Prevalence and associated factors of school re-entry among teenage mothers in Ghana’s Volta Region: a cross-sectional survey

ABSTRACT

This study examines the determinants of school re-entry among teenage mothers in the Ho and Hohoe Municipalities of the Volta Region, Ghana. These districts were selected based on their high prevalence of teenage pregnancy, their representation of urban and semi-urban areas, and the lack of existing research on the topic. Data were collected from 220 teenage mothers through a cross-sectional survey. Multivariate logistic regressions were used to estimate the factors associated with school re-engagement. Results show that 31.8% of the respondents had re-engaged in school, while 70% expressed a willingness to do so. Socioeconomic status, academic performance before pregnancy, parental support, external support, and family history of teenage pregnancy were identified as significant factors influencing school re-engagement. These findings highlight the importance of addressing socioeconomic barriers, strengthening parental and external support systems, and providing the necessary resources to facilitate the re-entry of teenage mothers into the education system.

KEYWORDS:

• Education
• school re-entry
• teenage mothers
• teenage pregnancy
• Ghana

1. Background

Re-engaging teenage girls who have left school due to pregnancy involves actively reintegrating these young mothers back into formal education, providing support, tailored programs, and a welcoming environment to empower them to continue their studies and pursue their educational goals (Kubek et al., 2020; Thwala et al., 2022). It entails identifying and removing the obstacles that contributed to their disengagement, creating effective interventions to encourage their return, and giving them the tools and encouragement they need to continue their education (Thwala et al., 2022). To encourage a student’s successful return to and completion of formal education, school re-engagement initiatives frequently entail outreach programmes, counselling services, academic support, vocational training, and other interventions customised to the specific requirements of the individual student (Imbosa et al., 2022; Thwala et al., 2022). These initiatives are designed to empower young mothers by addressing the challenges they face and enabling them to overcome barriers, enhance their educational attainment, and contribute to reducing gender inequality in education. Re-engagement is crucial to teenage mothers’ human capital development as it provides them with the opportunity to continue their education, acquire knowledge and skills, and enhance their prospects. By promoting re-engagement, we can reduce gender inequality in education by ensuring that girls have equal access to educational opportunities and empowering them to overcome the barriers that may have led to their disengagement in the first place.

Achieving gender equity in education has seen significant progress, although the ultimate goal remains largely unattained (United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation [UNESCO], 2017). However, research by Evans et al. (2020) indicates that in 90 out of 126 countries worldwide, women’s educational attainment lags behind that of men, highlighting a significant disparity in equity within education. Several studies, including those by Adangabe, Emmanuella, and Tigtig (2021), Naidoo, Muthukrishna, and Nkabinde (2021), Narita and Diaz (2016), and Eloundou-Enyegue (2004), have found an inverse relationship between teenage motherhood and the educational goals of girls. Consequently, teenage pregnancy emerges as one of the obstacles hindering the achievement of zero gender inequality in education across various countries globally. Low- and middle-income countries (LMICs) bear the brunt of this issue, with an estimated 12 million girls aged 15 to 19 giving birth annually (Darroch et al., 2016), leading to adverse effects on their educational and economic accomplishments, as noted by Bhana & Mcambi (2013) and Reddy et al. (2016). Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) continues to have the highest rate of adolescent pregnancy, with 99.4 births per 1000 women, despite a global decline in the rate from 64.5 births per 1000 women (15–19 years) in 2000 to 41.3 births per 1000 women in 2023 (World Health Organisation, 2023). Several factors contribute to the high prevalence of teenage pregnancies in SSA, including the unavailability and non-usage of contraceptives, as well as the presence of sexual and gender-based violence (Duby et al., 2021; Parida, Gajjala, & Giri, 2021; Usonwu, Ahmad, & Curtis-Tyler, 2021; Kassa et al., 2018). Insufficient Sexual and Reproductive Health (SRH) education also plays a role in the increasing rates of teenage pregnancies within the SSA sub-region. Additionally, societal pressures, such as the pressure to marry and bear children at a young age, contribute to the problem’s persistence in some contexts (Gerbaka, Richa, & Tomb, 2021; Vincent & Alemu, 2016). Furthermore, low levels of education and limited employment prospects for young girls may also contribute to the occurrence of teenage pregnancies. These various factors interact to create a complex landscape that perpetuates the problem of teenage pregnancies in the sub-region and Ghana in particular.

The Ghana Health Service (GHS) surveyed the prevalence of teenage pregnancies in 2020 and revealed some alarming statistics. The survey found that in the year 2020, there were 2,865 pregnancies recorded among girls aged 10 to 14 years, while another 107,023 pregnancies occurred among girls aged 15 to 19 years (GhanaWeb, 2021, May 2). These numbers indicate that, on average, 30 girls are impregnated every day, with 13 teenage pregnancies occurring every hour. Early pregnancies not only have implications for the reproductive health of young girls but also hinder their ability to fulfil their potential, including their educational goals and aspirations. For instance, Odland (2018) established that teenage pregnancies can harm girls’ reproductive health, including a higher risk of problems during pregnancy and childbirth, a higher prevalence of Sexually Transmitted Diseases (STDs), and restricted access to reproductive healthcare services. A study by Adam et al. (2016) also established teenage pregnancy as a major factor that influences school dropout rates among basic school adolescents in Ghana. Teenage pregnancy is associated with teenage motherhood, except for girls who abort the pregnancy or experience miscarriage. The illegality of abortion in Ghana (Polis et al., 2020; Ganle et al., 2016; Lithur, 2004) means that the majority of teenage pregnancies in the country result in childbirth and teenage motherhood. The transition from being girls to becoming teenage mothers poses significant challenges (Dzotsi et al. 2020; Espinel-Flores et al., 2020; Chohan & Langa, 2011), particularly due to the lack of parental and social support. These factors often create barriers to education for teenage mothers, necessitating policy interventions to address these problems. To address the educational challenges confronting teenage mothers, a process called school re-entry has been developed, which allows pregnant girls to return to school after giving birth (Malatji et al., 2020; Reddy et al., 2016; Bhana & Mcambi, 2013; Eloundou-Enyegue, 2004).

