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Abstract
In traditional Chinese literature, prefaces (xu 序) were written not just for books but also for works produced at various social occasions, as well as for sets of poems composed by a group on particular occasions: the “occasional preface.” The occasional preface, known from earlier times, became more widespread and underwent important changes in the Tang. This paper explores its development in the early and high Tang periods, seeking to understand better its function and purpose. It is suggested that the occasional preface, whose earlier function was mainly to describe the setting and provide background information for a proper reading of the poems composed on a certain occasion, now grew to share two important functions of poetry itself: it became a means of self-display for the author and/or played the role of a farewell gift. It also was recognized as a genre of writing that could be appreciated on its own as a self-standing form of literary craft.
Notes on Contributor
Xiaojing Miao is a Visiting Assistant Professor at the University of Colorado, Boulder. Her primary area of research is medieval Chinese (roughly 100–900 CE) literature and culture, with a secondary focus on rhetoric, historiography, and humor studies.
Correspondence to: Asian Languages and Civilizations, 279 UCB, Boulder, Colorado 80309-0279. Email: [email protected]
Notes
1 Jacques Derrida, Dissemination, trans. Barbara Johnson (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1981), 8.
2 Gerard Genette, Paratexts: Thresholds of Interpretation, trans. Jane E. Lewin (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 196–236.
3 The occasional preface as a type of writing has been discussed by Chu Binjie 褚斌杰 in his Zhongguo gudai wenti gailun 中國古代文體概論 (Beijing: Beijing daxue chubanshe, 1990), 382–87. In recent years, in addition to a dozen or so Chinese M.A. theses about the Tang occasional preface, Michisaka Akihiro 道坂昭廣 offers an inspiring discussion of the early Tang occasional preface, especially with regard to why this type of writing suddenly became popular in the early Tang; see Michisaka Akihiro, “Shotō no jo” 初唐の序, in Ō Botsu shū to Ō Botsu bungaku kenkyū 『王勃集』と王勃文学研究 (Tokyo: Kenbun shuppan, 2016), 79–117.
4 Shishuo xinyu 16/3: “Whenever Wang Hsi-chih heard someone compare his own ‘Preface to the Lan-t’ing Collection’ to Shih Ch’ung's ‘Preface to the Chin-ku Poems’, or again, whenever someone matched his against Shih Ch’ung, he would look extremely pleased” 王右軍得人以蘭亭集序方金谷詩序，又以已敵石崇，甚有欣色. Shishuo xinyu jiaojian 世說新語校箋, ed. Xu Zhen’e 徐震堮 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1984), 3.346. The translation is taken from Richard B. Mather's, Shih-shuo Hsin-yü: A New Account of Tales of the World, 2nd ed. (Ann Arbor: Center for Chinese Studies, University of Michigan, 2002), 344.
5 Wang Xizhi, “Preface to Collected Poems of the Lan-precinct Gathering Held on the Third Day of the Third Month,” in “Quan Jin wen” 全晉文 (in Quan shanggu sandai Qin Han Sanguo liuchao wen 全上古三代秦漢三國六朝文), ed. Yan Kejun 嚴可均 (1762–1843) (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1991), 26.9b–10a. All the following references to this preface are based on this version. “Lanting,” which is commonly translated as “Orchid Pavilion,” should instead be understood as “Lan precinct-house.” See David R. Knechtges, “Jingu and Lanting: Two (or Three?) Jin Dynasty Gardens,” in Studies in Chinese Language and Culture: Festschrift in Honour of Christoph Harbsmeier on the Occasion of His 60th Birthday, ed. Christoph Andel and Halvor Eifring (Oslo: Hermes Academic Publishing, 2006), 399–403.
6 For a translation of the Lanting preface, see “Preface to Collected Poems from the Orchid Pavilion,” trans. Richard Strassberg, in The Shorter Columbia Anthology of Traditional Chinese Literature, ed. Victor H. Mair (New York: Columbia University Press, 2000), 351–53.
7 For a discussion of the development of prefaces to poems, including occasional prefaces in the Wei, Jin, and Southern and Northern dynasties, see Zhong Tao 鍾濤, “Shilun Wei Jin Nanbeichao shixu de wenti yanjin” 試論魏晉南北朝詩序的文體演進, Beijing daxue xuebao 2008.1: 102–8.
8 Chen shu 陳書 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1972), 34.468–69.
9 Sui shu 隋書 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1973), 35.1085.
10 In this paper, I use Jiang Qingyi's 蔣清翊 annotated edition of Wang Bo's collected works as the base text for Wang Bo's prefaces, collated with the Shōsōin version of Wang Bo shixu 王勃詩序. The title here, for example, follows the Shōsōin version; see Zhengcangyuan cang Wang Bo shixu jiaokan 正倉院藏⟪王勃詩序⟫校勘, ed. Michisaka Akihiro (Hong Kong: Xianggang daxue Rao Zongyi xueshuguan, 2011), 90, 142.
