https://orcid.org/0000-0001-9423-0664
Abstract
In this study, we identify the factors that Muslim migrants in Auckland, New Zealand's gateway city, prioritize when seeking to identify a suitable mosque, and the significance that frequenting a mosque has in their lives. We explore factors related to ethnicity, culture, language, belonging and the intergenerational transmission of religious knowledge and values from the theoretical perspective of homophily, or the tendency of individuals to socialize with others whom they consider to be similar. The importance of ethnolinguistic and cultural homophily is primarily linked to wellbeing, social support and bonding, the intergenerational transmission of beliefs and culture, and spiritual authenticity. Mosque attendance was viewed as a key factor in social integration, connectivity and wellbeing. The lack of suitable mosques for Shi'a was problematized. We discuss the different mosque-related priorities of the first and second generations, and formulate recommendations for catering to the multifarious needs of congregants in a Muslim-minority context.
1. Introduction
Strong migration from non-traditional countries has contributed to changing the religious profile of migrant-receiving countries. This is evident with respect to the numerical strength and intra-group diversity of both the majority and minority religious groups.Footnote1 This intra-group diversity (within any one religion or denomination) encompasses factors related to the ethnolinguistic profile of co-religionists, their migration channel, vintage and settlement experience, and religious practices and cultural understandings of religion, including the importance of frequenting a house of worship to fulfill religious duties and participating in celebrations or events (whether religious, cultural or civic).
In Islam, the mosque has both religious and social importance, and for many, it occupies a “central position” in religious life,Footnote2 particularly for men. While the five daily prayers may also be performed elsewhere, the Qur’an enjoins Muslims to join congregational prayer in a mosque.Footnote3 In Auckland, home to New Zealand’s largest Muslim population, the (relatively recent) founding of mosques has followed a pattern of community mosques,Footnote4 often with a specific ethnolinguistic orientation reflecting the founding members, the surrounding residential community, and the frequent congregants.Footnote5 While Arabic continues to be used for congregational prayer, the khutba (the sermon delivered by the imam preceding the important Friday noon prayer, or salaat al-jumu'ah) may be delivered in one or more other languages, depending on the linguistic expertise of the imam and the ethnolinguistic profile of the congregation, and the respective country’s dominant language(s).Footnote6
For practicing Muslim migrants the importance of congregational prayer means that identifying a suitable mosque becomes an important factor that contributes to their settlement experience and social integration.Footnote7 Migrants often prefer to frequent religious institutions where the ethnolinguistic or cultural orientation is similar to their own.Footnote8 This relates to, for instance, the language(s) used by clergy and congregants during events and social interactions, topics addressed during sermons, and cultural elements of religious celebrations and social events.Footnote9 Logistical hindrances, such as the distance of the mosque from an individual’s work or home and the difficulty of scheduling time to observe congregational prayer and to attend events, may nevertheless compel individuals to compromise with respect to the frequency of attendance and the choice of institution.Footnote10
The attendance of religious services provides migrants with the opportunity for social contact with people they perceive to be similar to themselves with respect to values, customs and ethnolinguistic heritage. This social contact within a structured value-based domain favors bonding ties, that is, supportive social and emotional linkages between individuals.Footnote11 Religious institutions may also facilitate access to a range of material benefits and support the development of civic skills (e.g. competency in the dominant language, or job interview training), which are important for bridging ties, or linkages with actors of a different social profile.Footnote12
Religious institutions in migrant contexts may cultivate a multicultural orientation.Footnote13 This may involve providing separate services or activities for specific ethnolinguistic groups, or the attempt to cater to all ethnolinguistic groups by employing the dominant language (i.e. English) in religious services and activities, and by minimizing the cultural component of additional activities. This approach also responds to the needs of migrant-heritage youth, whose strongest language is often English.Footnote14
This study examines the religious practices of first-generation Sunni and Shi’a Muslim migrants in Auckland, and explores the process of choosing a mosque as a preferred place of worship, the factors they prioritize, and the significance that engagement with a mosque has in their lives. Employing the theoretical perspective of homophily, or the tendency for individuals to prefer to socialize with others they perceive to be similar,Footnote15 we examine the importance of an individual’s own cultural, ethnolinguistic and denominational background in determining their choice of mosque, and logistical considerations that shape their choice. To this end, we address the following research questions:
What criteria are important for Muslim migrants in the choice of mosque and what role do language and ethnicity play?
What significance does frequenting a mosque have for this population?
2. Homophily, Bonding Ties and Bridging Opportunities
Homophily is a practice-oriented phenomenon, whereby individuals tend to associate with others who they perceive or experience as being similar across one or more social dimensions. In their foundational work on homophily, McPherson, Smith-Lovin, and CookFootnote16 deduced that “contact between similar people occurs at a higher rate than among dissimilar people”. Domains of contact include the home and neighborhood environments, the workplace, and religious and social settings. Forms of engagement may be enduring, whether they be formalized by a contract or membership procedure or an informal association, or ephemeral (e.g. situation-specific exchanges).