Various factors have been found to influence the educational re-engagement of teenage mothers, as highlighted in previous studies (Reddy et al., 2016; Bhana & Mcambi, 2013; Eloundou-Enyegue, 2004). Health issues, such as increased rates of maternal and child sickness and mortality, have been identified as barriers to school re-engagement among teenage mothers (Khanum et al. 2015; Al-Sahab et al., 2012). Additional factors that hinder teenage mothers from accessing education after pregnancy include difficulties in balancing schoolwork and childcare responsibilities, negative attitudes from teachers, and stigmatisation (Malatji et al., 2020). Mockery by teachers, interruptions in schooling, and strained relationships with the child’s father have also been found to impede the re-entry of teenage mothers into schools (Miwara & Mahajara, 2018). In Kenya, socio-cultural factors such as patriarchy, gender preference, early marriage, and poverty contribute to the failure of students to re-enter school after pregnancy (Onyango et al., 2015). Economic constraints, including the inability to afford education and the costs associated with child care, as well as negative schooling environments, have been identified as further barriers (Onyango et al., 2015). Moreover, conditions such as isolation and stigma also impact the re-entry of teenage mothers into the education system (Onyango et al., 2015).

Despite the efforts made by the Ghana Education Service (GES) and various non-governmental organisations (NGOs) to address the issue through counselling services, the prevalence of teenage pregnancy appears to be increasing among school-age girls (Morgan et al., 2022). Lambert, Perrino, and Barreras (2012) and Tuwor and Sossou (2008) have highlighted that teenage pregnancy significantly hinders girls’ ability to enrol in and complete basic and secondary education, particularly in rural areas of Ghana. As established by Amoadu et al. (2022), rural communities in Ghana experience a higher rate of teenage pregnancy than urban areas due to limited access to comprehensive sexual education, inadequate healthcare facilities and services, poverty, limited employment opportunities, early marriage customs, cultural norms and traditions, and a lack of knowledge about contraception and reproductive health rights. Research in the field of teenage pregnancy and teenage motherhood, particularly among girls in school, has emerged in response to the urgent need to address this issue. These studies have investigated various aspects related to teenage pregnancy, including its causes, the challenges associated with teenage motherhood, and the long-term effects on girls (Lambert et al., 2012; Tuwor & Sossou, 2008). While previous research has largely focused on the school dropout rates of pregnant teenagers, there has been limited exploration of their re-entry into formal education. School re-entry programmes aim to address the hindrance to school completion caused by teenage pregnancy by providing opportunities for teenage mothers to resume their education and creating pathways for academic success and prospects. Some studies have touched on factors that influence school re-entry among teenage mothers in Ghana, such as poverty, child-care support, parental support, attitude, interaction with institutional barriers, and gender ideologies (Baafi, 2020; Baa-Poku, 2016). However, these studies have predominantly been qualitative and have not extensively examined the predictive potential or effects of these factors. Furthermore, important predictors of school re-entry, such as the academic performance of teenage mothers before pregnancy and their family history of teenage pregnancy, have been overlooked (Mezmur et al., 2021; Sámano et al., 2017; Akella & Jordan, 2014; Grant & Hallman, 2008; East et al., 2007). Therefore, there is a need for more comprehensive research that explores these factors and their impact on the re-entry of teenage mothers into the education system, post-childbirth.

In the Ho and Hohoe Municipalities, where teenage pregnancy is prevalent (Birhanu, 2010; Gbogbo, 2020), there is a notable gap in research concerning school re-entry among teenage mothers. This knowledge deficit is incongruent with the urgency of addressing barriers to education re-engagement for teenage mothers to achieve Sustainable Development Goal 4 on education (SDG 4). Thus, this study aims to bridge this crucial research gap and contribute to the growing body of knowledge in this field. Specifically, the study focuses on teenage mothers who have recently given birth and were previously enrolled in school, regardless of their educational level. It examines the interplay of socio-demographic factors, geographic location, family history of teenage pregnancy, pre-pregnancy academic achievement, and social support in predicting school re-entry behaviour. Considering the academic performance of teenage mothers before pregnancy or dropping out of school and their family history of teenage pregnancy in school re-entry policies is crucial. It allows for individualised support, early intervention, breaking the cycle of teenage pregnancy, and holistic assistance. By addressing these predictors, policymakers can provide tailored resources and interventions, prevent the recurrence of dropout, empower teenage mothers to make informed choices, and offer comprehensive support systems. These considerations enhance the effectiveness of school re-entry policies and increase the likelihood of educational success for teenage mothers, promoting brighter futures for them and their children. In addition, social support in school re-entry policies for teenage mothers is essential for creating a nurturing and inclusive environment that promotes their overall well-being, academic success, and long-term positive outcomes. The findings of this study have implications for both literature and policies aimed at supporting the education of young girls, particularly teenage mothers.

