats are too great. This theme reflects a common finding that while participants could engage intellectually with the concepts of self-compassion and self-coldness (i.e., on a cognitive level), there was a reluctance to turn towards their uncomfortable internal experiences (i.e., on an embodied, experiential level).

Emotional avoidance

Emotional avoidance was evidenced by reports of distraction and detachment from internal experiences: for example, one young man living in Australia without family members and no visa reported that he would “stay busy and keep busy” (P6), and a young woman experiencing interpersonal difficulties reported a need to “distract myself for me to not think about it”. (P8). There was a tendency among men participants, some of whom had permanent visas, to occupy themselves with work, and to being of service to others to avoid sitting with their personal suffering:

I think the best thing is to distract yourself with other things. And for me, the best distraction was to make myself very busy. Mentally and physically, to do some good work. So, volunteering and helping others at that time, talking with someone else, supporting someone else’s needs, was the best distraction. (P1)

External threats are too great

Participants conveyed that their circumstances (e.g., separation from family, uncertain visa situation) prevented them from contacting their internal experiences. These external factors drew participants’ attention making it difficult to turn inwards with self-compassion. For example, a man residing in Australia without family members and no visa stated, “but unfortunately, the situation I’m in right now, it’s really difficult to be kind” (P4), and a young man in a similar situation stated, “unfortunately, with past situations…. it’s really hard to be with your own [emphasis added]” (P6). Another participant had described being disgruntled by unsuccessful attempts to communicate with the Australian immigration department. Many years engaging with the Australian legal system meant that it was difficult for him to relate to himself with compassion:

Whatever is going on, even if I am trying to, to be kind, I cannot do it, you know. I can do it sometimes, but after a few minutes, I’m the same… but when I relax the most, like when I’m isolating myself, thinking worse or judging myself, you know, I think it’s because of the situation what I am suffering with. (P3)

Theme 2: prioritising others’ needs before my own

This theme reflected a finding that most participants expressed a tendency to place others’ needs before their own. One man who resettled in Australia with his family commented, “sometimes when you ask someone to be more self-compassion for yourself [emphasis added], they oppose that idea… it doesn’t work for them” (P1). The preoccupation with the wellbeing of their families overseas meant that self-compassion “doesn’t work for them” (P1). P1 also recognised a tendency to spread himself thin for others’ benefit because of his history: “Sometimes I go beyond my capacity and boundaries to support others. It’s not healthy. I understand. But I will do, because of what I’ve seen and been through”.

The women participants also recognised a tendency among the community to self-sacrifice for their families’ benefits. P5 commented on a tendency she observed among Hazara men separated from their families to strive to provide for their families overseas, for example, “he’s like, ‘I have what I need. Let me work and provide for my family. Let me help them”. Similarly, other participants expressed a tendency to sacrifice their own needs for the benefit of others, sometimes to their own detriment. For example, a young Hazara woman also reported that her family’s needs are more important than her own:

For me, family is number one, and… if it comes to family, I think I would…prioritise my family first. So, no matter, no matter how bad or whatever, going through, how rough I’m feeling, I would put my family first. (P8)

One participant commented on a tendency among elders towards self-sacrifice. She noted that her elders “don’t have [self-compassion]”:

It’s because they don’t care about themselves, they don’t put themselves first. They just want to put others first, they want to please others. Even for my parents, they couldn’t care less about themselves, but if it was somebody else, they’ll go climb Mt Everest just for them, but for their own sake, they wouldn’t. (P5)

Theme 3: community views of self-compassion and self-coldness

This theme reflects a common finding that participants referred to community values, beliefs, and expectations and how these influenced their ways of relating to themselves. There were three subthemes: self-compassion could be viewed as selfish, self-compassion is justified only if in the service of others, and self-coldness is a vulnerability.

Self-compassion could be viewed as selfish

There was a common view expressed by participants that self-compassion may be perceived as selfish, for example, one woman participant commented on a community view of self-compassion, which was likely related to family fractures and parental views about self-interest: “if they do have self-compassion, then they’ll be greedy. Other people would see them as greedy… because of the side effects” (P5). Other participants reported that people who are self-compassionate may be judged by others: “I probably would be more self-compassionate, and I think I have been judged a lot of the times” (P7).

