Outdoorification of sports and recreation: a leisure transformation under the COVID-19 pandemic in Sweden

ABSTRACT

Following the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic, most European countries imposed lockdowns, whereas Sweden introduced soft restrictions. Sports and physical activity could continue if conducted ‘safely’ and outdoor activities were even promoted if restrictions on the number of participants were not violated. The aim of this article is to demonstrate how the pandemic led to transitions and transformations of typical indoor sports activities to the outdoors and to outdoor recreation, or what we call an outdoorification process of sports and recreation, and how the changes were perceived by the population. Sweden is used as a case study. The inquiry is based on three studies involving more than 100 semi-structured interviews, two national questionnaire surveys and a regional-based PPGIS study. Based on the results, we argue that the outdoorification process is likely to influence how sport and recreation is understood and practiced also in the years after the pandemic.

KEYWORDS:

• Indoorification
• outdoorification
• logics of practice in movement culture
• sport
• physical activity
• outdoor recreation
• COVID-19 pandemic
• Sweden

Introduction

When the COVID-19 pandemic hit worldwide in March 2020, many people who had previously taken part in indoor sports and physical activities (PAs) started to increasingly participate in, or created wholly new, activities outdoors. In Sweden, contrary to many other countries, sports and outdoor activities were allowed to continue, and even promoted, if conducted ‘safely’, i.e. as long as the advice from the National Health Agency was not violated (Norberg et al 2021; Norberg, Andersson, and Hedenborg forthcoming). The number of spectators was regulated and initially matches, training matches, competitions and cups were to be postponed. During the summer and in the beginning of the autumn of 2020, competitive sports were started again, but in most cases without an audience. In the late autumn 2020, new restrictions were introduced for people born 2004 or earlier, whereas younger people were allowed to train. These restrictions were first introduced regionally, with minor differences between the regions. Before Christmas and New Year, the Swedish Public Health Agency decided that the recommendations would be national from 14 December 2020. At that time, people born in 2004 and earlier were allowed to train together again, but preferably outdoors and in groups of about eight people at most. Occasional competitions and matches for young adults and children were allowed. Commercial sport providers and gyms were allowed to be opened as long as they adhered to the recommendations (Riksidrottsförbundet 2021).

During 2020 the outdoors became a popular place for PA. For example, gyms saw members seeking outdoor gym facilities, while yoga classes relocated from their studios to parks and forests. In addition, new clubs and temporary walking and running groups were formed, and transportation to and from work and other daily chores were seen as a chance for recreation and exercise (Liljeborg and Tersmeden 2020; Olsson and Arfwidson 2020; TT 2020). In this article, we will refer to this process as outdoorification. The aim is to analyse, and thus better understand, how the pandemic has led to transitions and transformations of typical indoor sport activities to the outdoors and to outdoor activities, and how these changes were perceived by the population. Through a cross-disciplinary approach between the sport and tourism sciences as well as human geography, we explore the re-thinking of this leisure domain covering a range of issues that add new perspectives to leisure and social science theory (Jackson 2005; Manning 2011).

Framework

During the last century, many sport and outdoor activities have gone through a process of indoorification. Simply put, this process concerns sport and outdoor activities that have gone from previously being practiced in a more or less natural setting to increasingly becoming practiced at indoor facilities. One of the driving forces behind the indoor trend is the possibility for entrepreneurs in the sport sector to commercialize outdoor activities (cf., Van Bottenburg and Salome 2010). Another driving force, from the consumers’ perspective, is a perceived need for control, predictability and security, which are closely linked to sportification criteria such as quantification and equalization (for a discussion of the sportification concept see, Goksøyr 1988; Guttmann 1978; Yttergren 1996). By creating controllable and equal conditions, results become comparable over time and space in a way that is central to modern competitive sports. In Sweden, there are several examples of sports that were previously practiced outdoors that are practiced indoors today, such as horse riding, skiing, paddling, surfing and climbing (Svensson et al. 2020). There is, however, a contrasting trend too. In a study on time contextual constraints to outdoor recreation in Sweden, Fredman et al. (2012) show that almost half the population has a latent demand to increase their participation in outdoor recreation.

During the pandemic, the indoorification process was forced to halt. Activities in indoor facilities were stopped or restricted, prompting questions about the pandemic’s influence on indoor and outdoor leisure practices, such as what activities saw decreases or increases, or continued or even transformed. To better understand what happened to people’s experiences of sports, PA and outdoor recreation during the pandemic, and how these experiences were perceived, the Swedish pedagogue Lars-Magnus Engström’s ‘logics of practice in movement culture’ is used (Engström 2010; Engström, Redelius, and Larsson 2017). Engström builds on Pierre Bourdieu’s concept ‘logics of practice’ (Bourdieu 1990). A starting point is that participation in movement cultures is:

… guided by a number of logics of practice that are historically, culturally and socially constituted, and which relates to people’s tastes in particular ways that lead to social stratification (Engström, Redelius, and Larsson 2017, 892).