2. Study area description

The research was conducted in Ho and Hohoe Municipalities of the Volta Region of Ghana [see Figure 1 for further information on the study districts]. Trends in adolescent pregnancies by area from 2014 to 2016 reveal that the Volta Region has the second-highest incidence of adolescent pregnancy, with 10,296 adolescent pregnancies on record, accounting for 15.3% of all registered teenage pregnancies in Ghana). Furthermore, the Ghana Statistical Service [GSS] (2014) reported that the frequency of adolescent pregnancy is prevalent in the Volta Region. This implies that adolescent pregnancy is still prevalent in the region and that it must be addressed.

Figure 1. Map of Ho and Hohoe Municipalities.

The Hohoe Municipality is situated in the Volta Region of Ghana and is one of the 18 administrative districts in the region. It covers an area of 1,403 square kilometres and shares boundaries with Jasikan District to the north, Biakoye District to the northwest, Kpando Municipality to the west and southwest, Afadjato South District to the south, and the Republic of Togo to the east (Tarkang et al., 2017). The capital of the municipality is Hohoe, which is approximately 78 kilometres away from Ho, the regional capital, and 220 kilometres away from Accra, the national capital. According to the 2021 Population and Housing Census, the Hohoe Municipality has a population of 114,472 people, accounting for 6.9% of the total population in the Volta Region. The gender distribution in the municipality is 52% females and 48% males (GSS, 2021). The population of the municipality is predominantly young, with children under the age of 15 constituting 35.9% of the total population (GSS, 2014). Gbogbo (2020) conducted a study on adolescent mothers in the Hohoe Municipality, highlighting the prevalence of teenage motherhood and the significant challenges that impact their well-being. These challenges have adverse effects on their education and economic prospects. Therefore, it is essential to understand the factors that influence school re-entry among teenage mothers for the development of effective policies and practices.

Ho Municipality is one of the five municipalities in the Volta Region of Ghana. According to the 2021 Population and Housing Census (PHC), the population of Ho Municipality is 180,420, accounting for 10.9% of the region’s total population (GSS, 2021). Females make up 53% of the population, while men make up 47% (GSS, 2021). The Municipality’s youthful population (those under the age of 15) represents 31% of the total population, with a minor proportion of elderly people (population aged 65 years and older). The Ho Municipality is [one of] the most populated districts in the Volta Region, with a 44.1% teenage pregnancy prevalence (Birhanu, 2010). However, no known study examined the prevalence and associated factors of school re-entry among teenage mothers. Such knowledge is however crucial in policies and efforts to develop the human capital of teenage mothers.

3. Materials and methods

The study was underpinned by the quantitative approach which offers prospects for establishing relationships among variables (Creswell, 2014; 2009) since it comprises the application of rigorous statistical analysis (Gravetter & Forzano, 2015; Kothari, 2004). With this approach, it was possible to quantify the responses of the respondents to make generalizations. To achieve this, the study adopted a cross-sectional survey design that helped collect data on the factors that predict school re-entry among teenage mothers in the aforementioned municipalities. Cross-sectional research provides a picture of the results and the traits associated with it, in a particular period in time (Hemed, 2017; Setia, 2016; Levin, 2006). It was used to estimate the odds ratio to study the association between exposure and the outcome variables (Setia, 2016). The exposure variables in this study are demographic and socio-economic, academic performance, and social support elements of teenage mothers. On the other hand, the outcome variable is school re-entry or re-engagement. Primary data obtained from teenage mothers who either re-engaged in school or have not was used. The study focused on Junior High School (JHS) and Secondary level education students (Senior High School [SHS] students), excluding primary-level students. Since the natural progression implies that by 14 to 15 years, children in Ghana should be in JHS, the study focused on students at the JHS and Secondary levels. Without a sampling frame, 220 teenage mothers were sampled using the purposive and snowballing approaches. Teenage mothers who met the criteria were recruited and their responses were captured (Bhattacherjee, 2012; Denscombe, 2010). The authors relied on the suggestions and recommendations of the initial respondents to identify other potential respondents (Handcock & Gile, 2011; Goodman, 1961). The inclusion and exclusion criteria were: 1) teenage mother was schooling before pregnancy and childbirth; 2) have delivered within a period not less than 6 weeks; and 3) people within the population who had delivered within less than 6 weeks and were not schooling during the time of the pregnancy were excluded. The focus on teenage mothers who have delivered within 6 weeks helps to provide a specific timeframe for examining the re-engagement process. This timeframe is crucial because it captures the immediate postpartum period when teenage mothers are likely to face unique challenges and barriers to re-engaging in education. By focusing on this specific group, the study aims to understand the factors influencing their school re-entry during this critical period and provide insights into the early stages of their educational journey after childbirth. This contextual information allows for targeted analysis of the immediate experiences and needs of teenage mothers, contributing to a better understanding of their specific circumstances and informing appropriate interventions and support mechanisms. Again, it is important to note that the longer teenage mothers remain out of school, the greater the risk of educational disengagement and potential barriers to re-entry. Excluding learners who were not in school was done to focus specifically on the population of teenage mothers who had the potential for school re-entry. Since these learners were already out of school before their pregnancies, their likelihood of re-engaging in formal education may be lower, and including them in the study may not provide an accurate representation of the factors influencing school re-engagement among teenage mothers. By focusing on the subset of teenage mothers who were previously enrolled in school, the study aimed to capture a more realistic and relevant picture of the challenges and opportunities surrounding school re-entry for this specific group.