11 Shijing, Mao 254 (“Ban” 板), Mao 255 (“Dang” 蕩).
12 Wang Zi’an ji zhu, 王子安集注, ed. Jiang Qingyi (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1995), 7.206–7.
13 Xi was a form of official proclamation used to denounce the transgressions of a ruler and announce a corresponding punitive military campaign, the most famous example of which is “Call-to-arms Denouncing Wu Zhao” (Tao Wu Zhao xi 討武瞾檄), Luo Binwang's denunciation of Empress Wu in 685.
14 “Preface to the Anthology of Travel Poems of My Journey to Shu” (Ru Shu jixingshi xu 入蜀紀行詩序), in Wang Zi’an ji zhu, 7.226.
15 For a discussion of the autobiographical features of the “Taishi gong zixu,” see Stephen Durrant, “Self as the Intersection of Traditions: The Autobiographical Writings of Ssu-ma Ch’ien,” Journal of the American Oriental Society 106 (1986): 33–44.
16 See Jiang Yin 蔣寅, “Wenru qiren? Shige zuozhe he wenben de xiangguanxing wenti” 文如其人？—詩歌作者和文本的相關性問題, in Gudian shixue de xiandai quanshi 古典詩學的現代詮釋 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2003), 181–200.
17 The “Five Marchmounts” symbolically mark the five directional points of the empire: Mt. Tai 泰 (east), Mt. Hua 華 (west), Mt. Heng 衡 (south), Mt. Heng 恒 (north), and Mt. Song 嵩 (center); the “Three Mountains” refers to the three legendary transcendent mountains on the sea: Mt. Fangzhang 方丈, Mt. Penglai 蓬萊, and Mt. Yingzhou 瀛洲.
18 “Preface for a Banquet Held at a Pavilion in the North of Mianzhou, Attended by a Host of Gentlemen” (Mianzhou beiting qungong yan xu 綿州北亭羣公宴序), in Wang Zi’an ji zhu, 7.218. Liang Hong (ca. 14–ca. 80), a virtuous man of the Eastern Han, used to lead a reclusive life in Wu; Zhang Zai (ca. 250–ca. 310), a famous Western Jin literatus, after experiencing the turbulence of the world, resigned from his official position and returned home to Shu.
19 “Preface for Collected Poems Composed When Several Gentlemen Visited Me on a Summer Day” (Xiari zhugong jian xunfang shixu 夏日諸公見尋訪詩序), in Wang Zi’an ji zhu, 7.225.
20 Kroll, “Tamed Kite and Stranded Fish: Interference and Apology in Lu Chao-lin's fu,” T’ang Studies 15–16 (1997–1998): 57.
21 Just for one example: Li Bai, by the end of his self-recommendation letter presented to Administrator Pei 裴 of Anzhou 安州, expresses his alternative if the hoped-for support is not forthcoming from the recipient: “If you formidably assume a great air of authority, flare up at me, refuse to admit me into your gate, and drive me away to the long road, then I, Bai, will come before you with both knees on the ground, bow to you twice, and leave immediately. I will go west to the Sea of Qin [namely, the capital] to observe the airs of the state, and part with your lordship forever. This yellow swan is now lifting up. Of the sundry princes, lords and important persons, at whose gate can't I tap my long sword?” 若赫然作威，加以大怒，不許門下，逐之長途，白即膝行於前，再拜而去，西入秦海，一觀國風，永辭君侯，黃鵠舉矣！ 何王公大人之門不可以彈長劍乎. “Letter Presented to Administrator Pei of Anzhou” (Shang Anzhou Pei Zhangshi shu 上安州裴長史書), Li Bai quanji jiaozhu huishi jiping 李白全集校注彙釋集評, ed. Zhan Ying 詹鍈 (Tianjin: Baihua wenyi chubanshe, 1999), 26.4043. When Li Bai wrote these lines, he must have had in mind a similar remark in an identical rhetorical frame made by Wang Bo in Wang's self-recommendation letter presented to Liu Xiangdao 劉祥道 (596–666), then the Right Prime Minister: “If not the case, then with lotus garments and cinnamon oars, I will shake out my clothes east of the Eastern Sea; with a pavilion in the shape of mushroom and a pillar made of pine tree, I shall lay my head on the north of the Northern Mountain. How would a person so trifling and trivial as myself ever come again to the gate of fame and profit?” 不然，則荷裳桂楫，拂衣於東海之東；菌閣松楹，高枕於北山之北。焉復區區屑屑，踐名利之門哉. “Letter Presented to Right Prime Minister Liu” (Shang Liu Youxiang shu 上劉右相書), Wang Zi’an ji zhu, 5.151.