However, there were suggestions that self-compassion differs from selfishness. The latter interferes with a sense of shared humanity, while self-compassion does not. As described by a man who valued the exercise of self-interest as well as compassion for others: “It’s different from selfishness, like, ego… selfishness is like the narcissists…. they won’t understand others and feeling the humanity of other people” (P9).

Furthermore, community tensions were expressed in the form of family difficulties and beliefs that assertiveness or self-love would create familial conflict:

And there are barriers for self-compassion because [my parents] want me to not be happy.They don’t want me to party. They don’t want me to, you know, why am I not wearing my scarf? But I’m not like that, because I am the complete opposite person. (P8)

Self-compassion is justified only if in the service of others

One participant expressed a religious connection to self-kindness: “Fourteen hundred years ago, so, [Imam Ali’s] proverb is, ‘if you cannot be kind to yourself, you cannot be kind for others’. [emphasis added]” (P1). However, most participants seemed to indicate that kindness towards others was more easily and readily adopted than self-kindness, reflecting a possible cultural tension. In fact, some participants also attached a condition to self-compassion in that it must help others: “I help people get jobs, and I empower them in a way… so, yeah, I feel like I have to use mindfulness [noticing what is happening for you at the present] in a nice way, in a good way” (P7) and “And helping yourself. Helping others around you as often as you can” (P11).

Self-coldness is a vulnerability

Participants described self-coldness as an undesirable tendency which has implications for your self-esteem, fearing that one might be judged for it with labels such as “crazy” (P7) or “bad” (P3): “Whatever is happening in our culture, we have to show ourselves that, ‘I’m happy. I’m alright’. You cannot show yourself down to people because they are going to start judging you” (P3). The ability to control one’s emotions was also cited as important to reduce undesirable outcomes inflicted by others: “Whether you’re happy, whether you’re angry, you need to have control over your emotions. Especially when others are… making the decision for your life [relating to granting a refugee visa], you need to have a lot of control over your emotions” (P3).

In contrast, there were suggestions that being vulnerable with other community members might lead to self-compassion. While some participants had expressed reluctance to reveal or connect to their suffering, one participant suggested that increased self-compassion might flow from connecting with others and their experiences:

I think the connectedness with community has that impact. It keeps them connected among themselves. When they are communicating with each other, they got affected by others, and they start loving themselves. (P9)

Theme 4: an openness to the idea of self-compassion

While there was broad acceptance of the idea of self-compassion, for example, “[self-compassion] is important… to improve their quality of life psychologically” (P9), and “[self-compassion” is [an] important and strong weapon” (P4), it did not seem to be a large part of participants’ experiences. Common humanity was understood as a concept involving a perception that all humans experience suffering or difficulties: “this is kind of human problem” (P9), “I’m not the only one that’s going through everything” (P2), and “we all make mistakes” (P8). While participants often referred to poor self-worth, for example, “you judge yourself that you’re not good enough” (P1), “feeling like… useless… very weak… nothing” (P2), one participant reduced self-worth to a single characteristic (being human) which might enhance a sense of common humanity:

I think here in Australia, people deserve by people being a human. Most of the people they knew just being a human is more important than everyone. If you stay together, we will have a good life. It doesn’t matter what colour you are or what language you are speaking. As long as we understand each other, that’s enough, you know? If you die, if you peel out of your skin, you can see everything which is anyone, black… people got which is all the same, you know what I mean? (P6)

Participants’ ideas about self-kindness centred on physical acts and items, for example, “Save money” (P6), “get the best coffee” (P2), “a long run” (P7), “a walk… a drive” (P11), “buying things” (P7), “time with our friends” (P3), or “go for a nail [manicure] date… a massage” (P8). Some participants related self-compassion to an ability to connect to their values and needs in difficult times. For example, one participant described connection to colleagues, counsellors, and friends and exercise as helpful when he is going through a difficult time:

I used those resources [talking with a counsellor or others]… I would say… “I need some time on myself to go and reflect on what is happening and what I’m doing”, and I think you could say, maybe, I do… I go run, but normally I don’t just run by myself, I run with a friend. (P7)

While there was an openness to mindfulness, it was infrequently reported by participants in terms of experience and examples. Some participants reported that the ability to be mindful, or “aware” (P6) depended on one’s emotional experiences: “[Mindfulness] depends on the time what’s going on in your life” (P10).