The responses were captured through a combination of survey questionnaires (Kumekpor, 2002) and in-depth interviews, allowing for a comprehensive understanding of the participants’ perspectives and experiences regarding the topic at hand. The questionnaire was structured into six sections. The first covered demographic characteristics; the second, socio-economic; and the third, family history of teenage pregnancy. Academic performance before pregnancy, parental and social support in addition to school re-entry were captured under sections four, five, and six respectively. Five independent research assistants [comprising three females and two males] together with the first author collected the data between December 2020 and February 2021. In most instances, the respondents filled out the questionnaire themselves, while in some instances, the researcher-administered questionnaire approach was used. Participation in the study was voluntary and the anonymity of the respondents was ensured. Descriptive statistical tools were used to summarize the socio-demographic characteristics of the respondents and the incidence of school re-entry. The binary logistic regression model embedded in Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS) Software Version 20 was used to establish the factors that predict school re-entry. The results were considered significant at an alpha of 0.05 or less.

4. Results

4.1. Background characteristics of the respondents

A total of two hundred and twenty-two teenage mothers were involved in this study. The background of the teenage mothers included in the study is summarized as follows: Among the participants, their ages ranged from below 16 years to 19 years, with 18.2% being below 16 and 34.1% falling within the 16–17 age range. The majority (48.7%) were between 18–19 years old. The mean age of the teenage mothers in the study was 17 years. In terms of religious affiliation, 79.5% identified themselves as Christians, while 20.1% identified as non-Christians. Perceived socioeconomic status varied, with 15% considering themselves extremely poor, 30.9% perceived themselves as quite poor, 40% indicating that they were not very well off, and 14.1% reporting that they were quite well off (relatively comfortable or prosperous socio-economic status). The majority of the teenage mothers (85.9%) reported having at least one parent with formal education. Geographically, 88.6% of them resided in urban areas, while 11.4% lived in rural areas. A quarter (25%) had a family history of teenage pregnancy, while the remaining 75% did not. Academic performance before pregnancy varied, with 18.6% having a very good performance, 30% reporting a good performance, 35.5% indicating an average performance, and 15.9% having a bad performance. Parental support was reported by 70.5% of the teenage mothers, while 29.5% stated that they did not receive support from their parents. External social support was reported by 44.1% of the teenage mothers, while 55.9% did not have external social support. These background variables provide insights into the demographic, socioeconomic, educational, and social contexts of the teenage mothers involved in the study. See Table 1 for details.

Table 1. Background characteristics of the respondents.

Variable	Category	Count (220)	Percentage (%)
Age	Below 16 years	40	18.2
	16–17 years	75	34.1
	18–19 years	105	48.7
Religious	Christian	175	79.5
	Non-Christian	45	20.1
Perceived socioeconomic status	Extremely poor	33	15
	Quite poor	68	30.9
	Not very well off	88	40
	Quite well off	31	14.1
At least one parent has formal education	Yes	189	85.9
	No	31	14.1
Geographical location	Urban	195	88.6
	Rural	25	11.4
Family history of teenage pregnancy	Yes	55	25
	No	165	75
Academic performance before pregnancy	Very good	41	18.6
	Good	66	30
	Average	78	35.5
	Bad	35	15.9
Parental support	Yes	155	70.5
	No	65	29.5
External social support	Yes	97	44.1
	No	123	55.9

4.2. Prevalence of school re-entry

According to Figure 2, approximately 70 teenage mothers, accounting for 31.8% of the respondents, had re-engaged or returned to school after giving birth. Given that the proportion of teenage mothers who had re-engaged or returned to school after childbirth is 31.8% (as indicated in Figure 2), it can be perceived as a relatively small figure. This finding suggests that a significant number of teenage mothers still face challenges or barriers that hinder their ability to re-enter education. While the proportion may appear small in absolute terms, it underscores the need for continued efforts to support and facilitate school re-entry for teenage mothers, as even a modest increase in this percentage could have a significant impact on their educational attainment and future opportunities.

Figure 2. Prevalence of school re-entry.

When asked about their willingness to re-engage, 105 respondents, representing 70% of the total unengaged teenage mothers, expressed their agreement to go back to school. For these teenage mothers, re-engaging in school is seen as an opportunity to receive comprehensive development and to live morally, creatively, and productively within society. On the other hand, 45 (30%) of the respondents expressed unwillingness to re-engage in school (see Figure 3 for details). They cited various barriers that hindered their decision, including financial constraints, stigmatization, and the challenge of balancing school and family responsibilities. These factors contribute to their hesitation in resuming formal education after childbirth.

Figure 3. Willingness to re-enter or re-engage in school.

4.3. Associated factors of school re-entry

Table 2 presents the factors associated with participation in school re-entry among the participants. The results indicate that several factors significantly influence the likelihood of teenage mothers re-engaging in school after childbirth. Participants who were categorized as quite poor were significantly less likely to re-engage in school (AOR: 0.695, CI: 0.017–0.047, p = 0.027). Similarly, those who had poor academic performance before pregnancy had lower odds of re-engaging (AOR: 0.675, CI: 0.009–0.043, p = 0.000). Lack of parental support was also found to be a significant barrier, with participants without parental support being less likely to re-engage (AOR: 0.776, CI: 0.028–0.044, p = 0.020). Additionally, participants who lacked external support had decreased odds of re-engaging (AOR: 0.128, CI: 0.006–0.031, p = 0.044). Conversely, participants who were categorized as quite well off had higher odds of re-engaging in school (AOR: 2.592, CI: 1.229–1.734, p = 0.016). Those without a family history of teenage pregnancy were also significantly more likely to re-engage (AOR: 4.218, CI: 1.432–4.902, p = 0.048). Furthermore, participants who had good academic performance before pregnancy had increased odds of re-engaging (AOR: 2.628, CI: 1.375–2.864, p = 0.033). These findings highlight the importance of socio-economic status, academic performance, parental support, external support, and family history in influencing the decision of teenage mothers to re-engage in formal education after giving birth.