There are many different reasons why people engage in sports and PA, including outdoor recreation, and Engström has organized these under the following three main logics: performing, improving and experiencing (Engström, Redelius, and Larsson 2017). The performing logic is connected to athletes or recreationists striving to be competent in comparison to themselves and others, whereas athletes and recreationists who are driven by the improving logic instead try to develop their physical and mental functional ability, or in the case of outdoor recreationists, their outdoor skills and competences. As an example of the third logic (experiencing), Engström mentions nature encounters, play and interaction with animals as significant experience frames and outcomes, and thus an important part of the motivation and activity performance (Engström 2010). An important feature of the logics of practice is that people decide what to do based on what they think is required to fulfil the logic of the practice (Engström, Redelius, and Larsson 2017).

In this paper’s context, Engström’s logics are used to analyse people’s experiences of possible transitions and transformations of their sport and outdoor activities during the pandemic. As mentioned above, the indoorification process seems spurred by sportification, which in itself relates to a performing logic. Questions in focus include: how do the respondents express their experiences of sports, PA and outdoor recreation during the COVID-19 pandemic? how can these experiences be understood within the framework of logics of practice in movement culture and how can adjustments and transformations be interpreted in relation to the logics of practice in movement culture?

Sports, PA and outdoor recreation in Sweden

Typical features of Swedish sports are their cohesion in a unified umbrella organization, the National Sports Confederations (NSC). This is a large-scale voluntary organization based on membership, openness and democratic principles. Elite sport and grass-root sports are organized under the same umbrella, and the organizational structure follows to a certain extent the same pattern with organizational lines concerned with both geographical location as well as sports. Today, NSC have approximately 3.1 million members (in a population of approximately 10 million) spread over 20,000 local sports clubs. In Sweden, as in the other Nordic countries, a great many children and young people are members of a sports club (77% in the age group 6–12 years and 41% in the age group 13–25 years). Sports and PAs are also practiced in commercial gyms/fitness centres and as non-organized jogging and outdoor activities (CIF 2020; Ungdomsbarometern 2020). PA levels are generally high compared to other European countries (CIF 2018a; European Commission 2010, 2014).

In recent years, however, participation in sports clubs has decreased, and the decline is more prominent among older youth and girls (CIF 2018b). Furthermore, there is a strong polarization between groups who are very active and others who are inactive. Yet, while participation in sports clubs decreases, an increasing number of young people claim to be interested in physical exercise, stating that they exercise several times a week often in commercial gyms (CIF 2014a, 2014b). It has been argued that the activities offered by the sports clubs are the reason for this development. A narrow focus on results and performance may alienate some children and young people, who become uninterested in sport and PA (Norberg and Redelius 2012; Redelius 2011; 2013; Thedin 2013).

Recreation in the outdoors is also a popular activity among the Swedish population. While recreation in the outdoors has long traditions in Sweden (Sandell and Sörlin 2008), it has more recently become a pronounced political goal to promote opportunities for outdoor recreation participation. A national policy was declared by the parliament in 2010 (Swedish Government Writ. 2012/13:51), which includes 10 priority areas, each with a set of monitored and evaluated goals. The popularity among Swedes to recreate in nature ties to an understanding of outdoor recreation as a vital social interest, captured by what in the Nordic countries is known as ‘friluftsliv’, which emphasizes a special bond with nature beyond the mere performance of recreational activities (Beery 2013). Officially, friluftsliv is defined as:

Being outdoors in natural and cultural landscapes for well-being and nature experiences without the expectation of competition.¹

About 1.6 million individuals are members in one or more of the 27 outdoor organizations under the Swedish Association of Outdoor Organizations umbrella (www.svensktfriluftsliv.se). Furthermore, the most recent national study on outdoor recreation participation shows that 80% of the population report spending time in the outdoors ‘very often’ or ‘rather often’ during holidays and weekends (Fredman, Ankre, and Chekalina 2019). For weekdays, the figures are close to 50%. The Fredman, Ankre, and Chekalina (2019) further shows that most common outdoor recreational activities include strolls, hiking and biking. Compared with a corresponding study from 2007 (Fredman et al. 2012), participation has decreased for some outdoor activities (e.g. biking on roads, fishing, hunting, picnic), whereas others have increased (e.g. jogging, snorkelling/diving, paddling, geocaching and climbing). Hence, the trend shows that more traditional and extractive activities are in decline, whereas physical demanding and adventurous activities are growing in popularity – at least before the pandemic.

Of particular importance in this context is the Right of Public Access (Allemansrätten), which grants all people access to land and water, both private and public, as long it does not interfere with current uses, protection or other regulations. Another important link between different land uses and recreational interests is the physical planning undertaken by municipalities in their comprehensive plans, which guides all planning in Sweden (Petersson-Forsberg 2014; Stenseke and Hansen 2014). Historically, outdoor recreation within the planning system has grown in focus from being an interest of selected, often more privileged groups in society to become a national interest area that many municipalities work actively with, most recently in special locally adapted outdoor planning strategies. Consequently, outdoor recreation has gradually become an important planning topic in Sweden.

Method

Sweden is used as a case study of special interest due to the policy on soft restrictions during the pandemic. Specifically, the paper is based on three independent studies involving two national surveys and more than 100 semi-structured interviews with a focus on sport and outdoor recreation trends (referred to as Study 1 and Study 2) as well as a regional-based PPGIS study with a focus on outdoor recreation trends only (referred to as Study 3). There is a possible self-selection bias in the studies related to participants choosing whether or not to participate in the study. How this bias may affect the results will be discussed in the conclusion.