In recognition that homophily may occur along different dimensions, Lazarsfeld and MertonFootnote17 distinguished between status and values homophily. Status homophily denotes dimensions such as ethnicity, education, social status, religion, language, age, or sex, while value homophily comprises internal orientations that influence behavior such as beliefs, attitudes and aspirations. Of the status dimensions, McPherson et al. Footnote18 describe race and ethnicity as one of the major dimensions that contribute to configuring networks in ethnically diverse populations. Compared to these, religion is less strong although, as McPherson et al.Footnote19 concede, the tendency towards homophily differs among religions.
Involvement in special-interest organizations or institutions (e.g. religious institutions) can encourage values homophily, as the institution attracts individuals with specific orientations.Footnote20 If additional structuring occurs within the organization that restricts access to particular spheres to individuals with specific qualities (e.g. gender, language, qualifications), then greater homophily is likely within the social ties of individuals in that sphere. Alternatively, opportunities may be created for interactions that promote heterogenous social ties through less restrictive structuring or through outward-facing engagement.
The composition of an individual’s social network, that is, its relative homogeneity or heterogeneity, is an important factor in explaining the type of ties or relationships that the individual develops. Religious institutions, their context and activities, can provide important opportunities for first generation migrants to develop social ties.Footnote21 Affiliation to or frequenting a religious institution facilitates bonding ties, that is, the type of connections PutnamFootnote22 describes as based on trust through familiarity, similarity and sustained engagement, and which can support recent migrants in the settlement and acculturation process. Religious institutions contribute to such ties through religious services or social events which are oriented towards a particular cultural community (e.g. through language choice, style of religious rituals, and material surroundings). For recent migrants, the specific cultural focus of this environment affirms and reinforces cultural identities amongst the congregation it attracts.
Institutions can facilitate the formation of bridging ties, described by PutnamFootnote23 as more tenuous, circumstantial and ephemeral and typically connecting (socially) dissimilar individuals, through opportunities for outward-oriented engagement (e.g. such as inter-faith meetings, or civic events). Where the leadership of the religious institution has the skills, contacts and civic awareness needed to facilitate outward-oriented engagement, the involvement of recent migrants in such activities can support them in becoming more autonomous, confident and informed with respect to their engagement with their wider social context.Footnote24 Bridging ties can be particularly important in facilitating access to socially valued resources (e.g. information, employment, or social contacts) which help individuals transcend their current circumstances.
3. Methods
We advertised for volunteers for this study in four languages (English, Farsi, Pashto and Urdu) using noticeboards at Islamic community centers, mosques and small neighborhood retailers in different districts of Auckland.Footnote25 The recruitment of volunteers continued throughout 2020 and resulted in 30 participants (f = 8; m = 22; Sunni = 14; Shi’a = 16). displays the biographic information of the participants (identified by codes). All participants were multilingual, particularly those from Afghanistan and Pakistan. Almost all participants were university educated. The number of years spent in New Zealand varied between one and 29 (M = 10.28, SD = 8.78). The frequency of mosque attendance varied between daily (n = 9), at least weekly (n = 9), to once a month (n = 6) or less.
Table 1. Participants’ biographic information.
The semi-structured interviews lasting around 60 min were held at locations close to the participants’ residential neighborhood or workplace. Interviews were conducted by the second and third authors primarily in Urdu, Pashto (Shah [ZS]) and FarsiFootnote26 (Hazrat [MH]) combined with some English. The two native speakers of Arabic were interviewed (primarily) in Farsi, as they were highly proficient in the language. The interviewers were nationals of Pakistan (ZS) and Iran (MH) and were able to blend into the interview, where appropriate, questions and information about the participants’ practices in the home country (or region), informed by their personal knowledge of cultural and religious practices in this country. The interviewers had themselves migrated to New Zealand and had experienced the process of integrating into the local society, and they were able to draw on their knowledge of different suburbs and religious institutions in the city, and the ethnolinguistic specific networks relevant to their communities. In this sense, the interviewers were able to approximate an insider perspective during the interview.
The interviewers (ZS and MH) transcribed the interviews and translated them into English. To check the reliability of the translations, the co-authors randomly selected two transcripts and an assistant (with a relevant Master’s degree) who had native speaker competence in the respective languages checked the original transcript with the translated version. Nvivo 12 was used to code and analyze the English-language transcripts. A combination of deductive and inductive coding approaches was used. An initial coding framework was created based on themes in the literature, the interview guide and our knowledge of the interview transcripts. A compromise was sought between a level of abstraction that could encompass a number of sub-themes (i.e. the child nodes in Nvivo parlance) and the level of specificity needed for a theme to provide meaningful insights. This initial framework was then discussed between the authors, leading to further amendments. ZS and MH then independently coded three transcripts using this coding framework, making memos of issues that arose and creating new codes where appropriate. The first author checked this coding and the coding framework was then amended (which involved the collapsing, re-naming and addition of several codes). The co-authors then coded the remaining transcripts, making notes of additional codes that arose during this round. A second joint meeting was held to discuss issues with the coding framework. No further themes were added at this stage.