Table 2. Multivariate Logistic Regression on the Determinants of School Re-Entry among the Participants.

	Model
Variable	AOR	95% C.I
Age (years) ^a
16–17 years	6.214	(2.112–5.364)
18–19 years	1.034	(0.982–1.962)
Religious ^b
Non-Christian	4.456	(2.097–6.103)
Socio-Economic Status ^c
Quite poor	0.695*	(0.017–0.047)
Not very well off	9.267	(3.069–27.981)
Quite well off	2.592	(1.229–1.734)
Parental Education ^d
Have no formal education	2.110	(1.761–3.381)
Geographical location ^e
Rural	2.961	(0.737–0.918)
Family history of teenage pregnancy ^f
No	4.218*	(1.432–4.902)
Academic performance before pregnancy ^g
Good	2.628	(1.375–2.864)
Average	9.267	(2.346–7.235)
Bad	0.675*	(0.009–0.043)
Parental support ^h
No	0.776*	(0.028–0.044)
External social support ^i
No	0.128*	(0.006–0.301)
Model fitting information −2Log Likelihood		206.193
Hosmer-Lemeshow χ^2 (significance)		9.113(0.481)
Nagelkerke R^2		0.054

* p ˂ 0.05..

aBelow 16 years is the reference category for the age variable.

bChristianity is the reference category for religious variables.

cExtremely poor is the reference category for the socioeconomic status variable.

dHave a formal education is the reference category for the parental education variable.

eUrban is the reference category for the geographical location variable.

fYes is the reference category for the family history of teenage pregnancy variable.

gVery good is the reference category for academic performance before pregnancy variable.

hYes is the reference category for the parental support variable.

iYes is the reference category for the external social support variable.

CI= Confidence Interval; OR= Odd Ratio; AOR= Adjusted Odd Ratio

5. Discussion

The study findings indicate a significant association between socio-economic status and the likelihood of teenage mothers re-engaging in education after childbirth. Specifically, teenage mothers who were categorized as quite poor had lower odds of re-engaging in school. On the other hand, teenage mothers who were categorized as quite well-off had higher odds of re-engaging. This suggests that socio-economic factors play a role in determining the ability of teenage mothers to continue their education. Financial resources and access to support systems may influence their decision and ability to return to school after giving birth. Girls from poor homes are less likely to re-engage in education after pregnancy due to a combination of socioeconomic and structural factors. Poverty creates financial barriers, limiting their access to resources such as school fees, uniforms, textbooks, and transportation (Morgan et al., 2022). The need to contribute to household income or care for their child may take precedence over pursuing education. Limited support systems and inadequate social services further exacerbate their challenges. Additionally, girls from poor homes may face societal stereotypes and stigmatization, which can erode their self-confidence and discourage them from re-engaging in school. The lack of role models and opportunities for upward mobility can also contribute to a sense of hopelessness and a perception that education is unattainable. Teenage mothers from more economically disadvantaged backgrounds may face additional barriers, such as a lack of financial resources for school fees, childcare expenses, and other related costs, which can hinder their re-engagement in education. Conversely, teenage mothers from more well-off backgrounds may have better access to financial resources, support systems, and educational opportunities, which can facilitate their re-engagement in formal education.

However, being a high achiever and coming from a low-income family can combine to make returning to school more difficult and confusing. Despite their academic accomplishments, adolescents from low-income families may find it challenging to continue their education due to financial constraints that make it tough for them to pay for necessities like tuition, school supplies, and transportation (Chinkondenji, 2022; Krugu et al., 2017). In South Africa, an analysis of a panel of 673 teenage mothers, aged 15 to 18 years in 2008, revealed that teenage mothers living in relatively wealthy households in 2008 were much more likely to re-enrol in school following pregnancy and childbirth than teenage mothers living in relatively poorer households in 2008 (Timæus & Moultrie, 2015). Although Krugu et al. (2017) stated that young women’s reasons for sexual relationships are primarily ‘beyond love’ and appear to be centred on economic concerns, Larson (2007) suggests that such partnerships do not always improve their well-being. In the context of girls pursuing intimate relationships where pregnancy and motherhood are the results of exploitation or violence, the role of poverty is intertwined with the dynamics of power and vulnerability. While young women’s reasons for engaging in such relationships may include economic concerns, as highlighted by Krugu et al. (2017), it is important to recognize that the consequences of these relationships are complex. Oke (2020) and Larson (2007) argue that despite the perceived economic motivations, the outcomes of such partnerships do not always lead to improved well-being for the girls involved. When pregnancy or motherhood is a result of exploitation or violence, poverty can exacerbate the vulnerability of girls and limit their options for escaping or resisting harmful situations. Economic constraints may make it difficult for them to access support services, leave abusive relationships, or seek legal recourse. Poverty can also trap them in cycles of exploitation, as they may lack the resources to secure their financial independence and protect themselves from further harm. The resultant pregnancy and childbirth keep them from school (Bhana & Mcambi, 2013; Reddy et al., 2016), at least for some time, while for those with poorer economic backgrounds, it often ends their education. With most teenage mothers facing financial difficulties before being mothers (Okine and Dako-Gyeke, 2020), the associated costs of pregnancy and childbirth deepen their financial woes, thereby decreasing their prospects of educational re-engagement. Past research (Zuilkowski et al., 2019; Nyariro, 2018; Omwancha, 2012) has found that poverty is both a factor in early pregnancies and an impediment to young mothers returning to school. If their parents’ jobs make it hard for them to support themselves and their children, they may be unable to complete their education, and such teenage mothers may be forced to stay at home and care for their children. Our findings suggest that childbirth during adolescence is detrimental to young females’ educational performance and pursuit in Ghana. The situation looks dire for young mothers from poorer economic backgrounds since the provision of basic needs for themselves and their children overshadows their educational needs. Therefore, poverty plays a significant role in perpetuating the exploitation and violence experienced by girls in these situations, making it crucial to address the root causes by addressing economic inequalities, providing access to education and skills training, and implementing social protection measures. By addressing poverty and empowering girls economically, we can help break the cycle of exploitation and create opportunities for a safer and more promising future. These findings underscore the importance of addressing socio-economic disparities and providing adequate support to teenage mothers from disadvantaged backgrounds to enhance their chances of re-engaging in education and overcoming the challenges associated with teenage motherhood.