In terms of Study 1 and Study 2, interviews were conducted by researchers and research assistants in a research team, recorded and transcribed directly in connection with each interview. Thereafter, the material was analysed in accordance with thematic text analysis, i.e. a procedure involving identification of patterns in the printed interviews and sorting relevant content into themes and sub-themes. Quotes have been translated by one of the researchers. The translations were thereafter read by another researcher, and when uncertainty of meanings occurred, we discussed how to convey the meaning of what had been said in the interview. When answers from the three studies are quoted in the text, pseudonyms are used for the respondents and it is marked which study the quote belongs to. The studies follow the Swedish Research Council’s ethical guidelines (Vetenskapsrådet 2017).

Surveys

Study 1

The first national survey was published through various social media channels, Malmö University's website and the website of the Swedish Research Council for Sport Science between 8 April and 30 September 2020 (see Andersson et al. 2021 for a presentation of the survey questions). Aside from base information such as gender, age and how they identified themselves in relation to sports and PA (as coaches, athletes, exercisers and audience), the respondents were asked whether their PAs decreased or increased during the pandemic. The survey also included a question with an open answer alternative with a focus on how the respondents felt they had been affected by the pandemic in the spring of 2020. The survey was answered by 1,141 respondents. Respondents also had the opportunity to provide their contact information if they wanted to volunteer for a subsequent interview.

Study 2

The second national survey consisted of eight questions focusing on visits to nature before and during the pandemic (see Andersson et al. 2021 for a presentation of the survey questions). The questions were designed in the light of similar and previously published surveys (see Fredman et al. 2008, 2013, 2015, 2019) as well as the content of the survey in Study 1. Survey 2 began on 29 April 2020, by publishing information and a link to the survey on the websites of Mistra Sport & Outdoors (Mistra Sport and Outdoors 2021) and Friluftsforskning.se (Friluftsforskning 2021). In addition, links to the survey were also disseminated through various forums, networks and social media, most of which were related to outdoor recreation. The target group was people aged 15 years and older. The survey was completed on 11 August 2020 and was answered by 530 respondents. Alike to Study 1, the respondents had the opportunity to provide their contact information if they wanted to volunteer for a subsequent interview.

Semi-structured interviews

Study 1

Out of the 1141 respondents in Survey 1, a selection of 90 people from 18 years and older were subsequently interviewed (see Andersson et al. 2021 for the interview guide). Interviews were conducted with coaches (23), athletes (25), exercisers (25) and audiences (17). People who participated in organized sports competitions were defined as athletes, whereas those who did not participate in organized sports competitions were defined as exercisers (e.g. casual exercisers or users of commercial gyms/fitness centres). The exercisers participated to some extent in organized fun runs, so the categorization is to some extent diffuse in some cases. A further selection based on age and gender searching for an even distribution was done. The interviews were conducted with digital tools, e.g. Zoom or via telephone. They were semi-structured and conducted based on an interview guide and lasted from 30 min to an hour.

Study 2

Out of the 530 respondents in Survey 2, 22 were subsequently interviewed (see Andersson et al. 2021 for the interview guide). The selection of participants was based on the distribution of answers to the questionnaire, specifically on whether they devoted more, as much or less time to recreation in the outdoors during the pandemic in comparison to before. The choice of respondents also reflected gender and age distribution of the survey. The interviews were conducted with digital tools, e.g. Zoom or via telephone. They were semi-structured and conducted based on an interview guide and lasted from 30 min to an hour.

Public Participation Geographic Information System (PPGIS)

Study 3

Study 3 was a regional study from Västra Götaland using a Public Participation Geographic Information System (PPGIS) (Brown and Kytta 2014) method approach to capture spatial and in-depth information about recreational habits during the pandemic (see Hansen, Arce, and Lindberg 2021). Västra Götaland is a region located on the Swedish west coast and contains Gothenburg, Sweden’s second largest city. It includes many well-known and well-used nature areas for outdoor recreation, including many popular urban parks as well as a range of both marine- and terrestrial-based nature reserves and national parks. Specifically, the PPGIS platform ‘Maptionnaire’ was used to set up a webpage that instructed participants to map various recreational activities onto a map in the form of lines (mobile activities) and dots (place-specific activities). A series of closed and open-ended questions followed the mapped information in order to capture and understand changes in recreational habits among the study participants, and are thus the focus in this paper context.

The study was active during July–October 2020. A combined convenience-snowball strategy was used to spread the study among selected groups and networks in the region, including various municipal channels, relevant social media groups, regional outdoor groups and 24 local newspapers. As a result, there is a slight over-representation of active and experienced recreationists in the study, making the results primarily indicative. The survey was answered by 1506 respondents. Answers from the follow-up questions were collected and analysed in Excel (v. 2016), producing descriptive statistics and collecting narratives from the open questions.