22 Such as the “Preface for Seeing Off District Constable Wei to Luoyang When I am Sojourning in Fenyin on a Winter Day” (Dongri jiyou Fenyin song Wei Shaofu ru Luo xu 冬日羈遊汾陰送韋少府入洛序) and “Preface for Bidding Xue Shenghua Farewell at a Banquet Attended by a Host of Mianzhou Officials on an Autumn Night” (Qiuye yu Mianzhou qunguanxi bie Xue Shenghua xu 秋夜於緜州羣官席別薛昇華序). Wang Zi’an ji zhu, 8.239–41, 9.263–64.
23 “Three-chi” is conventionally understood as the length of the girdled sash that is correspondent to one's official position, that is, the higher one's position, the longer one's sash, and accordingly, the three-chi sash is an indication of Wang Bo's relatively low position. This explanation, however, sounds somewhat farfetched. In the 707 manuscript of Wang Bo's anthology now preserved in Japan, this line is written as “I, Bo, an abject person, am five-chi in height” 勃五尺微命. “Five-chi in height,” whether it is close to the actual height of Wang Bo or not, is indicative of youth, as used in ancient texts such as Lunyu 論語, Mengzi 孟子, and Xunzi 荀子. This reading, convincingly argued for by Michisaka Akihiro, makes better sense, and is adopted here. See Michisaka Akihiro, “Ō Botsu ‘Tō ō kaku jo’ naka no ‘Botsu sanjaku no bimei, ikkai no shosei’ ku no kaishaku” 王勃「滕王閣序」中の 「勃三尺微命 一介書生」句の解釈, in Ō Botsu shū to Ō Botsu bungaku kenkyū, 194–209.
24 Zhong Jun (133–112 BCE), an official at the court of Emperor Wu 武 of Han (r. 141–87 BCE), volunteered to undertake the perilous mission when Emperor Wu wished to send an envoy to Nanyue 南越 in 113 BCE, a kingdom established by Zhao Tuo 趙佗 (ca. 240–137 BCE) in 204 BCE at the collapse of the Qin 秦 (221–207 BCE) dynasty. Zhong Jun was later murdered in the far south kingdom at the age of twenty-one, but his confidence and courage, particularly revealed in the words “would that I might be granted a long cord, I will surely truss up the King of Nanyue and bring him to Your Highness's court” 願受長纓, 必羈南越王而致之闕下, were remembered throughout history. Han shu 漢書 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1962), 64.2821. Ruoguan 弱冠, or “callow and capped,” is a term for a youth of approximately twenty years old.
25 When Zong Que (?–465) was still a young boy, his uncle asked him what his ambition was. He replied, “Would that I might mount a far-ranging wind to subdue ten thousand miles of waves” 願乘長風破萬里浪. His aspirations were realized when he became an eminent general of the Song 宋 (420–479). Song shu 宋書 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1974), 76.1971.
26 The “treasure tree of the Xie clan,” referring to a worthy descendant able to glorify one's family, alludes to a story in Shishuo xinyu 2/92 : “Hsieh An once asked his sons and nephews, ‘Young people, after all I have nothing to do with your affairs, yet why am I just now wanting you to become fine people?’ No one had anything to say except Hsieh Hsüan, who replied, ‘It's just like wanting to have fragrant orchid or jade trees growing by the steps or courtyard, that's all’” 謝太傅問諸子姪：“子弟亦何預人事，而正欲使其佳？“諸人莫有言者，車騎答曰：“譬如芝蘭玉樹，欲使其生於階庭耳. Shishuo xinyu jiaojian, 1.82; Mather, Shih-shuo Hsin-yü: A New Account of Tales of the World, 75.
27 An allusion to the often heard and well remembered story of Mencius’ mother moving thrice in order to find the ideal neighbourhood for the sake of her son.
28 Alludes to Confucius's education of his son Kong Li 孔鯉 when Kong Li “crossed the courtyard with quickened steps” 趨而過庭; see Lunyu 16/13.
29 Namely, to salute with joined hands and bowing.
30 The Dragon Gate here refers to a man of prestige, or to be more specific, Lord Yan, Intendant-in-chief 都督閻公, who held the highest position among all the participants at the Tengwangge gathering.
