https://orcid.org/0000-0002-2082-4029
Abstract
Objective: Food insecurity is a growing concern to the health and wellbeing of college students. This study aims to examine the lived experiences of students at-risk of food insecurity and associated challenges in a public urban campus. Participants: The study recruited 21 college students at risk of food insecurity using purposive sampling. Methods: We performed qualitative interviews with three focus groups and conducted a thematic analysis to explore themes that emerged from participant discussions. Results: Three central themes emerged from our qualitative analysis: (a) barriers to accessing stable and healthy food; (b) impacts of food insecurity on academic performance and physical and mental health; and (c) coping strategies for navigating food insecurity. Conclusions: The study highlights the distinct natures of food hardship and responses specific to urban public college students. Suggestions for academics and college administrators to mitigate college food insecurity are discussed.
Introduction
Campus food insecurity
Food insecurity is defined as inadequate access to affordable and nutritious foods due to limited financial resources.Citation1 Empirical studies and systematic reviews find much higher rates of food insecurity among college students than among the general population, for example, up to 50%.Citation2–5 Traditionally marginalized racial/ethnic groups, such as Black, Latino/a, and Native American students, are more likely to experience food insecurity in college than their White counterparts.Citation6,Citation7 Additionally, students identifying as low-income, first-generation college students, and former foster youth are at increased risk for food insecurity.Citation3 College students face unique barriers to food access in their transition to adulthood. Students grapple with high costs of daily living expenses and college tuition, resulting in financial vulnerability and risk of food insecurity.Citation7 Maynard and colleaguesCitation8 present in their qualitative study with Canadian college students that late or inadequate student loan installments left students vulnerable to food insecurity. Their study found that students adjust their living expenditures and lifestyle to balance other financial costs for basic needs, including housing and compromises in food consumption and choice.
College students with food insecurity experience the compounding effects of housing insecurity and the absence of other basic needs.Citation5,Citation9–11 Stereotypes of hungry college students can trivialize the harsh realities of living with food insecurity in higher education.Citation5 Such a stereotype works against the movement toward solutions when the experiences of college students are minimized and normalized.Citation12 This concern is further exacerbated by stigma surrounding food insecurity and needing resources, which Hattangadi et al.Citation13 cited as one of the main barriers to accessing needed resources for food.
Prior studies suggest that the consequences of experiencing food insecurity include trouble with health and academics. Physical health problems manifest as fatigue, poor sleep quality, disordered eating, changes in body weight, and increased risk of obesity.Citation7,Citation8 Food insecurity also impacts mental health and well-being, such as perceived stress, perceived mental health status, and depressive symptoms.Citation14,Citation15 Food insecurity is often associated with poor academic performance and achievement, such as a lower grade point average (GPA) and difficulty concentrating on education.Citation15–17 Kholsa and colleaguesCitation18 found that the impact of food insecurity extends beyond GPA, limiting students’ academic goal-setting. Therefore, the alarming consequences of living with food insecurity and coexisting risks of a college student suggests the importance of understanding and improving food security among college students.
Current study
Interested in further exploring campus food insecurity, this study examined lived experiences of food hardship among college students at a public urban campus. The study poses the following questions: (1) How do college students describe their experiences of food insecurity and limited food access? (2) How does food insecurity impact college students? (3) How do college students cope with food insecurity? The research team’s institution is a state-representative university consisting of diverse students in socioeconomic backgrounds, racial and ethnic identities, and first-generation status. There has been a growing interest in identifying students’ challenges and responding collectively to food insecurity. The majority of literature to date describes food insecurity among college students using data from structured surveys and in-depth interviews with individuals. We found the need to fill substantive and methodological gaps in the literature to illuminate college students’ distinct needs in the context of a public urban campus. Literature suggests that a focus group design offers optimal opportunities to explore college students’ experiences by facilitating open dialogue and discourse.Citation19,Citation20 We aimed to delve into individual experiences of food insecurity by stimulating evolving interactions among students.