Findings

Introduction

The three presented studies show how the pandemic led to transitions and transformations of typical indoor activities to the outdoors and to outdoor activities in Sweden. The indoorification of sport and PA was not only halted, it was questioned too. Some people tried to continue with the same activities, but practicing them outdoors. Others changed the activities themselves, so that they could be performed outdoors. Still others performed or developed new activity patterns in the outdoors during the pandemic, such as using the bike to work more frequently or socializing. Being Sweden, the Right of Public Access (Allemansrätten) played a significant role in this development, as many people, both experienced and newcomers in the outdoors took full advantage of the lenient Swedish pandemic policy. Some people experienced that the outdoors became crowded. Hansen et al. (2022) observe a displacement of more experienced recreationists, away from urban proximate locations towards more peripheral locations. In addition, it is clear that sports, PA and outdoor recreation have been important elements in many people’s lives since the start of the pandemic. More specifically, many feel that they have been given more free time and part of that time, they chose to spend on exercise or exploring the outdoors. As such, sports – or at least the type of sports that could be carried out – and outdoor recreation together have offered opportunities for meaningful leisure time, when regular indoor activities have not been possible to continue with. The findings are organized in three themes: transitions from indoors to outdoors, transformations – new activities in the outdoors, and experiences of transitions and transformations.

Transition from indoors to outdoors

From March 2020, practitioners in indoor sports experienced a stop for normal sport and training options. Survey 1 indicates that a significant proportion of the respondents’ self-reported sports participation decreased as a result. At the same time, it is clear that there was a great deal of variation regarding how the pandemic influenced the participation level among the respondents. More precisely, sports participation decreased significantly for a large group (both men and women) – but was not significantly affected for others. Even though sport participation decreased for many, the self-reported degree of PA was not affected in the same way. A large proportion of the respondents (both men and women) state that it is ‘incorrect’ that their PA decreased because of the pandemic.

The relationship between sports participation and PA was also examined. Not unexpectedly, there was a strong significant association between reduced sports participation and reduced PA (ρ = .62, p <.001). Those reporting a reduction in sport participation also reported that they reduced their level of PA. However, given that there was a significant group reporting that the degree of PA did not decrease, it is reasonable to suggest that this group succeeded in ‘adjusting’ and had opportunities to adapt their PA based on the recommendations to prevent the spread of COVID-19. Age also played a role in this. For example, younger people (16–20 years) reported that their sports participation was negatively affected to a higher degree compared with older people. Also, whereas middle aged and old people experienced that their level of PA did not change much, young people experienced that their PA levels in relation to sport specifically decreased. An explanation could be that in this age group many were still involved in organized sports when their sports clubs closed or had to adjust their activities. Jacob, a high school student expressed it like this:

Since I go to an elite sports high school, all training was cancelled. The training itself continued, but we had to train alone. On the school days with remote learning, I’m less physically active as I just sit by the computer all day. (Jacob, Study 1)

There is a clear trend that the cancellation of training opportunities and competitions stressed young people in particular. In addition, remote learning (a consequence of high schools closing following recommendations from the Public Health Agency) meant that they spent more time at home and that they found it difficult to have time for and to motivate themselves to do sports (as homework was more time consuming).

An adjustment to the pandemic situation was to perform more activities outdoors. Study 2 shows increases in participation in outdoor recreation across weekdays, weekends as well as during holidays. More than 50% reported an increase in participation ‘somewhat’ or ‘to a large degree’ during weekdays, whereas 45% answered so for weekends and holidays. Only a few percent reported decreases in participation. Looking at gender, it was noticeable that female respondents to larger extent reported an increase compared with male respondents. The average age was somewhat lower among those reporting an increase compared with those reporting a decrease (mean age 44.8 in comparison to 48.2). Membership in an outdoor organization did not distinguish those reporting increases versus decreases.

A particular interesting observation was that respondents with low participation in outdoor recreation before the pandemic were those that increased their participation during the pandemic the most, especially so for weekdays. Specifically, three-quarters of those spending time in nature ‘seldom’ before the pandemic report an increase, compared with 49% of those that spend time ‘rather often’ and 24% of those that spend time ‘very often’ before the pandemic.

The interviewees described how more time was devoted to outdoor activities when certain indoor activities moved outdoors; activities such as strength training and indoor climbing were replaced with training in outdoor gyms or climbing in outdoor environments. In addition, many clubs and training establishments chose to relocate their operations during the spring and summer periods. Those able to move their activities moved them to a green area in parks or forests. Loella says that:

Yes, we have an outdoor gym and an electric light trail that I have used, I did not use it before (the pandemic) but I started using it now as running was the only PA for a while, there were no classes. So, when I went to do workouts, I started to practice at the outdoor gym. (Loella, Study 1)

Even other activities normally conducted indoors, such as club meetings and similar, were located outdoors:

And since the book club meets out for example, we do excursions instead as well. That's how it has been, that you have a social activity planned and then it has moved out. (Line, Study 2)

The interviewees in Study 1 described that time was freed as many worked or studied from home and competitions were cancelled. As the interviewees spent a lot of time at home, it was, especially according to the athletes and exercisers, faster to switch from work to sports or PA as commuting or transport did not take as much time.

Study 3 confirms the interest, as well as need for engagement, in PAs during the pandemic, in this case outdoor recreation activities. What is more, the general trend shows increased outdoor participation, thus indirectly indicating the indoor to outdoors transition. For instance, a central question asked whether the study respondents experienced changes in their frequency of visits to nature before and during the pandemic as a way to stimulate PA.