31 Yang Deyi 楊得意, director of the palace kennels at the court of Emperor Wu of Han, informed the emperor that the long poem “Fu on Sir Vacuous” (Zixu fu 子虛賦), which was highly admired by the emperor, was written not by a departed worthy but by Sima Xiangru, a native of his hometown in Sichuan and still quite alive. As a result, Sima Xiangru was summoned to the court and was favored by the emperor. The name Yang Deyi thus came to stand for an individual who could recommend men of talent to the court.
32 Wang Zi’an ji zhu, 8.234–35. According to a much-repeated story, in the Spring and Autumn period there lived Boya 伯牙, a virtuoso on the zither. One day his performance was overheard by Zhong Ziqi, a woodchopper. During his performance, when Boya had in mind high mountains, Ziqi commented, “How lofty is Mount Tai,” and when Boya had in mind flowing waters, Ziqi commented, “How vast are rivers and oceans.” Whatever Boya played, Ziqi never failed to understand, and they naturally became close friends. Zhong Ziqi, as a result, became a symbol for one who “appreciates the tone,” or understands what is in his friend's heart. “Lofty Mountain” and “Flowing Stream” are the two most famous zither pieces associated with Boya.
33 For a discussion of Wang Bo and his family tradition, see Ding Xiang Warner, “‘A Splendid Patrimony’: Wang Bo and the Development of a New Poetic Decorum in Early Tang China,” T’oung Pao 98 (2011): 113–44.
34 Chan, “Dedication and Identification in Wang Bo's Compositions on the Gallery of Prince Teng,” Monumenta Serica 50 (2002): 225. The claim that Wang Bo is addressing the preface to himself is startling and not convincingly supported.
35 The conventional understanding, following the narrative of Wang Bo's biography in Jiu Tangshu, is that on his journey to visit his father in Jiaozhi, Wang Bo was traveling alone. However, some scholars, by examining “A Sacrificial Writing Composed Under Orders when We Stopped by Huaiyin and Paid Our Respects to the Temple of Emperor Gaozu of the Han” (Guo Huaiyin ye Gaozumiao jiwen fengming zuo 過淮陰謁高祖廟祭文奉命作) and “An Old Piece by the Oldster Chenglie of My Family” (Zuweng Chenglie jiu yishou 族翁承烈舊一首) that are preserved in the 707 manuscript of Wang Bo's anthology in Japan, argue that Wang Bo was in fact traveling together with his father. The textual evidence seems suggestive, but I think that the internal evidence argues that this preface makes better sense if it was written without the companionship or supervision of a father. See Michisaka Akihiro, “Ō Botsu nangyō kō: fu shi dōgyō no kanōsei ni tsuite” 王勃南行考: 父子同行の可能性について, in Ō Botsu shū to Ō Botsu bungaku kenkyū, 281–313.
36 The “Han emperor” refers to Emperor Wu of Han, who, when sailing along the Fen River, composed the famous poem “Lyric to the Autumn Wind” (Qiufeng ci 秋風辭).
37 According to the Shangshu 尚書, before building Luoyang as the Eastern Capital, the Duke of Zhou divined about the feasibility of this plan and received a positive answer.
38 Wang Zi’an ji zhu, 8.240.
39 Shishuo xinyu often uses “a jade mountain” to describe the elegant appearance of a gentleman, such as Ji Kang.
40 Ziyun, i.e. Yang Xiong 揚雄 (53 BCE–18 CE), the famous Han scholar. “Simurghs and phoenixes,” as the two noblest of feathered creatures and believed to have colorfully attractive feathers, is used as a metaphor for a desirable literary style.
41 Sun Chu (?–293) was a talented Western Jin literatus.
42 Wang Zi’an ji zhu, 8.240. Here the Eupatorium Pavilion is the alternate name from 662 to 670 for the palace library. The practice of assessing one's official merit on a three-year basis is purported to have began in early times, as recorded in the Shangshu: “Assess one's official merit on a three-year basis. Assess each official thrice, then the muddleheaded ones will be dismissed while the bright ones are promoted” 三載考績。三考，黜陟幽明. Shangshu zhengyi 尚書正義, ed. Kong Yingda 孔穎達 (574–648) et al. (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2000), 3.20. In the Tang, the Ministry of Personnel (libu 吏部) was in charge of the final assessment of each official's three years of official merit, and made decisions with regard to each one's demotion or promotion. For a thorough discussion of the evaluation system of officials in the Tang, see Wang Xuncheng 王勛成, Tangdai quanxuan yu wenxue 唐代銓選與文學 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2001).
43 Jin shu 晉書 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1974), 56.1539.
44 Song Zhiwen 宋之問 (ca. 656–712), “Seeing Off Du Shenyan” (Song Du shenyan 送杜審言), in Shen Quanqi Song Zhiwen ji jiaozhu 沈佺期宋之問集校注, vol. 2, ed. Tao Min 陶敏 and Yi Shuqiong 易淑瓊 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2001), 1.398.