Students’ academic achievement may have an impact on their school attendance, development, and overall enthusiasm for learning. Poor academic performance has been recognized as one of the key causes of school dropout in developing countries (Ananga, 2011; Imoro, 2009; Rumberger, 2011). The assumption is that low-achieving pupils are more likely to drop out than high-achieving children. Rumberger (2011) contends that poor academic performance might be connected to student-related factors such as misbehaviour, low educational and occupational goals, and absenteeism. While acknowledging that complex external factors beyond individual control can contribute to learner absenteeism and low educational achievement, this study focuses on poor education performance in the context of immediate factors within the domain of students, which are deemed more readily addressable. By narrowing the scope to these factors, we aim to identify specific areas where interventions and support can be provided to improve educational outcomes for students, thereby contributing to overall educational development and success. We discovered in this study that individuals with poor academic performance before pregnancy were much less likely to re-engage, whereas people with strong academic performance before pregnancy were significantly more likely to re-engage. In a study of the many features of basic school dropouts in rural Ghana’s Asutifi area, Imoro (2009) discovered that the high incidence of the dropout was associated with applicants’ performance in final examinations. The findings reflect prior data, according to Grant and Hallman (2008) that previous academic achievement and grade at the time of pregnancy are markers of whether pregnant and adolescent mothers will drop out or complete their schooling. According to the authors, highly motivated students with higher grades before pregnancy are more likely to stay or return to school. Furthermore, adolescent mothers who drop out or withdraw briefly from school before pregnancy and childbearing are less likely to stay or re-enter. Meanwhile, Grant and Hallman’s, (2008) claim is debatable since adolescent pregnancy and motherhood can be both a cause and a result of low academic performance (Finkel & Thompson, 1997).

Teenage mothers are frequently abandoned by their spouses and must care for themselves (Lotse, 2016; Okine et al., 2020). The lack of social and economic support for adolescent mothers may predispose them to greater danger than the pregnancy itself (Ahorlu et al., 2015). A critical phenomenological study by Chinkondenji (2022) to investigate the lived experiences of young Malawian women returning to secondary school after giving birth draws attention to the crucial but difficult ways that families and schools may support and challenge student mothers. The absence of support [especially from their immediate family] predisposes teenage mothers to other vulnerabilities (Chinkondenji, 2022). This was confirmed in our study where participants who have no parental and or external support were significantly less likely to re-engage. The financial, health, emotional and psychological challenges encountered by teenage mothers (Ahorlu et al., 2015; Lotse, 2016; Okine and Dako-Gyeke, 2020) require that they be provided adequate support (Chigona & Chetty, 2008). Unfortunately, this is not always the case. Many are rejected by their parents, while some are also subjected to harsh treatment by the ‘unpardonable’ public. These factors work to hinder their educational re-engagement. For instance, the absence of financial support amidst increased expenditure could make teenage mothers shelve their educational goals. Again, the existence of a hostile educational environment (Díaz-Sánchez et al., 2021; Malatji et al., 2020; Onyango et al. 2015; Oke, 2010) discourages teenage mothers to re-engage. In all, there is a need to create social support avenues for teenage mothers to minimize the educational re-engagement challenges they face. Society must see teenage mothers as victims of the moral degeneration of the larger society, rather than symbols of moral degeneration. From this perspective, appropriate support can be provided to teenagers, especially in light of re-engaging education.

Participants with no family history of teenage pregnancy were significantly more likely to re-engage in this study. The literature consistently supports the association between a family history of teenage pregnancy and an increased risk of teenage pregnancy (Mezmur et al., 2021; Sámano et al., 2017; East et al., 2007). This is because family members contribute to an individual’s attitudes and values regarding teenage pregnancy, and they also share social risks, such as poverty, ethnicity, and limited opportunities, which influence the likelihood of teenage pregnancy (Akella & Jordan, 2014; Bandura & Walters, 1977). Family history of teenage pregnancy not only heightens the risk of teenage pregnancy but also impacts the socioeconomic well-being of families (Chiazor et al., 2017; Smith et al., 2018). Consequently, lower goals are set, and educational attainment is compromised. The lower educational attainment of older siblings and mothers can result in reduced motivation for teenage mothers to re-engage in education.