For the purposes of conducting an interrater reliability test, the first author independently coded ten transcripts (randomly selected). The Nvivo coding comparison function was used, and the Cohen’s kappa score between the two groups of raters (LB, and ZS and MH) was between 0.81 and 0.91, which represents a strong level of reliability according to McHugh.Footnote27
The Nvivo Cluster Analysis tool was used to identify clusters of participants (or cases) that displayed coding similarity. The cluster analysis is measured in Nvivo using Jaccard’s Coefficient. The dendrogram that was generated displayed two main clusters, and the single common attribute that characterized each cluster was denomination (i.e. Sunni or Shi’a).Footnote28 Within each cluster, female participants were not clustered together (with one exception: P19 and P26), which indicates that differences between genders with respect to coding were minimal. The subsequent analyses thus compared the results for the two denominations. The Nvivo Matrix Coding Query was used to explore the relationships between themes (i.e, which themes tended to co-occur), and the Crosstab function was used to identify the frequency of occurrence of coded themes for the two participant clusters (i.e. Shi’a and Sunni participants).
4. Results
We first present the findings related to the criteria guiding participants’ choice of mosque (RQ1), and then examine the importance that frequenting a mosque in Auckland has in participants’ lives (RQ2).
4.1. Criteria Guiding Choice of Mosque
displays the main themes derived from participants’ responses to interview questions that inquired into the process of identifying a suitable mosque (themes A and B), and participants’ preferences, or the criteria they prioritized, with respect to the mosque chosen for regular religious observance (themes C to J). We explore each theme in turn.
Table 2. Criteria guiding the choice of mosque.
Participants had typically lived in different locations in Auckland and at each location had undertaken a process of locating a mosque that suited their (and their family’s) preferences. Initially, most participants had very few contacts in New Zealand to consult and the process of finding a mosque that suited their needs for regular observance included visits to different mosques they encountered. Participants mentioned two main approaches to identifying a suitable mosque: (a) information from trusted connections (family or friends) was of greatest importance, followed by (b) the use of social media or the Internet. A higher proportion of Shi’a than Sunni participants used these channels. This is explained by the higher number of Sunni mosques, and resultantly, the greater opportunity for Sunni participants to locate independently a mosque in their residential area. Due to the limited number of Shi’a mosques, Shi’a participants mostly sought guidance. Caution regarding the political orientation of mosque leadership (usually referred to indirectly as “atmosphere”) was a second factor contributing to the reliance by Shi’a on information from their social network. As explained in Example 1, by soliciting information from trusted and like-minded individuals, they could avoid contact with institutions whose orientation markedly differed from their own.
Example 1.
P25: When I arrived in New Zealand, I did not know anyone in this country. I googled and found [name] Mosque. I could clearly see that the mosque belonged to Iranians. Finding other places was more difficult and I got to know them through my friends who had been there before. […] Generally, finding a mosque isn’t difficult, but you won’t learn about the atmosphere and events in these communities by just searching the Net.
Convenience tended to be mentioned in relation to identification with the ethnolinguistic diversity at the mosque, the attendance of family members and friends, the attendance at social and educational events, a sense of belonging, and the suburb of Mount Roskill was mentioned in particular. That is, participants (particularly Sunni participants) valued the option of convenient attendance at a mosque which became part of their social life, and which contributed to their social connectivity by providing an environment which was also frequented by people perceived to be similar, in terms of religious values or ethnolinguistic identity, and where the surrounds offered culturally-appropriate amenities. Shi’a participants tended to mention issues related to convenience in relation to lack of choice. Participants spoke of the time needed to reach mosques and the difficulty of including prayer observance in their daily or weekly schedules.
Some participants, as seen in Example 2, mentioned attending a mosque for special events (e.g. Friday prayers or religious events) at a more distant mosque due to the quality of the sermon, and the experience of a larger and more multiethnic congregation.
Example 2.
U2: On the other hand, if you talk about Jummah, I go to Masjid [name] even if I don't have a car. The reason why I prefer Masjid [name] for Jummah prayer is that it’s a Jamia mosque [a large congregational mosque]. In Masjid [name], you get a proper sermon and there are many more worshippers.
Most participants specifically preferred to attend a mosque where their ethnolinguistic group was strongly represented, and events and activities accommodated their native language(s) (e.g. by having speakers who used these languages some or most of the time). This instilled the mosque environment and events with a cultural dimension and prompted general feelings of “a home away from home” [U6] or recollections of a specific city (e.g. “as if I were in Lahore” [U7]; or “you feel like you were in Karachi” [P2]). This connection to the heritage country was particularly important in relation to the intergenerational transmission of religious practices to the younger generation (discussed later).
Participants usually linked the ethnolinguistic identity of the imam or mosque leadership with that of the congregation. They all named other mosques that, in their view, were dominated by one or more other ethnolinguistic group, and which they normally would not frequent except for convenience. While socio-cultural factors contributed to this preference (i.e. the preference to socialize with individuals from one’s own country or ethnolinguistic group), the desire to fully understand proceedings was also important.
Participants (particularly the Shi’a) differentiated between emotionally-charged events (e.g. sermons, lectures and commemorative events) and routine prayers or general social events, as illustrated in Example 3. In the case of the former, participants strongly preferred that the speakers use the participant’s native language (one participant even stressed the importance of dialect and accent), as only in their native language could they experience the event at an emotive level.
Example 3.
MH: How important is the availability of religious services in a language you know when choosing a mosque?
P16: It’s very important. But it depends. I don’t mind if a lecture is in English or Farsi. But for mourning events, I want Farsi because English doesn’t affect me. Emotional events should be in my mother tongue.
Example 4.