45 Chu Sizong 儲嗣宗 (js 859), “Thinking of Sir Xue Yu in Early Spring” (Zaochun huai Xuegong Yu 早春懷薛公裕), in Quan Tang shi 全唐詩 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1960), 594.6886.
46 Wang Zi’an ji zhu, 8.240–41. The “tumbleweed in flight” is a euphemism for Wang Bo himself.
47 Wang Zi’an ji zhu, 8.241.
48 Wang Zi’an ji zhu, 8.241.
49 There are many discussions on the practice of seeking political patronage in the Tang period, among others: Cheng Qianfan 程千帆, Tangdai jinshi xingjuan yu wenxue 唐代進士行卷與文學 (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1980); Luo Liantian 羅聯添, “Lun Tangren shangshu yu xingjuan” 論唐人上書與行卷, in Tangdai wenxue lunji 唐代文學論集 (Taipei: Taiwan xuesheng shuju, 1989), 33–125; Ge Xiaoyin 葛曉音, “Lun chusheng Tang wenren de ganye fangshi” 論初盛唐文人的干謁方式 Tang yanjiu 1995.1: 119–38; Wang Quan 王佺, Tangdai ganye yu wenxue 唐代干謁與文學 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2011); Alexei Ditter, “Genre and the Transformation of Writing in Tang Dynasty China (618–907)” (Ph.D. diss., Princeton University, 2008), 96–152; idem, “Civil Examinations and Cover Letters in the Mid-Tang: Dugu Yu's (776–815) ‘Letter Submitted to Attendant Gentleman Quan of the Ministry of Rites’,” in A History of Chinese Letters and Epistolary Culture, ed. Antje Richter (Leiden: Brill, 2015), 643–74.
50 Such as “Preface for a Banquet Held in Luoyang on an Autumn Day” (Qiuri yan Luoyang xu 秋日宴洛陽序), “Preface for a Banquet Held at the Forest Pavilion of Zhang the Second on a Summer Day” (Xiari yan Zhang’er linting xu 夏日宴張二林亭序), and “Preface for an Outing to the Han Family's Garden in Jizhou” (You Jizhou Hanjiayuan xu 遊冀州韓家園序). Wang Zi’an ji zhu, 7.205–6, 7.216–18, 7.222–24.
51 See Paul W. Kroll, “Poetry of the T’ang Dynasty,” in The Columbia History of Chinese Literature, ed. Victor H. Mair (New York: Columbia University Press, 2001), 290–91; Timothy Wai Keung Chan, “The ‘Ganyu’ of Chen Zi’ang: Questions on the Formation of a Poetic Genre,” T’oung Pao 87 (2001): 14–42; idem, “A Reevaluation of Chen Zi’ang's Manifesto of a Poetic Reform,” Journal of the Oriental Society of Australia 35 (2004–2005): 56–85.
52 “Preface for a Banquet Held at the Pool Pavilion of the Prince of Liang” (Liangwang chiting yan xu 梁王池亭宴序), in Chen Zi’ang ji 陳子昂集, ed. Xu Peng 徐鵬 (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2013), 7.179. The “white-thatched dwellings” are dwellings of common people, whereas the “vermilion gates” stand for mansions of the nobility or the powerful.
53 “Preface for a Banquet Held at the Linqiong Residence of Overseer Li on a Winter Night” (Dongye Linqiong Li Lushi zhai xu 冬夜宴臨邛李錄事宅序), in Chen Zi’ang ji, 7.184.
54 “Wangzi Qiao, named Jin, was the Crown Prince of King Ling of Zhou. He was fond of playing the reed-organ to produce music that was like the cry of the phoenix. When Wangzi Qiao roamed between the Yi and Luo Rivers, Lord Fuqiu, a Daoist adept, came into contact with him and led him to Mount Song” 王子喬者，周靈王太子晉也。好吹笙作鳳鳳鳴。遊伊、洛之閒，道士浮邱公接以上嵩高山. Liexian zhuan jiaojian 列仙傳校箋, ed. Wang Shumin 王叔岷 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2007), 1.65.
55 Sima Chengzhen 司馬承禎 (647–735), style named Ziwei, was one of the most eminent Daoist masters of the late seventh and early eighth centuries.
56 Pingu 牝谷, or the mysterious valley, alludes to Laozi 6, “The valley spirit (epithet for the Way) never dies. This is called the mysterious female. The gateway of the mysterious female is called the root of the heaven and earth” 谷神不死，是謂玄牝。玄牝之門，是謂天地根.