6. Implications for policy, practice and research

The findings from this study have important implications for addressing the issue of teenage pregnancy and promoting school re-engagement among teenage mothers. The significant association between socioeconomic status, as indicated by household wealth, and re-engagement highlights the importance of addressing economic barriers and inequalities that hinder educational opportunities for teenage mothers. Efforts should be made to provide financial support and resources to ensure that teenage mothers from disadvantaged backgrounds have equal access to education. Additionally, the influence of a family history of teenage pregnancy underscores the need for comprehensive interventions that target not only the individual but also the family unit. By addressing the attitudes, values, and social risks associated with a family history of teenage pregnancy, it is possible to create a supportive environment that encourages educational aspirations and re-entry for teenage mothers. These findings call for multi-dimensional approaches that encompass educational support, reproductive health education, and socio-economic empowerment to break the cycle of teenage pregnancy and enhance the prospects of teenage mothers in achieving their educational and life goals.

To effectively address this complex issue, practitioners and policymakers need to prioritize comprehensive support programs that address the various challenges faced by teenage mothers. These programs should provide a holistic approach, encompassing academic support, reproductive health education, financial assistance, and psychosocial support. By offering a range of services, practitioners can create an enabling environment that supports teenage mothers in successfully re-engaging with their education. Additionally, economic empowerment initiatives are crucial in promoting school re-engagement. Providing vocational training, entrepreneurship programs, and access to employment opportunities can empower teenage mothers to become self-sufficient and support themselves and their children while pursuing their education. This approach can break the cycle of poverty and create a pathway for long-term educational and economic success. Family-centred interventions play a vital role in addressing the influence of family history on teenage pregnancy. Interventions should target both teenage mothers and their families, providing education programs that promote positive attitudes and values surrounding education and reproductive health. By engaging families in the process, practitioners can create a supportive environment that encourages teenage mothers to pursue their education and break the cycle of teenage pregnancy within their families. Collaboration between the education and health sectors is essential for comprehensive support. Integrating sexual and reproductive health education within the school curriculum and providing accessible and youth-friendly health services can contribute to preventing teenage pregnancy and supporting teenage mothers in their educational journey. By aligning efforts between these sectors, practitioners can address the underlying factors that contribute to teenage pregnancy and ensure that teenage mothers have the necessary resources and support for their educational success. Finally, policy changes and effective implementation are critical. Policies should focus on comprehensive sexuality education, the availability of contraceptives, and protection against discrimination and stigmatization for teenage mothers. It is crucial to translate these policies into actionable steps at the grassroots level, ensuring that teenage mothers have equal opportunities to re-engage with education and overcome the barriers they face. By this, stakeholders can make significant strides in reducing teenage pregnancy rates, supporting teenage mothers in their educational journey, and empowering them to fulfil their potential and contribute positively to society.

The findings of this study provide valuable insights into the factors influencing school re-engagement among teenage mothers. However, several areas warrant further research to deepen our understanding and inform future interventions. Firstly, future research should explore the effectiveness of specific interventions and support programs aimed at promoting school re-engagement among teenage mothers. This could include evaluating the impact of comprehensive support programs that address academic, financial, and psychosocial needs, as well as assessing the outcomes of economic empowerment initiatives and family-centred interventions. By conducting rigorous evaluations, researchers can identify best practices and evidence-based strategies that can be replicated and scaled up. Secondly, more research is needed to understand the experiences and perspectives of teenage mothers themselves. Qualitative studies can provide valuable insights into the lived experiences of teenage mothers, their aspirations, and the challenges they face in re-engaging with education. Exploring their unique perspectives can help inform the development of tailored interventions that are responsive to their needs and aspirations. Furthermore, longitudinal studies are necessary to examine the long-term educational and socioeconomic outcomes of teenage mothers. Tracking their educational trajectories, employment opportunities, and overall well-being over time can provide a comprehensive understanding of the impact of school re-engagement on their lives. Such research can contribute to evidence-based policies and interventions that support teenage mothers not only in returning to school but also in achieving sustainable educational and economic outcomes. Additionally, comparative research across different contexts and countries would enhance our understanding of the contextual factors that influence school re-engagement among teenage mothers. By examining variations in policies, cultural norms, and socioeconomic conditions, researchers can identify contextual factors that either facilitate or hinder school re-engagement. This knowledge can inform the development of context-specific interventions and policies that are tailored to the unique needs of teenage mothers in different settings. Lastly, exploring the role of technology and online learning in supporting school re-engagement among teenage mothers is an important area for future research. With the increasing availability of digital platforms and distance learning opportunities, understanding how technology can be leveraged to provide flexible and accessible education options for teenage mothers is crucial.

7. Strengths and limitations of the study

The strength of this study lies in its comprehensive exploration of factors associated with school re-engagement among teenage mothers in Ghana. By examining various variables such as social support, academic performance, and family history of teenage pregnancy, the study provides a nuanced understanding of the complex dynamics influencing the decision to return to school after childbirth. One notable strength is the inclusion of social support as a key factor. The study recognizes the significance of support networks in facilitating school re-entry for teenage mothers. By highlighting the positive impact of social support, the findings underscore the importance of community, family, and institutional support systems in enabling teenage mothers to continue their education. This recognition of the role of social support adds depth to the existing literature on the subject and provides valuable insights for policymakers and practitioners working in the field of education and youth development. Additionally, the study contributes to the literature by considering the influence of previous academic performance before pregnancy. By acknowledging the potential impact of pre-pregnancy academic achievement on the likelihood of re-engagement, the study recognizes the importance of addressing educational disparities and providing appropriate interventions to support teenage mothers in their educational journey. Furthermore, the examination of family history of teenage pregnancy as a factor influencing school re-engagement adds a novel dimension to the study. By recognizing the potential intergenerational effects of teenage pregnancy within families, the research sheds light on the broader social and cultural contexts that shape the educational outcomes of teenage mothers.