ZS: How does the language used affect your preference to attend certain mosques?
U3: […] After language [Urdu], the profile of the speaker [imam] matters in terms of quality, reputation and the kind of scholar he is.
MH: What do you mean by “quality”?
P26: When we return home from mosque, I ask my kids what they’ve learned. I want them to learn something … some Islamic values … For instance, after each event or the martyrdom of imams, I want my kids to learn an ethical point from the life of that imam.
Example 5.
MH: You said the events you like to attend are not held in Sunni mosques. Can you explain more?
P24: Yes, the events for Imam Reza’s martyrdom and birthday [the eighth Imam of Shi’a], other imams’ martyrdom, and Qadr nights aren’t held in Sunni mosques in a way that we [Shi’a] like.
Important to both denominations, but particularly the Shi’a participants, was the opportunity for the involvement of congregants in mosque-related events (community involvement). This theme was mentioned in relation to additional events and intergenerational transmission (as seen in Example 6). That is, participants spoke of their own and others’ involvement in social and educational activities (held at the mosque and other locations), which were seen as particularly favorable opportunities to involve the younger generation and to convey values and practices to youth naturalistically, and give them opportunities to form friendships amongst youth culturally similar to themselves.
Example 6.
ZS and MH: Have you ever participated in social gatherings and activities at the mosque?
P26: Yes, I try not to miss any event there, although they aren’t held regularly. Recently, a group of university students designed some programs for children. I especially like these programs and I want my kids to attend. It encourages families to bring their children to the mosque.
U8: I belong to a council in charge of the activities. For one activity, we visit the children’s hospital. The aim is to do something that brings a smile to their face, regardless of the religion. And there are so many other programs run by the council.
A notable difference between the two denominations was found in the importance of the political orientation of the mosque, as influenced by the mosque clerical leader, the imam. This was a matter that concerned most Shi’a, who gave particular consideration to the values and ideology espoused by the imam. Over half of Shi’a participants spontaneously named mosques that they avoided for this reason. Conversely, such matters were mentioned by only very few Sunni participants.
While explaining their choice of mosque, thirteen participants mentioned mosques they considered unsuited to their preferences. These participants were almost exclusively Shi’a. Reasons given for this perceived unsuitability were varied: the ethnic groups attending, the theological orientation of the imam or congregants, political involvement from the heritage country, and the denomination. As this was a somewhat sensitive topic, participants were sometimes indirect with respect to their reasons and might mention more than one issue to justify their concern, for instance, P27 mentioned “certain political connections” had been established which dissuaded her from continuing to attend, and later described her theological disagreement with the imam’s sermon, stating: “When I hear that nonsense, I can’t keep my mouth shut.” In other cases, participants expressed their own view as being representative for their ethnic group (e.g. “Iranians in New Zealand don’t like what is told and heard in Auckland mosques.” [P22]). In other cases, participants named mosques and ethnic groups explicitly.
Finally, some participants, particularly the Shi’a, claimed that they were unable to choose a mosque that suited them, as there were too few, or they simply had no other choice. As P21 explained, “between a Shi’a and a Sunni mosque, I chose to go to a Shi’a mosque. But there’s only one Shi’a mosque here, so I had no choice.”
5. Importance of Frequenting a Mosque
Our second line of inquiry examined the importance of frequenting a mosque for the participants. displays the main themes derived from participants’ responses to interview questions that addressed this topic. These themes encompassed the types of activities they attended (themes A and B), familial and social connections (themes C and D), opportunities for heritage language use and cultural expression (themes D to F), wellbeing and belonging (themes H and I), and nostalgia and identity (themes I and J). We explore each theme in turn.
Table 3. Importance of attendance at mosque.
Most participants sought to attend social, religious and educational events offered by the mosque, in addition to prayer observance. These themes intersected most frequently with the themes Intergenerational transmission of culture, Family attendance, Community involvement, and The importance of language. This indicates that by offering activities that attract broader and deeper engagement, mosques can cater to the social and cultural needs of congregants.
The mosque environment (i.e. events, and the building and surrounds) constituted an important channel through which participants established and developed friendships and broadened their social network. The opportunity to attend social events increased the opportunities for interpersonal contact. This was particularly important as building friendships in mainstream (non-Muslim) society could be difficult, due to differences in background, values and interests. The mosque precinct offered a setting where individuals could socialize informally (e.g. “After namaz the Indian Muslims get together outside the mosque to chat […]; the mosque serves as a meeting point for them.” [U2]). Some participants described their initial socialization into society in Auckland through pro-active gestures by themselves or regular attendees, usually prompted or eased by recognition of the person’s traditional attire (particularly among the Pakistani participants), or language (see Example 7). Initial acquaintanceships often developed into friendships that involved social interaction at other locations, often at their respective homes.
Example 7.
U2: Three to four people came up to me and asked, “how are you brother?” I didn’t know them, and I hadn’t met them before. I really liked it that they came up to me. That’s how you get a chance to meet people like yourself.
P3: When I came to New Zealand, I felt lonely for some days and then I thought I should go to the mosque so I could find someone of my culture and language. I found so many people and also came across a Pashto speaker. The moment I saw him I felt blessed. I talked to him and we exchanged our contact information.
Example 8.