Above all, Figure 1(B) shows an increase of 13% of respondents visiting nature more than twice a week (46–59%), while still many choose to visit nature 1–2 times a week (26%) during the pandemic. Correspondingly, those who were out less frequently or seldom decreased during the pandemic, from 19% to 11% and 7% to 4%, respectively. The figure thus shows a clear trend of visits to nature for engagement in outdoor recreation increasing during the pandemic. Further analysis of age adjusted results also reveal that the age groups 26–40 years and 41–65 years have increased visits to nature more than any other age groups (10–15% increase on average).

Figure 1 . Visits to nature before (A) and during (B) the pandemic.

Transformation – new activities in the outdoors

The effect of the pandemic on sports, PA and outdoor recreation also included transformations of activities. In particular, new ways of using the city and other areas emerged. As already indicated, working from home provided many with more time to perform PA in their daily schedules, particularly outdoor recreation activities. For instance, Study 3 demonstrates that walking and running were preferred activities that could easily be fitted into breaks or before and after work. In some cases, time spent for commuting and travelling for work was by some replaced by PA in the outdoors, including picking up old sports hobbies, as emphasized here:

When I work at home, I often go for a walk during my lunch, partly for getting change of environment and partly for exercise. In addition, I have more free time now as I do not have to commute and travel to work and therefore, I have been able to start riding regularly again after a break of many years. (Pernilla, Study 3)

In Study 1, respondents described that sport activities were replaced with other PAs. Often the social aspects of practicing or watching sports were mentioned. Activities involving friends and family changed and were described as more planned than before. A common activity was walking with a friend, meeting in a park or a nature area. Even respondents identifying themselves as audiences of sport activities experienced that their social activities transformed. Freja, who usually watches ice hockey, said:

It's probably more that you change sports activities to outdoor life, in our case. Instead of hanging out in all these sports arenas, which is very fun and it’s social, we have spent time in the small family together. (Freja, Study 1)

Freja continues and explains that the family has practiced outdoor life together. In addition, non-sporting activities were replaced by other leisure activities conducted outdoors. Loella, who jogs, told us about social activities outdoors:

I think it’s a little fun to be able to meet people not only over a glass of wine in a restaurant but we walk a lot, walk a mile and sit down and have coffee somewhere late, it’s quite nice to hang out in while doing PA in some way. So, I hope to be able to continue with that. (Loella, Study 1)

Study 2 shows that restaurants and cafes with outdoor seating have been prioritized and invitations to dinners at home have been replaced by dinners in the garden or excursions with a packed lunch. Being outdoors was the only way to socialize with the friends and relatives belonging to a risk group. An older man, Åke, described how he and his wife acted:

We have not had one person in the house since I think 10 March. And we have not hung out with anyone or with friends indoors either, but have constantly been sitting outside. We’ve met people that way. And it works. It's a really good way to hang out, it's very unpretentious. (Åke, Study 2)

Many also indicated a new trend of discovering new places for activity performance. The discovery of nature was highlighted in Study 1, where exercise (in nature) was perceived as more adventurous. Alicia, who among other things cycles, says:

Above all, it is the discovery of my immediate outdoor area and then I discovered such cozy forest paths that you may not see on a map. So, I have started to train more – it does not matter so much how fast I run or how far I run but almost more that it should be fun to run and see something I think is nice, like some cozy forest paths or I run up to some higher peak, or something like that. The training has perhaps become a little more adventurous. (Alicia, Study 1)

In Study 2, respondents said that they started using outdoor areas near their home because of the pandemic, a result supported in Study 3 with almost half (48%) emphasizing areas in close proximity to home as a clear preference.

The change did, however, not increase or transform PA for all respondents. While some respondents in Study 1 experienced more time for exercise when they worked or studied from home, others experienced that the everyday exercise disappeared and that the threshold for doing PA became more difficult to overcome. Also notable was a blurred demarcation between work and leisure experienced by people bringing their work home.

Experiences of transitions and transformations

Transitions were experienced in different ways related to how the interviewees in Study 1 and Study 2 identified themselves in relation to sports, PA and outdoor recreation. According to many coaches in Study 1, the transition was motivated by, among other things, a belief that it was simply better for their health to perform activities outdoors than to be physically inactive. Some of them even expressed that the restrictions became an opportunity for change as they learnt that it was not necessary to perform their exercises indoors. For the ones trying to continue with the same activities various obstacles were identified. An example was that the outdoor spaces close to the indoor facilities were not adjusted to the requirements of a certain sport. Training outdoors made them observe shortcomings of outdoor facilities, e.g. lack of equipment. Furthermore, even if many experienced the new opportunities positively, others found that they missed the competitive moments of sport. Additional others saw crowding in certain outdoor places, such as outdoor gyms, as a problem.