Discussion

The aim of this study was to explore the understandings and applications of self-compassion and self-coldness among Hazaras in Australia. These constructs have recently been identified as important in the treatment of refugee trauma (Aizik-Reebs et al., 2022), however, there is limited understanding about how they are understood or applied within specific refugee and asylum seeker communities. In the present study, Hazaras described wide variation in understandings and applications of self-compassion and self-coldness.

Nearly one-third of asylum seekers and refugees meet diagnostic criteria for PTSD (Blackmore et al., 2020). Previous research has also documented higher levels of exposure to potentially traumatic events among asylum seekers and refugees with insecure or temporary visas and histories of arriving in Australia by boat (Steel et al., 2006). The current participants reported using distraction, detachment, and emotional suppression which might have been consistent with a trauma presentation. Previous findings indicate that emotional avoidance, involving avoidance of internal and external cues linked with traumatic memories, is associated with increased trauma symptoms, depression, and suicide behaviours (American Psychiatric Association, 2022; Spitzen et al., 2020; Tull et al., 2011).

Participants also reported that external factors, such as visa cancellations and long legal processes, impeded them from extending compassion towards themselves. While some expressed an openness to the concept of self-compassion, threat protection responses (e.g., hypervigilance) focusing their attention externally were likely more active than parasympathetic responses, such as soothing and self-compassion (Gilbert, 2015). This argument is consistent with prior research which found that heart rate variability (measuring parasympathetic activation) did not increase following self-compassion exercises among war veterans (Gerdes et al., 2021). In line with social mentality theory, it might be frightening or challenging for Hazaras to experience a felt sense of safety and soothing through engaging the safeness/soothing system – often this system is injured in trauma (Gilbert, 2015).

Participants reported that they valued showing kindness and compassion towards others. Previous findings suggest that kindness towards others is an adaptive goal and increases the actor’s wellbeing (Curry et al., 2018). However, some participants took this further by stating that they prioritised the needs of others above their own and endorsed self-compassion only if it could help others. Cultural practices might have influenced this tendency, for example, perhaps Hazaras’ self-constructs were formed based on relationships and cultural values of compassion, cohesion, and loyalty (Hofstede, 2001). However, caring behaviour can also be driven by shame (e.g., fear of rejection), and this has been associated with submissiveness and depression (Catarino et al., 2014; Gilbert, 1998). Beliefs that self-compassion is self-indulgent has also shown to negatively predict intentions to respond self-compassionately to real-world events (Chwyl et al., 2021).

An openness to the idea of self-compassion was evidenced by participants’ descriptions of physical actions, such as engaging in valued activities. Reactivation of drive system related emotions (e.g., excitement, joy) is important following exposure to traumatic events, especially when such emotions are for pleasure rather than used defensively (Gilbert, 2015). Participants expressed that self-compassion could include engaging in physical activity which has also been shown to support trauma memory reconsolidation following trauma-focused psychological therapy (Keyan & Bryant, 2017). However, some participants’ ability to engage the drive system might have been impeded by external factors, such as having a temporary or no visa and no family members in Australia. Australian research has documented negative mental health consequences of restrictive refugee legal processes, for example, uncertain or temporary visa status, interfering with participation in the community (Steel et al., 2011). Participants also reported a sense of being weak, hopeless, and lacking confidence, and this was consistent with arguments that a thwarted drive system is associated with depression (Gilbert, 2015).

Implications

The present findings highlight the possible utility of self-compassion-focused approaches when working with Hazara asylum seekers and refugees resettled in Australia. However, there were also barriers that might be faced by clinicians adopting these approaches. Participants had difficulties turning attention inwards when there were significant external factors, such as visa problems and family separation, impacting on their wellbeing. In the context of significant external barriers and trauma, a difficulty turning inwards has implications for the practise of trauma-focused therapies, given that these often involve the individual contacting uncomfortable private experiences (Ogden & Fisher, 2015).

Mindfulness has been proposed to be an important prerequisite for self-compassionate behaviours (Neff, 2003). Given that participants might have experienced contacting private experiences as frightening or unfamiliar, and Pollak et al.’s (2014) observations that some trauma survivors find turning attention towards their body overstimulating, mindfulness approaches which titrate exposure to internal experiences might be recommended (Payne et al., 2015). While Neff’s (2003) definition of mindfulness involves shifting attention towards one’s own personal suffering to extend self-kindness, an approach which focuses on simple attention on immediately available external objects might be an appropriate initial approach with this community. Alternatively, approaches which involve compassion-focused responses towards others can be facilitative of mindfulness (Hinton, Pich, et al., 2013).