MH: You said culture is more important than language, what if the event were held in English. How would you feel?
P16: Look, it’s about my generation. For the second generation, when they hear both Iranian and Afghani Farsi at an event, they’re even more bored. They want to watch the performance in English.
Example 9.
P3: The mosque can also help children learn their mother tongue because there they have to talk to the elders, and the elders mostly only talk in their mother tongue.
U3: I’ve seen how parents particularly from Pakistan and India prefer places for their children where Urdu is a medium of communication. For instance, if there’s a Milad event where religious poetry is recited in Urdu, the children automatically listen to it. It’ll help them understand Urdu well.
Most participants valued the environment of the mosque for the support it provided parents with the transmission of cultural and religious values and practices to the younger generation. As ethnolinguistic and religious minorities with few options to socialize youth into their heritage culture, participants acknowledged the importance of the mosque environment as a context where religious, cultural knowledge and practices could be normalized and transmitted naturalistically to the younger generation. As two participants explained (P1 and U3), this type of experiential learning could not be wholly replaced by online training by a tutor, as it encompassed a wide variety of learning opportunities (“from the environment of mosque they can learn so many things at the same time” [U3]). The awareness of the importance of exposure to religious practices contributed to one participant [U5] observing mosque prayers more regularly than he had previously, due to the perceived need to serve as a model to his child. Participants also recognized that their children’s socialization into the mosque’s social environment would help their children in constructing their identity in New Zealand, as they had the opportunity to interact with peers similar to themselves.
A fear expressed by four participants (P18, P27, P30, P2) concerned the possible loss of connection to their heritage culture without this early exposure and learning, and knowledge of this heritage would help children better understand their immediate and extended families (see Example 10).
Example 10.
P27: If parents don’t introduce children to these two things [Farsi and Islam], their future connection with children will be lost. […] I tried to introduce both to my children to help them understand me. They may choose not to use Farsi and not to believe in Islam, but at least they understand how I view the world. That’s why it was really important to me.
Example 11.
P16: Yes, I like my family to be involved especially my children. But I’m not sure how much they can be involved. Especially my son because the topics discussed in sermons are all questionable for him. The topics are completely traditional, and it’s not what he wants, it’s not what answers his questions. So, I can’t ask him to attend the events because he has no feeling for such events. I think mosques should find an approach to attract people such as my son. As a Muslim, I really like and want my family to attend.
The theme of Belonging intersected most frequently with the theme Sense of wellbeing and other themes related to language, ethnicity, events, nostalgia, family attendance, and the suburb Mount Roskill. Content that expressed contentment, life satisfaction, safety and comfort was coded under the theme Sense of wellbeing. Frequently, the themes of Belonging and Wellbeing were expressed in the same utterance, as an elaboration of feeling “at home”. Indeed, of the 36 coded references to Wellbeing, 23 were also cross-coded to the theme Belonging. Wellbeing-related issues were important to both denominations.
On occasion, the participants themselves differentiated between belonging and wellbeing. For instance, P20 described the importance of frequenting a mosque as “creating a positive feeling”, but her feeling of belonging as being reliant on other factors. Similarly, P25 stated that having a mosque “helps me to have a better life” but “does not affect my sense of belonging to New Zealand”, although he acknowledged that the mosque could contribute to this through being responsive to the congregation’s needs. P26 described her family’s feeling of belonging to New Zealand, but her lack of personal wellbeing (expressed as a “void”) due to her dissatisfaction with the quality of mosque leadership (in particular, the imam).
Participants typically expressed sentiments that encapsulated wellbeing when they mentioned identifying a mosque they could frequent that offered forms of worship and additional events which corresponded sufficiently to their own customs and expectations. The mosque’s surrounding environment contributed to the overall sense of personal wellbeing, and this was typically mentioned in relation to Mount Roskill, which was described as desi (or local). P1 referred to the environment as “a comfort zone” comprising “food, the people, the facilities and the language”, which was also useful in imparting cultural and religious values naturalistically to the younger generation.
Wellbeing was interpreted as both one’s own and other’s wellbeing. That is, frequenting a mosque for prayer led to opportunities to support others (whether emotionally, materially or information-related). As P3 described “[…] we discuss our problems in the mosque and give suggestions to each other and if someone needs an apartment, others help him.” Four individuals (unprompted) mentioned receiving support, and two individuals described giving others support. Thus, beyond fulfilling a religious objective and attaining a sense of inner equilibrium, mosque attendance allowed participants to experience social connectivity, interdependence and purpose. This was embodied in the statement by U1 “we realize we aren’t the only ones in this world, rather we get a sense of sharing”.
A majority of participants talked about feelings of nostalgia for their homeland or heritage culture in relation to frequenting a mosque. This theme intersected most frequently with the themes Feelings of belonging, Accommodating different ethnolinguistic groups, Wellbeing, and Intergenerational transmission. Participants typically spoke about nostalgia within a broader context of issues related to their and their children’s identities in Auckland and the advantages of the diverse ethnolinguistic context in Auckland’s mosques for the transmission of cultural practices and values to the younger generation.