Felix, a swim coach, said that the pandemic inspired them to change old ideas about how swim training should be performed. For example, traditional training was replaced by new ways of exercising. This was especially true for younger members in the swimming club, where the joy of movement is often the most important part. Some activities were moved to the sea or a river nearby. Several of the coaches describe the adjustments they did, and how easy it was to train in the outdoors. David, who practices wrestling, puts it this way:

… before, you thought, that … you can run outdoors. But now, you have to be more creative where you train … in a hill type you can run hill intervals and in stairs you can run upstairs or, jump, stuff like that. Which you might not have thought of otherwise. (David, Study 1)

Many times, the training was not directed towards a specific sport, but became an opportunity to be physically active in a more general way. David, quoted above, who practiced wrestling, gave several examples. So did Alexandra, who was a coach in gymnastics. She, however, problematized how outdoor areas too often are planned for specific sports – in this case football – which does not offer suitable places for gymnastics exercises. She points to that these places have to be adjusted.

… I will see if I manage to make a deal with the municipality and see if we can get a storage space adjacent to the football field … for me they are no longer football fields … they can be used by everyone and there is a big difference. Even we who are a traditional gymnastics association can perhaps use it and have outdoor training in other ways. (Alexandra, Study 1)

Others expressed concern about how the health and safety restrictions during the pandemic not only cancelled events, but also limited training opportunities. Samir, a competitive boxer, stated that he wanted to be able to maintain his regular training. He described restrictions as something that prevented him from doing the sport that he liked. He said that many of his friends had a similar problem and that he did not see them in the gym – only the most motivated athletes still came and trained, according to him.

As indicated, physical and mental health are two themes that emerged during the interviews in Study 1 and Study 2. For several respondents, health and well-being were crucial reasons for why they engaged in outdoor recreation, and for many this was strengthened during the pandemic, which undeniably put people’s health in focus. Below, a woman describes how she and others discovered the outdoor gym.

In Stockholm, I have realized, there are many nice outdoor gyms nearby. So, on the evening walk I have taken a turn past the outdoor gym. Overall, strength training has probably been moved from the gym to being outdoors instead. During this pandemic, it has, at least in Gröndal and at Årstaviken – there has been a queue! It has been awesome to see. I think many have appreciated their existence. (Ida, Study 2)

Furthermore, several respondents emphasized how the pandemic involved mental strain. Fear, insecurity, irritation, loneliness and confinement were common emotions described during the interviews. As a reaction, many people saw outdoor recreation as a refuge, which therefore grew in importance during the pandemic:

A lifeline during this time, when I have been stuck at home … Getting out is freedom. You have heard news from other parts of Europe, where people have been more or less imprisoned – it has increased the feeling that, God, how nice it is that I have had the opportunity to go out and do things in nature … . It has been a lifeline, definitely, for me. And a way to feel free and safe. (Malin, Study 2)

Experiences of transitions and transformations were also connected to risks of infection. Indoor facilities closed during the pandemic, as they were perceived as risk areas for infection and thus no longer healthy options for exercise and other PAs. Hence, many respondents found PAs in the outdoors a safer option, as witnessed here:

I am more often in nature now, as it is safe to be around other and a good (option for) activity in terms of exercise as I try to avoid the gym during the pandemic (Kendall, Study 3)

In Study 1, people engaging in various exercises in particular said that they stopped going to the gym, because they belong to a risk group or were afraid of being infected, or out of solidarity with risk groups. Margit, who is retired, trained together with her husband five days a week at Friskis and Svettis (a popular gym in Sweden) before the pandemic. Like many others, Margit and her husband tried to stay away from enclosed spaces and engaged in outdoor activities, but after a while, they felt they needed the equipment that was only available in the gym. Margit also said that she missed attending yoga classes, but that it did not feel safe. Juno, who is in her thirties, did not belong to a risk group, yet she felt that she should not go to the gym out of solidarity:

I think it’s very difficult, actually. My whole everyday routine is completely broken now as I’ve chosen to not go to the gym out of solidarity. In addition, if I can not go to work, it also feels natural not to go to the gym. (Juno, Study 1)

Juno's perspective was different in that she chooses to give up her normal routines, whereas other respondents described how they could do most of the activities with certain restrictions. Before the outbreak of the pandemic, Juno attended group classes at the gym daily. Instead, she described how she started to run outdoors instead.

Those with more regular outdoor routines noticed the limited number of places for PA and the increasing number of people spending time outdoors. Ian, a regular outdoor exerciser, said that:

Especially in the forests, in the orienteering forests, it is crowded. Now when we exercise in the same places so you can compare between the occasions and yes, it was almost hysterical for a while at the most appreciated areas … , so there were a lot of people. (Ian, Study 1)

Respondents in Study 2 expressed their experiences in a similar way, but related them to their understanding of outdoor recreation as well. They felt that the places they usually visit were too crowded during the pandemic. ‘Crowded nature’ was not in accordance with the outdoor experience they longed for:

I would never have walked along the Öreälvsleden if it had not been for the pandemic. The usual trail had been very nice to go along, but it could not give me that hiking experience I am looking for, that get to go for myself, as I knew there would be a lot of people. (Agnetha, Study 2)

Others expressed that the transitions led to conflicts over space. The description of land use differed to some extent between urban and rural dwellers. Within the cities, there was criticism in relation to what conditions or opportunities different sports have or how much space there is for performing PA in the outdoors. In Study 3, respondents expressed concerns too. For example, while the transition was perceived as a positive trend among many study respondents, by others it was experienced as problematic, with a risk of creating conflicts between different age groups and recreational activities:

I less often visit trails such as Bohusleden, Gotaleden. Because unfortunately there have been a lot more trail cyclists, cross and mountain bikes and joggers who tend to promptly cling to me while they sweat, cough and spit. (Christine, Study 3)

Generally, some respondents in the study emphasized larger groups and gatherings as a particular problem, likely due to perceived risk of infection associated with the presence and closeness of others, especially in cases where sport clubs and gyms chose to move activities outdoors. This is interesting given a time where social distancing is supposed to be in effect, but which seems not to apply to certain groups. In other words, the situation describes a discrepancy between perceiving an activity as a need or a problem, depending on who views the situation.