Fostering mindfulness practices among Hazaras might also be an important pre-requisite for the development of psychological flexibility, or decentring from cognitive processes, and enhancing current moment sensorial awareness (Hinton, Ojserkis, et al., 2013; Hinton, Pich, et al., 2013). The effect of psychological flexibility might be to reduce threat-based responses, such as beliefs about blame, injustice, and powerlessness, and increase the capacity for balanced, non-judgemental awareness of the self. Self-coldness may be reduced through interventions that aim to foster mindfulness and self-compassion.

The current study participants reported community views of self-compassion as selfish or that self-compassion was only justified in the service of others, and this might be consistent with more collectivist orientations which value inter-dependence and community wellbeing. The women in the current study reported that their parents made sacrifices to bring their families safely to Australia, and histories such as these might represent patterns of prioritising collective wellbeing and families’ functioning, above the individual’s functioning and wellbeing. This can potentially influence the uptake of and engagement with self-compassion and mindfulness-based approaches which seek to increase non-judgemental awareness of one’s own suffering and personal difficulty.

The men participants, regardless of family composition or visa status, similarly reported self-sacrificing out of concern for their families and the wider community. This highlights the importance of tailoring clinical approaches to be responsive to the unique needs of the Hazara community. Services working with Hazaras would benefit from an understanding of the role of emotional avoidance and self-sacrifice in their lives, as there might be a potential to flood Hazaras with uncomfortable memories (e.g., images, sensations) without appropriate support to manage them.

Strengths and limitations

The current findings should be interpreted considering limitations. There was an underrepresentation of women in the sample, and this precluded exploration of possible gender differences in understandings and applications of self-compassion and self-coldness. The lack of women in the present sample might be explained by mistrust or traditional roles in social groups characterised by less speaking (NSW Service for the Treatment and Rehabilitation of Torture and Trauma Survivors, 2019). We recruited during a pandemic-related lockdown in Australia, which meant that we could not visit community organisations in person to recruit potential participants. We were limited to online interviews given these restrictions. While we occasionally experienced brief, disrupted internet connection issues, we were still able to establish rapport with participants (Carter et al., 2021), and the use of online interviews removed geographical restrictions on recruitment of participants across Australia.

In contrast, other demographic characteristics of participants were diverse, with participants reporting variation in visa status, mode and year of arrival, and the presence or absence of immediate family in Australia. Over a third of the current sample did not hold a visa, and the method of sampling might have been biased towards the inclusion of Hazara asylum seekers who were residing in the community without visas and family present with them in Australia. Hazara men have previously reported using social media to contact overseas family members and to learn more about Australian culture (Tudsri & Hebbani, 2015), and this might explain a greater proportion of participants who were young men who were separated from their families and had insecure visa status.

Strengths of this study included the geographical coverage of participants, with many Hazaras residing in Greater Melbourne, and we were able to recruit participants experiencing legal limbo and family separation, whose voices can help inform government policy relating to the treatment of young, separated Hazara asylum seekers and refugees. We also conducted a study on an unresearched topic relating to refugees’ and asylum seekers’ understandings and applications of self-compassion and self-coldness.

Conclusion

The current findings identify several understandings and applications of self-compassion and self-coldness among Hazara asylum seekers and refugees in Australia. Self-compassion is proposed to be a soothing response associated with parasympathetic activation which is important in trauma recovery. It involves contacting private experiences through an awareness of suffering and desire to alleviate it. However, given the possible over-activation of threat protection responses among this community, such as trauma, it would be important to titrate the level of exposure to uncomfortable private experience in compassion- or trauma-focused intervention. Future work might more fully explore the relationship between cultural factors and self-compassion among Hazaras, including possible culture-related beliefs about emotions, attitudes, and expectations which might influence how self-compassion is practised. Cultures which value kinship and inter-connectedness might practise compassion-focused approaches together, for example, through group dancing (Reddish et al., 2013). People working with Hazaras in clinical settings might incorporate the descriptions of self-compassion and self-coldness provided by the community.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Supplementary data

Supplemental data for this article can be accessed at https://doi.org/10.1080/00049530.2023.2257362.

Data availability statement

Data will not be made publicly available given that participants were not asked to consent to data sharing because of the sensitive nature of the data.