Nostalgia was expressed as an evocative sense of being transported to the religious context they recalled experiencing in the heritage country, and was triggered by sensory, linguistic and cognitive stimuli. For instance, P25 explained that the mosque “reminds me of my past life, memories, and lifestyle … It gives me a feeling that nowhere else in New Zealand can give me”. Participants sought experiences that would evoke such nostalgia, and this need for “the feeling of home away from home” [U6] motivated them to attend particular events. Participants expressed this sense of nostalgia in general terms such as “When I go to the mosque, I want to feel like I’m in Iran.” [P19], or “When you pray in Masjid [name], you don’t realize that you are in New Zealand. You feel as if you’re in Pakistan” [P7], or occasionally with specific references to a city, “The moment you enter Masjid [name], you feel like you’re in Karachi” [P2].
The two denominations differed with respect to the importance of mosque affiliation to their sense of identity in New Zealand. While the Sunni participants could personally identify with the mosque(s) they frequented (in terms of social setting, cultural mores, language, political orientation and style of worship), over half of the Shi’a participants denied this connection, explaining that this might be the case in the home country, but the options in New Zealand were too limited to be able to select a mosque that they could specifically identify with.
6. Discussion
Our investigation into the role religious institutions play in the lives of first generation Muslim migrants in a Muslim-minority context focused on two main questions: the criteria guiding mosque choice, and the subsequent importance of frequenting a mosque. The interview-based fieldwork uncovered several important findings concerning the preferences and needs of these participants.
Most participants prioritized criteria related to ethnolinguistic identity in their choice of mosque, and this factor was related to opportunities for emotional and material support and bonding with individuals with whom they share similar values.Footnote29 As noted by Wuthnow,Footnote30 interpersonal solidarity and the formation of bonding ties are more easily established in the context of group homogeneity. Such bonding experiences are particularly important for individuals with fewer personal material resources and of lower socioeconomic status,Footnote31 which is typically the case of first generation South-Asian and Middle-Eastern migrants in New Zealand.Footnote32 The coherence between the ethnolinguistic environment of the mosque and the participants’ own identity contributed to participants’ sense of belonging in New Zealand, in that it represented a setting in which they could see their identities reflected, and which at times could also serve as an emotional refuge, as identified also in Nguyen et al.Footnote33
Ethnolinguistic homogeneity was also preferred where socializing children into the religious community and family attendance at the mosque were important. The tendency towards religious homophily among parents is noted by McPherson et al.Footnote34 and in our study the importance of religious beliefs and the values were often combined with linguistic and cultural factors. That is, similar to the experience described in Allen,Footnote35 the religious environment also served as a context in which traditions could be instilled in the young generation. In the absence of the extended family, in particular grandparents (who often play a key role in transmitting and inculcating cultural identity intergenerationally, see Subramaniam, & CarolanFootnote36), the mosque became particularly important as a setting where traditions and values could be enacted through interpersonal and intergenerational interaction.
An ethnolinguistically homogenous environment was interpreted differently by the South Asian and the Farsi-speaking participants. In the case of the South Asian participants, the prioritization of ethnolinguistic identity in their choice of mosque did not imply a correspondence between the language used in prayer services and religious events (usually primarily Urdu) and the home language(s). Rather participants spoke favorably of the presence of multiple ethnolinguistic groups, albeit with a strong South Asian component, and with Urdu serving as the principal language of communication by speakers at events, as experienced also in the heritage country.Footnote37 Most speakers of Farsi, however, typically oriented toward their first language, with some even preferring their country-specific variant. We observe, however, that this may be influenced by the more limited degree of multilingualism among these individuals (typically speakers of Farsi and English only), and may be less true of Iranians with a more varied linguistic profile (e.g. Azeri speakers).
The attraction of an ethnolinguistically homophilous environment was eclipsed by political division in the Iranian religious community. The political persuasion (perceived as interference) of some mosques, combined with perceived inadequate scholarly standards, dissuaded some participants from engaging. In such cases, participants prioritized criteria involving the political and intellectual orientation of the mosque over cultural homophily.
Some participants specifically sought to attend more diverse mosques where their primary ethnolinguistic group(s) was not dominant. The multicultural context offered opportunities to explore convivial encounters, usually fleeting and uniplex and without the anticipation of bonding ties, which thereby enabled individuals to experience living with differenceFootnote38 within a structured context of value homophily. This identification with a global Muslim community facilitated the accommodation of difference, which at times even encompassed sectarian differences (two Shi’a participants admitted to frequenting a Sunni mosque on occasion). Such heterogenous environments were also viewed as a more realistic option for youth, as the lack of culture-specific emphasis facilitated opportunities for individuals to develop bridging ties across ethnolinguistic communities in a manner that resembles the young generation’s experience in local schools. Thus, the more ethnolinguistically diverse mosques represented an environment which could support the socialization of youth into the broader social context of their adopted country.