Concluding discussion

Logics of practice in movement culture

In this paper, we have discussed how the pandemic has led to transitions and transformations of typical indoor sport activities to the outdoors and to outdoor activities in Sweden. To explain the development, it is important to take the Swedish context in to account. In difference from the case in other countries, Swedish politicians did not impose a complete lockdown on sport; and sports and PA could continue if conducted ‘safely’ and in accordance with the recommendations and regulations of the Public Health Agency. In addition, the Right of Public Access (Allemansrätten) gave (and has since it was instated given) people a possibility to spend time in the outdoors. It is, however, important to emphasize that there were many different reasons for why people engaged in sports, PA and outdoor recreation during this period and that the outdoorification process led to various PA strategies. To understand how and why people made sports, PA and outdoor recreation choices, their behaviour and experiences can be interpreted within Engström’s logics of practice in movement (2010, 2017). For some people the transitions and transformations were positive whereas others experienced them as negative. For some, like Jacob and Samir quoted above, the restrictions meant that they could not exercise the way they wanted. They expressed that they were not able to perform activities meaningful to them. In terms of Engström, it seems that they (and others) talked about a lack and emptiness from a performing logic perspective. It seems plausible to suggest that the outdoorification process did not solve or harbour the loss and that is why they were not able to adapt their activities. As a result, they were prevented from acting in a way required to fulfil their logic of practice in movement culture.

At the same time, it is important to recognize that not everyone participating in sports, PA and outdoor recreation were driven by a performing logic. Those driven by an improving logic instead seem to have better capacity for adapting and adjusting activities to the new situation brought on by the pandemic. Some even express that the new situation and being outdoors pushed them to develop new ways of exercising to improve their capacities, which, in turn, also mobilized their motivation during a stressful time. More general references to improving one’s health were common and activities such as running outside and swimming were mentioned in this regard. Yet, it was not possible for all to act according to the improving logic. For example, some older people, but also women in particular, expressed that they were worried about infection or experienced that it was too crowded in various outdoor environments, thus limiting their options to find new strategies for engaging in sports, PA or outdoor recreation. Through performing autoethnography, Barbara Humberstone, problematizes the public discourse of vulnerability of the age group 70+, pointing to that the lumping together of people over 70 as one homogenous group changed people’s self-image as well as other people’s perceptions of them (Humberstone 2021). As shown in this study, there may be a gender bias to these self-images too. For the Swedish case, however, more studies are needed on how COVID-19 has influenced perceptions of age and other social positions.

In terms of the experiencing logic, an interesting finding was that those doing sports, PA or participated in outdoor activities found that the pandemic opened up new experience opportunities. For Alicia, quoted above, the new opportunities seem to have transformed her logic of practice in movement culture from an improving logic to an experiencing logic. She enjoyed finding new paths – the run in itself lost in importance. I addition, many respondents across the three studies emphasized that nature and the outdoors became a place to socialize, also when just gazing at others. It is interesting that socializing with others became an important motive for being physically active outdoors. Previous research show that this is an important motive for taking part in sports too (Thedin 2013). Whether this logic can be categorized as belonging to the experience logic is not clear, but Engström’s model opens up for discussions of additional logics of practice in movement culture. We suggest that social interaction could be seen as an additional logic to performing, improving and experiencing.

Also, interesting again are the respondents’ expressing concerns about crowded outdoor spaces and a loss of meaning in relation to expectations over their logics of practice in outdoor recreation. Many respondents across the studies describe a sort of ambivalence related to the outdoor experience in the sense that the outdoor experience was considered positive but also raised concern when places started to crowd, affecting the overall experience, including performed activities.

There were also examples of logics being mixed, possibly opening up for people to create new meaning in their activities. An example is the use of the outdoors for daily transportation needs. To be specific, a trend emphasized by many respondents in Study 3 was how daily transportation forms, especially to and from work, but extending also to other daily chores, changed from use of car and public transportation options to use of bike and walking (within reasonable distance). Even though the car option was considered a safer option than public transportation, it was mostly the need to combine transportation with PA and exercise that drove this trend, especially in times when normal options for PA and exercise were restricted, e.g. closed gyms and club activities. In other words, daily transportation time was fused with PA and exercise as a way to compensate for daily training routines that were under temporary restriction or considered a risk. The situation opened up for a re-definition and expansion of the understanding of the interaction between daily commuting patterns and recreational activities as this fusion is a phenomenon not observed before. Here, people presented reasons that we have categorized as a mix between the performing and experiencing logics specifically.