The paper acknowledges several challenges that are inherent to research studies. One of the limitations highlighted is the restricted geographic scope of the study, focusing on data collected from a single region in Ghana. This limitation restricts the generalizability of the findings to a broader population. Future research should aim to include multiple regions and districts to provide a more comprehensive understanding of the determinants of school re-engagement among teenage mothers in Ghana. Another limitation is the cross-sectional nature of the study, which prevents the establishment of cause-and-effect relationships. The study captures a snapshot of the participants’ experiences at a specific point in time, without tracking changes over an extended period. Longitudinal studies that follow teenage mothers over time would be valuable in examining the dynamic nature of their educational journeys and identifying the factors that influence their decision to re-engage in school. Furthermore, the reliance on self-reported data for academic performance introduces a potential bias known as social desirability. Participants may provide responses that are influenced by societal expectations or perceptions of what is considered favourable. Future studies could employ alternative methods, such as accessing academic records from educational institutions, to obtain objective and reliable data on the academic performance of teenage mothers before pregnancy. These challenges provide opportunities for future research to address the limitations of the current study. By expanding the geographic scope, adopting longitudinal designs, and incorporating more objective measures of academic performance, future studies can enhance the validity and generalizability of findings, leading to a more robust understanding of the factors influencing school re-engagement among teenage mothers in Ghana.

8. Conclusion

The study examined the prevalence and associated factors of teenage mothers’ participation in school re-entry programmes in Ghana. The evidence shows a low school re-entry rate among the participants. In terms of the predictors, pre-pregnancy academic performance, family history with teenage pregnancy, socio-economic status of the family, and access to social support and parental support were found to be significant. This, therefore, shows the importance of social support in helping teenage mothers reintegrate into society and continue their education. Again, the influence of socioeconomic status demonstrates poverty as both a predisposing factor of teenage pregnancy and an inhibitor of teenage mothers’ school re-entry. Policies to promote educational re-engagement among teenage mothers should focus on helping teenage mothers from poorer socio-economic backgrounds. Furthermore, the influence of social support of any form demonstrates among other things the need to create a supportive and accommodating environment for teenage mothers, regardless. This should begin with not viewing those teenage mothers as bad children but as victims of a ‘morally decaying’ society. By doing so, the requisite support can be extended to help them re-engage and continue their human capital development journey through education. That way, they can become useful and responsible adults.

Authors’ contributions

AKM conceptualized the idea. AKM, MAA, AFOS, BAA and TQ: Writing – Original draft preparation. Writing- Original draft preparation. JTK, ASO, RA and DK: Writing – Reviewing and Editing. All authors critically reviewed the manuscript before submission. All authors accept final responsibility for the paper.

Abbreviations

GES	=	Ghana Education Service
GHS	=	Ghana Health Service
GSS	=	Ghana Statistical Service
JHS	=	Junior High School
LMICs	=	Low- and Middle-Income Countries
NGOs	=	Non-Governmental Organisations
PHC	=	Population and Housing Census
SDG	=	Sustainable Development Goal
SHS	=	Senior High School
SPSS	=	Statistical Package for the Social Sciences
SSA	=	Sub-Saharan Africa
STDs	=	Sexually Transmitted Diseases
UNESCO	=	United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization
WHO	=	World Health Organisation

Ethics approval and consent to participate

Informed consent was obtained from the participants by agreeing orally to participate in the study.

Availability of data and material

The datasets used and/or analysed during the current study are available from the corresponding author upon reasonable request.

Acknowledgments

We acknowledge the respondents for providing the survey data and the authors and publishers whose works were consulted.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Additional information

Funding

This research did not receive any specific grant from funding agencies in the public, commercial, or not-for-profit sectors.

Notes on contributors

Anthony Kwame Morgan

Anthony Kwame Morgan is a highly educated professional with a strong research background and diverse knowledge in various areas, including public health, health services research, ageing, rural development, and poverty and livelihood studies. His academic achievements demonstrate his commitment to understanding and addressing complex social and developmental issues, aiming to make valuable contributions toward improving public health, advancing rural development, and tackling poverty. With a passion for creating positive social impact, Anthony is dedicated to making a difference in the lives of individuals and communities through his work in academia and research.

Rahinatu Ibrahim

Rahinatu Ibrahim’s research interests were on reproductive health services for adolescents and adolescent education.

Alfred Foster Senior Owusu

Alfred Foster Senior Owusu’s research interests focus on health services, education, and resource management.

Beatrice Aberinpoka Awafo

Beatrice Aberinpoka Awafo’s research interests are in health services, education, ageing, and sanitation.

Theophilus Quartey

Theophilus Quartey’s research interests are in health service research, climate change & environmental studies, and statelessness and vulnerable populations.

Modesta Akipase Aziire

Modesta Akipase Aziire’s research interests are rural development and poverty and livelihood studies.

Josephine Thywill Katsekpor

Josephine Thywill Katsekpor’s research interests are in women empowerment and spatial analysis for flood management and rural development.

Abigail Serwaa Owusu

Abigail Serwaa Owusu’s research interests are education and sustainable development, rural development, and poverty and livelihood studies.

Daniel Katey

Daniel Katey prioritises exploring ageing's impact on the health, well-being, psychological distress, and psychosocial aspects of older adults. Additionally, he investigates adolescent lifestyles, social relationships, and psychological and mental well-being, utilizing diverse methodologies to inform evidence-based policies and promote healthy development and inclusive society.