First generation migrants, sensitive of their ethnolinguistic and religious minority status, and desirous of ensuring that the young generation can relate to their heritage culture, look to mosque leadership for guidance on the integration of youth into the religious community and the inculcation of religious beliefs and values,Footnote39 and also on bridging the perceived paradoxes between the contemporary society and religious teachings. They look to mosque leadership to fulfil a more extensive array of functions than would be typically performed by mosque leadership in Muslim majority countries, as previously noted by Ozyurt.Footnote40 This may not be fully appreciated by foreign-born imams who have not been trained to respond to the multifarious needs of migrant congregants in Muslim minority contexts. Congregants’ desire to experience through their engagement at mosques emotional, material, social, educational and moral support, in addition to scholarly spiritual guidance, can understandably exceed the capacity of mosque leadership.Footnote41 Such appeals can arguably be addressed through the greater involvement of congregants in mosque activities, as these can facilitate opportunities for congregants to interact with civic community agencies that are able to offer forms of culturally-appropriate support. This would enable the broader mosque-related activities to facilitate bridging ties, and thereby potentially link congregants with agencies and individuals that are able to positively affect the social integration and life opportunities of these migrants.
7. Conclusion
The expectation of (and desire for) mosque-related activities beyond worship underscores the importance of everyday labors, the practices of care and interdependence that sustain day-to-day convivial relations,Footnote42 and which can buttress evolving sentiments of belonging and wellbeing. BoumaFootnote43 underscores the effort and commitment involved in sustaining “a form of social cohesion based on something other than similarity”. Rather than call for greater accountability of mosque leadership to shoulder the responsibility for training clergy to accommodate the needs of its ethnolinguistically (and generationally) diverse congregations, state agencies can be involved in delivering a multifaith clergy training courses serving (primarily but not exclusively) foreign-trained clergy to introduce these to the ethnolinguistic and cultural diversity specific to the host society context, and the sensitize them to locally-embedded understandings of the prevailing inter – and intrafaith diversity.Footnote44 Whilst such bridging initiatives can be particularly relevant for religions such as Islam which do not have access to domestic theological training programmes,Footnote45 the multifaith component should be emphasized, as even locally trained clergy (of other religions) may not have been trained with a multifaith perspective.
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Additional information
Notes on contributors
Louisa Buckingham
Louisa Buckingham has research interests in linguistic and religious diversity and migration. She lectures in applied linguistics at the School of Languages, Cultures and Linguistics, University of Auckland, Auckland, New Zealand.
Mandana Hazrat
Mandana Hazrat is a learning and teaching development adviser at the University of Auckland, Auckland, New Zealand. She holds a Ph.D. in applied linguistics.
Zahir Shah
Zahir Shah is completing his Ph.D. on the subject of linguistic and cultural diversity in the public sphere in Pakistan.
Notes
1 G. Bouma, Australian soul: Religion and spirituality in the 21st century, Cambridge University Press, 2007; E. Kolig, New Zealand’s Muslims and multiculturalism, Muslim Minorities 9. Leiden: Brill, 2010; A. Woods, “The role of language in some ethnic churches in Melbourne”, in Explorations in the Sociology of Language and Religion, eds. T. Omoniyi and J. A. Fishman, Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 2006, pp. 197–212.
2 M. A. Z. Mughal, “An anthropological perspective on the mosque in Pakistan”, Asian Anthropology, Vol. 14, No. 2, 2015, pp. 166–181.
3 Qur'an 24:36, 9:108, 9:18. See R. Woodlock, “Praying where they don't belong: Female Muslim converts and access to mosques in Melbourne, Australia”, Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs, Vol. 30, No. 2, 2010, pp. 265–278.
4 R. Woodlock, “Praying where they don’t belong: Female Muslim converts and access to mosques in Melbourne, Australia”, op cit.
5 E. Kolig, “A gordian knot of rights and duties: New Zealand's Muslims and multiculturalism”, New Zealand Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. 8, No. 2, 2006, pp. 45–68.
6 E. Kolig, “A gordian knot of rights and duties: New Zealand's Muslims and multiculturalism”, op cit.
7 S. Ş. Ozyurt, “Bridge builders or boundary markers? The role of the mosque in the acculturation process of immigrant Muslim women in the United States”, Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs, Vol. 30, No. 3, 2010, pp. 295–315.
8 C. Hirschman, “The role of religion in the origins and adaptation of immigrant groups in the United States”, International Migration Review, Vol. 38, No. 3, 2004, pp. 1206–1233; A. Woods, Medium or message? Language and faith in ethnic churches. Multilingual Matters, 2004.
9 E. Kolig, “A gordian knot of rights and duties: New Zealand's Muslims and multiculturalism”; E. Kolig, New Zealand’s Muslims and multiculturalism.
10 D. Voas and F. Fleischmann, “Islam moves west: Religious change in the first and second generations”, Annual Review of Sociology, Vol. 38, 2012, pp. 525–545.
11 16 C. Hirschman, “The role of religion in the origins and adaptation of immigrant groups in the United States”; A. W. Nguyen, R. J. Taylor, L. M. Chatters, A. Ahuvia, E. Izberk-Bilgin, and F. Lee, “Mosque-based emotional support among young Muslim Americans”. Review of Religious Research, Vol. 55, No. 4, 2013, pp. 535–555.
12 I. Furseth, L. Ahlin, K. Ketola, A. Leis-Peters, P. Repstad, B. R. Sigurvinsson, and S. S. Urstad, “Faith and worldview communities and their leaders—inward or outward looking?”, in Religious Complexity in the Public Sphere, ed. I. Furseth, Cham: Palgrave Macmillan, 2018, pp. 251–289.