Post-pandemic indications

Based on the results, we argue that the outdoorification process, observed in the three studies, are likely to influence how sport and recreation are understood and practiced in the years after the pandemic. As an indicator, a question for the respondents at the end of Study 3 was whether they will continue with their changed habits, which for many involved increased frequencies and more time spent in nature. The results show that almost two-thirds of all respondents (64%) believe that they to some extent will continue with their changes. Of those 64%, 45% want to become better at combining nature and exercise, which partly can be explained by the trend of replacing indoor training with outdoor activities. However, there is a degree of uncertainty about the scale of this potential development, as some respondents also emphasize a doubt about continuing their new habits because they will not have time for it when work and daily chores fill up schedules again.

Another important issue is connected to the future of organized sport. During the pandemic, sport clubs and organizations lost many of their members (Riksidrottsförbundet 2021). Whether this was due to the difficulties of harbouring the performing logic is impossible to say. Research has shown that many sport activities were governed by a performing logic before the pandemic and that this logic may be the reason for why young people drop out of sports. Transformed exercise habits during the pandemic may invite sport clubs and organizations to change their supply of activities to accommodate different logics of practice in movement culture. At the same time, and perhaps as a reaction to the situation, it is also noticeable to observe that some outdoor organizations significantly have increased their memberships during the pandemic. This reflects the documented outdoorification process as well as Engström’s experience logic. Another study of Sweden during the pandemic point that there have been some organized attempts with digital competitions developed later during the pandemic and that for some people these digital competitions fulfilled the demand for competition practices (Svensson and Radmann 2021). Whether these competitions will continue to be held in the future as a way to solve the issue of the missing element of competition experienced by many is not possible to determine at present.

The question of whether the experienced changes will persist is essential because it potentially may result in major changes for how sports, physical and outdoor recreation activities are performed and perceived in Sweden in the coming years. Yet, it is important to keep in mind that there are many drivers (social, economic, political, technological and environmental) behind whatever trends that will occur (Elmahdy, Haukeland, and Fredman 2017). The increase in more adventurous activities observed before the pandemic can be examples of this. In addition, for authorities recommending PA it is important to remember that people are driven by different or a mix of logics of practice in movement culture. Also, important to emphasize is that the increased number of people in nature will increase the need for active outdoor management. Consequently, area management should be given a much larger role with a focus on maximizing positive effects of activities in the outdoors as well as minimizing negative ones, such as social conflicts and environmental impacts.

Finally, a shortcoming of the presented studies is that it has not been possible to connect the logics of practice in movement culture to social stratification. We know from previous studies that participation in sport, PA and outdoor recreation vary with social class, gender, ethnicity and disability. New studies on changing outdoor practices in the wake of COVID-19 has shown that some differences were accentuated during the pandemic. In an article focusing on coastal communities and surfing in New Zealand during the COVID-19, Belinda Wheaton demonstrates that the well-being benefits of coastal spaces depended on a range of cultural, economic, socio-demographic, and political factors (Wheaton 2022). Furthermore, access to public space during the pandemic must be problematized further in relation to poverty and homelessness. Teresa Hill demonstrates that the changing use of outdoor spaces during COVID-19, such as municipal parks, has compounded inequality and marginalization (Hill 2021). In what way similar patterns were strengthened or weakened in Sweden by the pandemic have to be studied further. As mentioned above, the self-selection bias may have influenced our results. It is important to remember that many people could not work from home, such as those working crucial community jobs, particularly within the emergency, hospital and care sectors. Their leisure time and flexibility in terms of sport, physical and outdoor activity participation was challenged and likely did not see the same increases as with other social groups. Crowded spaces in the outdoors are a relatively new phenomena in the Swedish context and very few studies exist. Under an open access regime (i.e. Allemansrätten) one would think access is equal to all, but recent research show that accessibility to nature is multifaceted and does not apply equal to all groups in a society. Social constructs such as gender and disability, as well as levels of income and education, influence to what extent individuals can engage with nature (Godtman Kling 2022). Whether changes and challenges to change are found independent of social groups is thus an important question for another study. In addition, another limitation is that we have not discussed transitions and transformations of sports, PA and outdoor recreation from a gender perspective. We have some opposing results such as that there were no gender differences seen in Survey 1, whereas it was noticeable that female respondents to larger extent reported an increase in outdoor activities compared with male respondents in Survey 2. These results are not easily interpreted, and need to be further investigated.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Additional information

Funding

This work was supported by the Swedish Foundation for Strategic Environmental Research [grant number MIUN 2018/2356].

Notes on contributors

Susanna Hedenborg

Susanna Hedenborg, professor in Sport Science, has a background in social and economic history. Her main research areas are children and youth sport, gender and equestrian sports.

Peter Fredman

Peter Fredman, professor and program director of Mistra Sport and Outdoors, has a research focus on tourism and outdoor recreation.

Andreas Skriver Hansen

Andreas Skriver Hansen has a PhD in Human Geography. His main research areas and interests include outdoor recreation monitoring, planning and management.

Daniel Wolf-Watz

Daniel Wolf-Watz, PhD, has a research focus on outdoor recreation and outdoor recreation.

Notes

1 https://www.swedishepa.se/Environmental-objectives-and-cooperation/Swedish-environmental-work/Work-areas/Outdoor-recreation-/