Methods
Participants
A mixed-methods study was conducted utilizing quantitative and qualitative methods on an urban public college campus. The current study pertains to exploratory qualitative research conducted with the focus group method as a part of the overarching project. We recruited participants via purposive sampling in early Spring 2020. The eligibility criteria included: 18 years of age or older, undergraduate or graduate student at Virginia Commonwealth University, and experiences of food insecurity, hunger, and/or limited food resources. There were three focus groups (N = 21), with between six and eight participants in each. The majority of participants were female (76.19%) and identified as undergraduate students (90.48%). Our study had a racially/ethnically diverse sample, with 23.57% White, 23.81% Black, and 19.05% Hispanic/Latino participants. further summarizes demographic information of study participants.
Table 1. Participant demographics (N = 21).
Procedures
The project’s Principal Investigator (PI) obtained approval from the institutional review board of her university for human research protection in October 2019 (IRB HM20017552). We partnered with our campus food pantry, who collaborated to develop the focus group setting and participant recruitment. Participants were recruited via referrals and flyers on campus, university listserv emails, and social media posts. Students who were interested in participating contacted the project’s PI through email or phone calls. A screening survey was used to confirm eligibility and generate focus groups that include diverse individuals in terms of socio-demographic backgrounds (age, gender, race/ethnicity, academic status, living arrangement, and campus food pantry use). To recruit students with a high risk of food insecurity or limited food access, we used three questions informed by the U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) Food Security Short Scale and past studies.Citation1,Citation21,Citation22 They include: in the last 12 months, (1) I cut the size of (one or more) meals or skipped meals because I didn’t have enough money to buy additional food for the week/month; (2) I couldn’t afford to eat balanced meals or choose healthy options with my budget (e.g., often eating instant ramen noodles, junk food, or other cheap options); and (3) I live in a food desert (neighborhood with few or limited options for grocery stores or restaurants). We recruited participants who endorsed any of these experiences.
Focus group interviews were conducted in person using a guide to facilitate questions. We developed the interview guide based on past research and practical inputs by faculty, student advisors, and students (see the Appendix). The interview guide was piloted prior to the study’s focus groups. The interview guide used semi-structured interview questions that started with a question asking about participant experiences with food and concluding by inviting recommendations participants may have to better support students experiencing food insecurity. Examples included: what students eat while going to school as well as any worries they experience due to food access and its impact on their daily life; “How do you try to ensure your food needs are met?”
We conducted focus group meetings in February 2020. One of the authors mainly facilitated the group discussions. The PI served as a supporting moderator, probing with further questions, observing nonverbal cues and group dynamics, and monitoring the time and process. Before each group started, the PI reiterated the study’s purpose and potential risks/benefits. Participants completed their written consent form, and the groups agreed with the rules for mutual respect and confidentiality. All personal information was kept confidential in a secure locked cabinet accessible only by the PI. All focus groups ran for approximately 90 minutes. Participants were compensated with light snacks and honorarium compensation of $30 to reward their time and efforts.Citation23,Citation24 Focus groups were audio-recorded and transcribed verbatim by GMR Transcript, a contracted service funded by the PI’s institution. All personal identifiers were removed from transcripts, and participant names were replaced with pseudonyms chosen by the PI.
Analysis
Three authors of the research team conducted a thematic analysis, utilizing Braun and Clark’sCitation25 (2012) established phases as a means of ensuring methodological validity and rigor for this qualitative study. Two of the authors first transcribed data collected via the focus groups. Next, they read through all transcripts independently, making notes of developing thoughts, then they came together to assess initial ideas and address any questions. They then independently developed initial codes for the data, coding transcripts line by line via Atlas.ti.Citation26 The two team coders worked together to discuss and generate themes that supported the data present and accurately represented the focus groups’ content. While developing themes, they communicated with each other to address the differences in understandings of different themes and codes, resolving discrepancies as they arose. One author reviewed the coding and the analysis process.