57 “The Yellow Emperor [Xuanyuan] gathered copper from Mt. Shou, to have a large, three-legged bronze caldron made at the foot of Mount Jing. When the caldron was formed, a dragon, dangling his beard, descended to greet the Yellow Emperor. The Yellow Emperor mounted the dragon, followed by seventy ministers and concubines, and then the dragon ascended to heaven” 黃帝采首山銅，鑄鼎於荊山下。鼎既成，有龍垂胡䫇，下迎黃帝。黃帝上騎，羣臣後宮從上者七十餘人，龍乃上去. Shiji 史記 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1959), 28.1394.
58 “Blue tally” refers to a blue Daoist banner.
59 Mount Kunlun is the axis mundi traditionally said to be located in the far west and the home of the Daoist goddess Xiwangmu 西王母 (Royal Mother of the West). The “mysterious prime” refers to the unfathomable beginnings of Heaven and Earth, associated with Laozi in his cosmic role.
60 The “Yellow court” usually refers to Huangting jing 黃庭經, an eminent Daoist scripture. In this preface, however, the term was clearly not used to designate the scripture. Instead, it was borrowed by Chen Zi’ang, probably to parallel the “purple haze,” to represent a celestial palace.
61 “Master Yang cried when he saw the crossroads, for it could lead to the south as well as to the north” 楊子見逵路而哭之，為其可以南可以北. Huainanzi jishi 淮南子集釋, ed. He Ning 何寧 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1998), 17.1203.
62 “Master Mozi said, ‘Once I saw people dyeing silks and sighed, ‘if dyed with glaucous hue, they become glaucous; if dyed with yellow hue, they become yellow. As what seeps into them changes, their color also changes’” 子墨子言：「見染絲而歎曰：『染於蒼則蒼，染於黃則黃，所入者變，其色亦變。』」 Mozi xiangu 墨子閒詁, ed. Sun Yirang 孫詒讓 (1848–1908) (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2001), 1.11.
63 Shang Ziping was an Eastern Han recluse who refused to serve at Wang Mang's 王莽 (r. 8–23) court. After marrying off all his children, he escaped from society to live among the mountains, with no one knowing his whereabouts.
64 Bao Jiao was a recluse of the Spring and Autumn period. Discontented with contemporary politics, Bao Jiao chose to dwell in the mountains, and ultimately starved himself to death in the wilds.
65 Chen Zi’ang ji, 7.180–81.
66 That is, “Hezhou jinkou bie shedi zhi Dongyangxia buchen buji juanran youhuai zuoyi shizhi” 合州津口別舍弟至東陽峽步趁不及眷然有懷作以示之.
67 That is, “Qiuri yu Taiyuan nanzha jian Yangqu Wang Zangong Jia Shaogong Shiai Yin Shaogong yingju fu shangdu xu” 秋日於太原南柵餞陽曲王贊公賈少公石艾尹少公應舉赴上都序.
68 “If a man in the morning hears the Way, he may die in the evening without regret” 朝聞道，夕死可矣. Lunyu, 4/8.
69 Mi Heng (173–198), a gifted literatus in the Eastern Han, was also famously erratic and arrogant. In the mid–190s, he was sent by the famous warlord Cao Cao 曹操 (155–220), who was outraged by Mi Heng's imperious behaviour, to join the staff of Liu Biao (142–208), Governor of Jingzhou 荊州. Liu Biao, while valuing his talent and reputation in the first place, also could not stand Mi Heng's arrogance and sent him to the ill-tempered Huang Zu 黃祖 (?–208), governor of Jiangxia. Not long afterward, Huang Zu had Mi Heng killed. For the biography of Mi Heng, see Hou Han shu 後漢書 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1965), 80.2652–54.
70 Li Bai quanji jiaozhu huishi jiping, 27.4045–46. According to the biography of the famous Western Jin (265–316) literatus Zhang Han, when He Xun stopped at Wuchang 吳閶 Gate on his journey to Luoyang, Zhang Han heard him playing a zither on a boat. Therefore, Zhang Han, following the sound of the zither, went to visit He Xun, and the two, though they had not met before, became very fond of each other immediately and ended up going to Luoyang together. Jin shu, 92.2384.
71 Master Guangcheng was a legendary immortal.
72 The Daoist heavens, in one Lingbao conception, was divided into thirty-six layers, each ruled by a god.
73 “Preface for Seeing Off Quan the Eleventh in Jinling with Other Men of Worth” (Jinling yu zhuxian song Quan shiyi xu 金陵與諸賢送權十一序), in Li Bai quanji jiaozhu huishi jiping, 27.4071.