13 A. Woods, Medium or message? Language and faith in ethnic churches.
14 A. Woods, “The role of language in some ethnic churches in Melbourne”.
15 M. McPherson, L. Smith-Lovin, and J. M. Cook, “Birds of a feather: Homophily in social networks”, Annual Review of Sociology, Vol. 27, No. 1, pp. 415–444.
16 Ibid, 416.
17 P. F. Lazarsfeld, and R. K. Merton, “Friendship as a social process: A substantive and methodological analysis”, Freedom and Control in Modern Society, Vol. 18, No. 1, 1954, pp. 18–66.
18 M. McPherson, L. Smith-Lovin, and J. M. Cook, “Birds of a feather: Homophily in social networks”.
19 Ibid.
20 Ibid.
21 R. Allen, "The bonding and bridging roles of religious institutions for refugees in a non-gateway context." Ethnic and Racial Studies Vol. 33, No. 6, 2010, pp. 1049–1068; A. Village, R. Powell, and M. Pepper, “Bonding and bridging among first generation Asian migrants in Australian protestant churches”, Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, Vol. 43, No. 11, 2017, pp. 1943-1963; S. Watson, “Performing religion: Migrants, the church and belonging in Marrickville, Sydney”, Culture and Religion, Vol. 10, No. 3, 2009, pp. 317–338.
22 R. Putnam, Bowling Alone: The Collapse and Revival of American Community, New York: Simon & Schuster, 2000.
23 Ibid.
24 R. Allen, "The bonding and bridging roles of religious institutions for refugees in a non-gateway context."; I. Furseth, L. Ahlin, K. Ketola, A. Leis-Peters, P. Repstad, B. R. Sigurvinsson, and S. S. Urstad, “Faith and worldview communities and their leaders—inward or outward looking?”; A. Village, R. Powell, and M. Pepper, “Bonding and bridging among first generation Asian migrants in Australian protestant churches”.
25 Ethics approval was obtained (UAHPEC3025).
26 Also known as Dari in Afghanistan and primarily distinguished from Iranian Farsi by its accent. MH was familiar with Dari from her personal contact with Afghans and from Afghan media.
27 M. L. McHugh, “Interrater reliability: The kappa statistic”, Biochemia Medica, Vol. 22, No, 3, 2012, pp. 276–282.
28 Denomination was one of twelve participant attributes that had been previously entered (i.e., biographic information such as age, gender, country of origin, ethnicity, denomination, education, etc.).
29 C. Hirschman, “The role of religion in the origins and adaptation of immigrant groups in the United States”; R. Ysseldyk, K. Matheson, and H. Anisman, “Religiosity as identity: Toward an understanding of religion from a social identity perspective”, Personality and Social Psychology Review, Vol. 14, No. 1, 2010, pp. 60–71.
30 R. Wuthnow, “Religious involvement and status-bridging social capital”, Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, Vol. 41, No. 4, 2002, pp. 669–684.
31 Foley, Michael W., and Dean R. Hoge. Religion and the new immigrants: How faith communities form our newest citizens. Oxford University Press, 2007.
32 L. Buckingham, “Ethnolinguistic diversity in New Zealand: A socioeconomic analysis.” International Journal of the Sociology of Language, Vol. 2020, No. 266, 2020, pp. 5–32.
33 A. W. Nguyen, R. J. Taylor, L. M. Chatters, A. Ahuvia, E. Izberk-Bilgin, and F. Lee, “Mosque-based emotional support among young Muslim Americans”.
34 M. McPherson, L. Smith-Lovin, and J. M. Cook, “Birds of a feather: Homophily in social networks”.
35 R. Allen, "The bonding and bridging roles of religious institutions for refugees in a non-gateway context.”
36 S. Subramaniam and M. T. Carolan, “We keep the traditions going”: Intergenerational transmission of cultural identities among Asian Indian multigenerational households”, in Re/Formation and Identity, ed. D. Johnson, S. Chuang and J. Glozman, Cham: Springer, 2022, pp. 45–61.
37 J. Bowen, “Muslims in the West: Europe”, in The New Cambridge History of Islam, ed. R. Hefner, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010, pp. 218-237; T. Rahman, “Language, Religion and Politics. Urdu in Pakistan and North India”, Revue des mondes musulmans et de la Méditerranée, Vol. 124, 2008, pp. 93–112.
38 F. Samanani, “Tracing conviviality: Identifying questions, tensions and tools in the study of living with difference”, Journal of Intercultural Studies, Vol. 43, No. 2, 2022, pp. 176–193.
39 S. Ş. Ozyurt, “Bridge builders or boundary markers? The role of the mosque in the acculturation process of immigrant Muslim women in the United States”.
40 Ibid.
41 M. Ozalp and M. Ćufurović, “Religion, belonging, and active citizenship: A systematic review of literature on Muslim youth in Australia”, Religions, Vol. 12, No. 237, 2021, pp. 1–26.
42 F. Samanani, “Tracing conviviality: Identifying questions, tensions and tools in the study of living with difference”.
43 G. Bouma, “Beyond reasonable accommodation: The case of Australia”, in Reasonable Accommodation: Managing Religious Diversity, ed. L. Beaman, Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 2012, pp. 139–164.
44 Ibid.
45 Z. Keskin and M. Ozalp, “Islamic Studies in Australia’s Universities”, Religions, Vol. 12, No. 2, 2021, pp. 1–16.