Results
Three central themes emerged from our qualitative analysis: (a) barriers to accessing stable and healthy food options; (b) impacts of food insecurity; and (c) student coping strategies for navigating food insecurity during their college experience. presents important quotes by theme.
Table 2. Themes and quotes around food insecurity.
Barriers to access
Participants described several barriers that primarily contributed to their experiences of food insecurity.
Limited access to healthy foods
Participants indicated the lack of healthy food options through campus dining as a barrier to food security. This concern consisted of discussions about the lack of healthy alternatives outside of the fast-food options offered on campus. A participant reported, “especially because the food here is so unhealthy. Like, for me, coming from someone who used to eat really healthy, sometimes, I’ll skip meals not because I don’t have money but because I feel like I shouldn’t be eating, if that makes sense.” Additionally, students in multiple focus groups spoke about a time when there was no fruit at campus dining facilities or a lack of access to water. One participant stated, “we just got water for the first time in, like, two weeks yesterday. I was like, wow, this is ridiculous.”
Further, participants indicated dissatisfaction with campus meal plans due to the high cost of obtaining and maintaining their meal plans, lack of quality, and unhealthy food options from campus dining facilities and affiliated vendors. First-year students were required to have campus meal plans, but after their first year at the university, many students indicated they were no longer able to pay for a food plan. In conjunction with not wanting to pay for campus meal plans, students also reported an inability to pay for groceries due to the high costs of groceries in stores near campus and campus housing.
Participants also emphasized that the lack of kitchen access in on-campus housing was a barrier to accessing healthy food options as alternatives to campus food. Most residence halls for first-year students (and some sophomore students) do not include access to larger kitchen appliances such as a refrigerator or oven, with students only having access to small refrigerators and microwaves while living on campus. Some first-year students living on campus had no access to kitchen appliances outside of the small refrigerators and microwaves allowed in their dorm rooms. Without other kitchen amenities, students living in campus dorms were often unable to prepare healthy meals.
Transportation, time, and budget
Students expressed that eating healthy was a commodity that they could not afford due to financial/budget constraints and not having enough time. Whether it was classes, internships, or part-time jobs, students often did not have the time needed to shop for and prepare what they considered healthy meals, with fast food options being much less time-consuming and efficient. For example, one participant stated that they primarily sought frozen, microwavable food options because they were easy and convenient to prepare when there was not a lot of time to cook meals.
Participants also indicated having a lack of transportation as a facilitator of food insecurity because they were unable to visit local grocery stores. Additionally, one of the closest grocery stores was identified as being more expensive than other options further away, which ignited discussions around student autonomy in which stores they preferred and how transportation was further a barrier. One student shared that they could not access less expensive grocery stores off-campus due to a lack of transportation, which led them to shop at more expensive stores within walking distance to campus. One participant stated, “when I was a full-time student though, I definitely couldn’t afford, uh, full groceries.”
Impacts of food insecurity
Participants indicated three main categories of the impact that food insecurity has had on their lives: academic outcome, physical health, and mental health.
Academic performance
Students in all three focus groups identified the impact their experiences of food insecurity have had on their academic performance. Students frequently would skip class due to being too hungry to walk to their academic building, finish tests and exams quickly due to hunger, or lose their ability to focus during classes or assignments and exams because they were so hungry. Participants also identified feeling sick when trying to take exams due to their lack of food. One participant stated, “if you’re taking an exam and you feel… sick because you haven’t eaten… how are you supposed to focus on what the answers to that question… you can’t really focus.”
Physical and mental health
Students’ physical health was another primary impact of food insecurity among participants. Students experienced both weight gain and weight loss. While many students identified gaining weight due to the on-campus dining options and low-quality food, students also expressed feeling sick due to hunger, having a lack of energy throughout the day, and feeling dizzy due to lack of food. One student shared, “It’s like when you’re so hungry, like, you just feel sick.”