74 Both Chaofu and Xu You were legendary recluses living under the reign of the sage-king Yao 堯.
75 The “vermilion seal-cords” refers to official positions.
76 “Preface at Master Ziyang's Cangxia Pavilion in Suizhou on a Winter Night, Seeing Off Sir Yan, Yuan Yan, to Live in Seclusion in Mountain Xiancheng” (Dongye yu Suizhou Ziyang xiansheng Canxialou song Yanzi Yuan Yan yin Xianchengshan xu 冬夜於隨州紫陽先生飡霞樓送煙子元演隱仙城山序), in Li Bai quanji jiaozhu huishi jiping, 27.4148.
77 “Laozi said, ‘A gentleman presents his words to others’. When Yan Yuan and Zilu bade each other farewell, they presented words to each other. When King Liang drank with other feudal lords at Fantai, the Lord of Lu offered the king some words he preferred to convey the importance of respect and admiration, as well as to state the significance of sincere admonition. Starting from the early Tang, writings presented as gifts were called [farewell] prefaces, which were penned by many literati” 老子曰：“君子贈人以言。”顏淵、子路之相違，則以言相贈處。梁王觴諸侯於范臺，魯君擇言而進，所以致敬愛，陳忠告之誼也。唐初贈人，始以序名，作者亦眾. Guwen cilei zuan 古文辭類纂, ed. Yao Nai (Beijing: Zhongguo shudian, 1986), 11.
78 Wang Zi’an ji zhu, 8.251.
79 Song Zhiwen, “Preface to Seeing Off Rectifier of Omissions Yin to the Capital” (Song Yin Buque ru Jing xu 送尹補闕入京序), in Shen Quanqi Song Zhiwen ji jiaozhu, 6.656.
80 Chen Zi’ang, “Preface for Seeing Off District Vice-Magistrate Chen to Join the Army” (Jian Chen Shaofu congjun xu 餞陳少府從軍序), in Chen Zi’ang ji, 7.182.
81 Chen Zi’ang, “Preface for Seeing Off General Qu as An Envoy to Visit Qapaghan Qaghan” (Song Qu langjiang shi Mochuo 送麴郎將使默啜序), Chen Zi’ang ji, 7.187.
82 Wenyuan yinghua 文苑英華, ed. Li Fang 李昉 (925–996) et al. (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1965), 720.7b. “The western stairs of the hall” is a direction that indicates respect.
83 It is said that this mountain was where the First Emperor of Qin (r. 221–210 BCE) used to gaze afar at the Southern Sea, and was thus named as Qinwang.
84 Wenyuan yinghua, 720.7b.
85 Jiu Yao was the worthy minister of the legendary sage-king Shun.
86 Shiyi was an eminent musician of the Lu 魯 state.
87 Namely, to firmly hold valuable virtues.
88 Wenyuan yinghua, 720.7b.
89 Alludes to the story that when Fu Zijian 宓子賤, one of Confucius's disciples, was governing Shanfu 單父, the district was well governed while Fu Zijian did little more that play a zither. Lüshi chunqiu jishi 呂氏春秋集釋, ed. Xu Weiyu 許維遹 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2009), 21.586.
90 Although the exact incident being referred to here is unclear, these two lines indicate the hardships endured by the people of Xindu, after experiencing some disaster.
91 Alludes to the Duke of Zhou's thirst for men of talent: “The Duke of Zhou admonished [his eldest son] Boqin, ‘During one bath I bind my hair thrice, and during one meal I spit out food thrice, in order to rise to receive gentlemen, yet I still fear that I might suffer the loss of the world's worthy men’” 周公戒伯禽曰：“然我一沐三捉髮，一飯三吐哺，起以待士，猶恐失天下之賢人.” Shiji, 33.1518.
92 “Preface for Seeing Off Li Yi to Serve as the District Magistrate of Xindu,” in Wenyuan yinghua, 721.12b.
93 The Three Departments are Chancellery, Secretariat, and Department of State Affairs.
94 Namely, a local commandery governor.
95 “Preface for Seeing Off Luo Jiao, Commandant of Xinyu, at the Backyard of Jianfu Temple,” in Wenyuan yinghua, 722.2a.
96 Wenyuan yinghua, 720.8a/b.
97 Namely, “Preface for Seeing Off My Thirteenth Uncle to Yue,” “Preface for Seeing Off Fang the Seventh to Travel to Liang and Song” (Song Fang qi you Liang Song xu 送房七西遊梁宋序), “Preface for Seeing Off Xue the Ninth to Travel Afar,” “Preface for Seeing Off Zhang the Fifteenth to Wuzhong” (Song Zhang shiwu wang Wuzhong xu 送張十五往吳中序), “Preface for Seeing Off Guan to Wuzhong” (Song Guan wang Wuzhong xu 送觀往吳中序), and “Preface for Seeing Off He Chang” (Song He Chang xu 送何萇序).