Further, students’ mental health was impacted by food insecurity. Participants frequently experienced stress and a sense of worry, whether it was from budgeting for meals, from the impact food insecurity had on their physical health and academic engagement, or due to the time they spent preparing healthy meal options. One participant reported, “It’s crazy, the amount of anxiety that you could get from, like, trying to think about what you’re going to eat later.” Students also identified feeling guilty when they went out to eat or spent more money than they often allocated to food. One participant shared, “It’s just a constant concern in the back of my mind.”
Coping strategies
Participants developed a multitude of coping strategies to navigate their experiences of food insecurity. One main coping strategy was changing one’s eating habits. Some participants shared that they would skip meals because they did not have time to eat or were waiting until another mealtime to spend less money on food. This also took the form of sleeping longer than usual to avoid eating. Additionally, participants indicated engaging in repetitive eating or eating the same foods multiple times, including meal preparation. A limited number of students also shared losing weight due to avoiding meals or limiting food consumption due to their experiences of food insecurity. This was also seen through participant discussions of going to the gym. One participant noted that they would go to the gym to take their mind off being hungry, while another shared that they avoided going to the gym because they knew that working out would make them more hungry.
Participants emphasized seeking opportunities for food on campus as a coping strategy. Many students indicated seeking out campus events that offered free food, with the sole reason of attending being able to eat while they were there. Further, students also utilized other campus resources, such as the campus’ volunteer-led food pantry. Though the pantry was run and coordinated by a university staff member when the study was conducted, it has since transitioned into a volunteer-led resource. While some students were knowledgeable about this resource, others indicated a lack of knowledge about what it was, where it was located, and how to utilize its services. Also, attending a research university, participants reported that there are many opportunities for students to provide scientific samples in exchange for compensation. Students reported donating bodily fluids to increase their financial resources and purchase food. This includes, but is not limited to, spit, plasma, and hair. Additionally, students also sought specific job opportunities that allowed them the benefit of free food. One participant reported that they began a second job and specifically chose a restaurant because free meals were provided while they were working.
Students also expressed prioritizing other expenses, such as rent, before spending their money on food. Conversely, one student reported that they did not buy textbooks for classes because they had to prioritize feeding themselves. Students described how others they knew participated in illegal activity to prioritize their needs regarding food. One student shared that their friend stole from a store to be able to provide for themselves, while another shared that they knew people who sold drugs to have enough money to eat. This student stated, “I know people who sell drugs specifically so that they can just have that money.” To find necessary resources for food security, one student indicated attempting to apply for the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) through social services. The student indicated difficulty accessing this resource due to the requirements and communication barriers with Social Services staff. Other students in the focus group were not aware that SNAP was a potential resource for them.
Discussion and implications
A large body of research has documented adverse consequences of food insecurity regarding academic, social, behavioral, and health outcomes of children and adults.Citation27–29 Emerging studies have called for attention to the alarming prevalence of food hardship and profound impacts on college students.Citation4,Citation5 This study affirms these concerns and illustrates the nuances of what food insecure life is like for college students.
College students are at a stage of transition to adulthood and independence. This study demonstrates that their food hardship is closely tied to such distinct contexts. The study participants shared experiences of constant battles over affordable versus healthy food. Students look for inexpensive food options near campus, and high food costs result in high calories and low-quality food consumption. Some admit that this practice may be a tradeoff with health, but they tend to believe this is a temporary compromise. The findings demonstrate that multiple factors compound food insecurity for college students. Similar to peer students, all of the participants lived independently away from their families. Besides, due to increasing tuition and living costs, it is almost a new norm that the majority of students work while enrolled in college.Citation30 Balancing academic learning with working, students are more likely to find it hard to invest their time and thoughts in food. Of basic needs, food is an easy area to disregard for reallocation of their monetary resources, for instance, adjusting the frequency and type of eating. Consequently, students with low levels of economic resources have a high risk of skipping their meals or eating inexpensive junk/instant foods for a quick grab.
Our study shows two contradictory pictures in the presence of food insecurity. Some students experienced weight loss from skipping meals and limiting or rationing food consumption throughout the day. Other students report weight gains as a result of an excess of cheap and unhealthy food consumption. The latter reflects the food insecurity-obesity paradox that weight gain of food insecure individuals is attributed to high calorie and palatable food choice due to resource scarcity, worries that their food may run out, and limited knowledge in healthy eating and exercise.Citation31 The findings support that both overeating and under-eating coupled with food insecurity are connected to physical and mental health risks. Students are concerned about their physical health conditions while refraining from intense physical activities. They have psychological distress about keeping up with academic performance and food choices. These risks may also serve as significant mediators to college completion and long-term outcomes of health and mental health. These impacts appear worse in racial-ethnic minorities, women, and those with poor support networks in general populations.Citation32,Citation33 We suspect that college students have similar patterns of group heterogeneity. Our study strongly encourages future studies to delve into food insecurity in different subgroups of college students.
This study brings attention to food environments for college students. Many of the students state that meal plans and campus dining options exceed their budgets or do not meet their expectations. Previous studies also have discussed mixed evidence.Citation34,Citation35 None of the participants identified their campus or residential area as a food desert in the screening survey. However, we note that many shared dissatisfaction with high-cost or low-quality options nearby, as well as difficulty in grocery shopping, given the urban campus context. Some of the participants underlined the need for campus facilities that provide a decent space for cooking so that they could shop and consume healthy foods at reasonable prices. Students living on campus largely agree on this, yet it is interesting to note that a few older or a graduate-level students, suggested living off-campus or in a suburban area as an alternative to save on both food and housing costs and to have better options of food access. Several factors may explain individual variations in food environments, including living conditions, academic levels, and individual approaches toward eating and cooking.
Many participants recognized transportation as a related barrier to food access. This finding concurs with previous studies,Citation36 and leads to another interesting point to consider. The focus group interactions reveal that students have varying levels of information on local grocery stores and transportation support. When some participants introduced a more affordable grocery store with decent quality, located five minutes away from the campus by public transportation, others did not know about this option. Moreover, at the time of the focus group study, the research team’s institution provided students with a free public bus pass, but many students were unaware of this benefit. Likewise, most participants, except for one graduate student, did not know about SNAP. The student who applied for the SNAP benefit, however, described her application process as overwhelming and time-consuming. These findings mirror those from previous studies that one of the major barriers to the use of means-tested programs or social services includes the lack of information on eligibility and program rules in general populations; one recent study reports that only one-fifth of eligible college students receive SNAP benefits.Citation37 Our study encourages college and student advisors to help increase the awareness of resources available and collaborate with community partners.
Limitations
This study is not free from limitations. The focus group method is effective to gather in-depth feedback and learn from interactive discussions on a topic of interest, but a small group setting composed of college peers from the same institution might discourage the participants from disclosing very personal experiences. For example, previous studies report that young adults may attempt risky behaviors to accommodate their food insecurity and basic needs.Citation38 Participants in our study might have felt uncomfortable speaking to exceptionally private experiences due to a component of the focus group design. Also, our study participants are largely undergraduate students. Graduate students and older or nontraditional students may demonstrate different challenges and perspectives. Besides, our study findings do not specifically manifest a clear connection between racial and ethnic identities to food hardship experiences. We suggest that an additional lens through racial/ethnic variation is worth examining. We strongly recommend future research address these limitations for fuller explorations of the lived experiences of college students.