98 Namely, “Preface for Seeing Off Secretary Wang to Return to Shouchun to Wait upon His Parents” (Song Wang Sheren gui Shouchun shifeng xu 送王舍人歸壽春侍奉序), “Preface for Seeing Off Case Reviewer Zu to Join the Military Headquarter of the Commissioned Lord, Vice Censor-in Chief Li, in Qian commandary” (Song Zu pingshi fu Qianfu Li zhongchengshi mufu xu 送祖評事赴黔府李中丞使幕府序), “Preface for Seeing Off Proofreader Du to Jiangling to Pay His Respect to His Uncle” (Song Du Zhengzi zanfu Jiangling baijin shufu xu 送杜正字暫赴江陵拜觐叔父序), “Preface for Seeing Off Li Yi to Serve as the District Magistrate of Xindu,” and “Preface for Seeing Off Luo Jiao, Commandant of Xinyu, at the Backyard of Jianfu Temple.”
99 Chen Zi’ang, “Preface for Seeing Off District Magistrate Chen to Join the Army,” in Chen Zi’ang ji, 7.182.
100 Wang Bo, “Preface for Bidding Xue Shenghua Farewell at a Banquet Attended by a Host of Mianzhou Officials on an Autumn Night,” Wang Zi’an ji zhu, 9.264.
101 All three fu were written by famous Shu poets: the first two by Yang Xiong and the third by Sima Xiangru.
102 Both Mount Min and Mount Emei are famous mountains of Shu.
103 Wenyuan yinghua, 720.4b–5a.
104 “Preface for Seeing Off Li, the Commissioned Lord of Zezhou and Concurrent Attendant Censor, to His Circuit to Take Office as the Vice Military Commissioner of Zelu and Chenzheng” (Song Zezhou Li Shijun jian Shiyushi chong Zelu Chen Zheng Jiedu fushi fu bendao xu 送澤州李使君兼侍御史充澤潞陳鄭節度副使赴本道序), in Wenyuan yinghua, 722.8b.
105 This is an allusion to Lunyu 8/13: “Display yourself when the Way prevails in the world, but hide yourself when it does not. It is shameful to be poor and humble when the Way prevails in the state, whereas it is also shameful to be rich and powerful when the Way is abandoned in the state” 天下有道則見，無道則隱。邦有道，貧且賤焉，恥也；邦無道，富且貴焉，恥也.
106 Kui and Long were two virtuous ministers of the legendary sage-king Shun 舜.
107 Haochun 顥淳, rendered as “the great purity,” is an uncommon expression; the context suggests it means something similar to a transcendent, pure realm.
108 “Spirit acts as king,” indicating to live at one's own will, alludes to Zhuangzi 莊子: “The pheasant of the woodlands walks ten paces for one peck, a hundred paces for one drink, but it has no urge to be reared in a cage. With its spirit acting as king, the pheasant finds [the cage life] unsuitable” 澤雉十步一啄，百步一飲，不蘄畜乎樊中。神雖王，不善也. Zhuangzi jishi 莊子集釋, ed. Guo Qingfan 郭慶藩 (1844–1896) (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1961), 2.126.
109 Wenyuan yinghua, 720.7a.
110 That is, to subdue the rebels.
111 To repair the terrible damages caused by the war.
112 Ruzu 濡足, like ruji 濡跡, is a euphemism for taking official position. The locus classicus of the term is in “Longing for My Beauty” (Si meiren 思美人) in the “Jiu zhang” 九章 of the Chuci 楚辭, line 55–56: “Then I rely on Lotus Bloom to serve as a go-between— / but she dares not draw up her skirts or douse her feet” 因芙蓉而為媒兮，憚蹇裳而濡足. See Chuci buzhu 楚辭補注, ed. Hong Xingzu 洪興祖 (1090–1155) (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1983), 4.149. This in turn should be compared to the fisherman's song in the same anthology, in which washing one's feet in polluted waters is used as a euphemism for political service (see Chuci buzhu, 7.180).
113 Wenyuan yinghua, 720.7a.
114 Wenyuan yinghua, 722.4a.
115 Jiang Yin, on the other hand, argues that the independence of the farewell preface was first realized by Quan Deyu 權德與 (759–818). See Jiang Yin, “Quan Deyu yu Tangdai zengxu wenti zhi queli” 權德與與唐代贈序文體之確立, Beijing daxue xuebao 2012.2: 59–68.