Implications
Findings of this study suggest a range of responses and strategies to address the risk of food insecurity and hunger. They are characterized in four ways: (1) quick adaptation in food choice and eating habits, (2) prioritizing competing needs, (3) proximate resource seeking, and (4) proactive development. The first pattern is a prompt and common response. College students change or disorder their eating behaviors by skipping meals or grabbing cheap food. The second pattern refers to students’ tradeoff decisions and behaviors to meet their food needs. They cut down on educational expenses (e.g., purchasing a textbook), spent less on social activities, or abstained from physical activities. The third pattern, proximate resource seeking, illustrates students’ help-seeking practices of navigating resources available on campus. We find that these students use a campus food pantry and university events providing food or participate in research studies in exchange for compensation. Our study identifies a fourth pattern, proactive development, on top of these three approaches. Students actively develop plans and actions to establish food-supportive environments. They search for information and resources available in local communities beyond campus, including looking for affordable quality grocery stores, cooking affordable healthy food options, choosing an off-campus living arrangement to meet basic needs within their budget, searching local charities and social program benefits, and working in a restaurant that offers free meals to staff.
The four patterns suggest varying degrees of strategies and effort at the individual student level. These findings weigh areas for programmatic and institutional efforts that should be considered. College food pantries have been rapidly growing nationwide. Our study reports mixed exposures to our institution’s food pantry, and a similar lack of awareness and under-utilization is widely discussed.Citation39 Most college pantries tend to vary in operation partly due to limited administrative support and volunteer-based functions.Citation5,Citation37 Campus food pantries are important to provide immediate food resources for students. Not merely an emergency stop, campus food pantries can be an integral part in preventing students from experiencing the negative consequences of food insecurity: connecting at-risk students with a comprehensive support system on campus, exploring local community partnerships, and offering in-person assistance for local, state, and federal program benefits.
We also reiterate that easy access to healthy foods on-campus should be prioritized. Students living on-campus currently do not have access to communal kitchens, in which they could prepare and share healthy foods. This is especially important for out-of-state and international students who stay on campus during the holidays. Communal kitchen areas should be included in the design when updating existing student housing and for future housing. Besides, meal swipes programs should be noted, which allows college students and staff to donate their unused dining credits to students in need. The Swipe Out Hunger program has been implemented sporadically across the country to support innovative initiatives for the food security of college students. It is a student-led drive that promotes meal swipe programs, campus food pantries, and related legislative advocates. At the time of this study, legislation has passed in three states: Hunger Free Campus Bill in California,Citation40 Hunger-Free Campus Act in New Jersey,Citation41 and Higher Education-Hunger-Free Campus Grant Program in Maryland.Citation42 Similar Swipe Out Hunger legislation has been introduced in other states.Citation43 It is crucial to adopt these bills to expand current initiatives and efforts for mitigating food insecurity of college students.
We emphasize public awareness of food insecurity and institutional support for resources to establish comprehensive and sustainable support networks. The research team’s institution suggests one good example. Our institution recognizes food insecurity and access as a priority area to address and began the Institute for Inclusion, Inquiry, and Innovation (iCubed) - Sustainalbe Food Access. This initiative aims to invite experts and stakeholders for collaborations, create partnerships between university and community partners, collectively identify problems, and strategize solutions in urban communities. Food insecurity for college students has lasting impacts on their health and well-being. Academics and practitioners should make concerted efforts to increase public awareness and invest in collective actions.
Conflict of interest disclosure
The authors have no conflicts of interest to report. The authors confirm that the research presented in this article met the ethical guidelines, including adherence to the legal requirements, and received approval from the Institutional Review Board of Virginia Commonwealth University.
Additional information
Funding
References
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- El Zein A, Mathews AE, House L, Shelnutt KP. Why are hungry college students not seeking help? Predictors of and barriers to using an on-campus food pantry. Nutrients 2018;10(9):1163. doi:10.3390/nu10091163.
- Hunger Free Campus Bill, C.A. AB-453 §66027.8. (2017).
- Hunger-Free Campus Act, N.J. A4702 §§1-4 - C.18A:62-60 to 18A:62-63 §5 - T&E §6 - Approp. (2019).
- Higher Education—Hunger–Free Campus Grant Program, M.D. SB767 §11–1701 to 11–1706. (2021).
- Swipe Out Hunger. Hunger free campus bill. Updated April 2021. Accessed April 6, 2021. https://www.swipehunger.org/hungerfree/.