Homemaker or breadwinner: labour force participation of Pakistani women

ABSTRACT

In recent years, Pakistan has seen an increase in policy efforts to encourage women's participation in the workforce. However, existing research suggests that these policies have not resulted in a proportional increase in women’s labour force participation. This study employs an ecological systems approach to investigate the factors that impact the engagement of tertiary-educated Pakistani women in the labour market and their experiences of employment. Beyond elucidating the barriers to women's employment, the analysis also delves into factors that empower women to navigate the obstacles encountered in their employment journey. Drawing upon a series of comprehensive interviews conducted with 35 Pakistani women and employing a thematic analysis approach, this research dissects the way in which societal norms and values, including notions of honour, the prioritisation of marriage, and the enduring presence of gender inequality within the domestic sphere, constrain women's participation in the labour market. Our findings show that the support extended by father’s and husband’s in facilitating women's pursuit of employment, as well as the personal strategies adopted by women to overcome gender-based discrimination in workplace settings, are pivotal elements that facilitate women’s participation in the labour market.

KEYWORDS:

• Women’s employment
• cultural values and social norms
• work-life balance
• social support
• Pakistan

Introduction

Pakistan has shown a commitment to improving labour force participation rates of women by endorsing important international conventions such as the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) in 1996 and the International Labour Organisation's (ILO) Equal Remuneration Convention in 2001 (Ali, 2013). This commitment has been reinforced in the Government of Pakistan’s Labour Protection Policy (2006), which underscored the government's determination to eradicate gender bias in the labour force. This policy emphasises the government’s resolve for providing women with equal opportunities for employment, equal wages, and establishing a conducive environment for women in workplaces (Ali & Syed, 2017).

In 2000, the Pakistani government introduced the Devolution of Power Plan, which included a 17 percent representation quota for women in the Parliament of Pakistan. Following a nationwide consultation in 2002, the government implemented the National Policy for Advancement and Empowerment of Women. In 2010, Parliament passed the Protection against Harassment of Women at Workplace Act, and in 2012, a commission was established to enhance the status of women under the National Commission on the Status of Women Act (Javed et al., 2018; Syed & Ali, 2019). Furthermore, in 2016, Punjab enacted the Protection of Women Against Violence Act, criminalising various forms of ‘violence against women, including physical violence, abusive language, stalking, and cybercrimes’ (Javed et al., 2018, p. 332). Similar commitments are seen in local labour laws that emphasise promoting equality for women through clauses such as provision for childcare services and separate rest room facilities for women in workplaces (Ali, 2013).

Despite these strong policy commitments to equality of opportunity, persistent gender gaps exist in Pakistan’s labour force. Indeed, women’s labour force participation is significantly lower than that of men (20.73% and 78.08% respectively) (Zahidi, 2022). Even for ‘women in the highest education category, the employment rate is 62 percentage points lower than that of men’ (Najeeb et al., 2020, p. 19). This raises important questions about why, even with these policy efforts, women in Pakistan are still not equally represented in the labour force.

This paper draws on the voices of 35 tertiary-educated Pakistani women to examine the factors that facilitated or hindered their participation in the labour force. The analysis is guided by an ecological systems approach (Bronfenbrenner, 1976; Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 2006), which foregrounds the importance of considering how individuals’ behaviours and outcomes are strongly shaped by the cultural values and social norms of the society in which they live. By adopting an ecological systems approach this paper aims to answer the following research question: How do gendered cultural values and social norms intersect with family and workplace institutions to influence the labour force participation of tertiary-educated Pakistani women? The findings highlight how key cultural values and social norms around honour, marriage, and gender roles constrain women’s choices to participate in the labour market. Crucially, our research goes beyond the conventional focus on barriers to women's employment. In our study, we not only investigate these barriers but also uncover important facilitators and the personal strategies women employ to actively pursue and sustain their employment. Moreover, our contribution to the existing body of literature lies in the recognition and integration of the multiple dimensions at which gender inequality operates. The findings foreground the important need for devising policies and awareness programmes that can address traditional cultural values and social norms that disadvantage Pakistani women in the labour force.

Literature review

Cultural values, social norms, and the family institution

Cultural values and social norms encompass the beliefs, rules, and ideals deemed significant within a society. Together, they mould perceptions, interactions, and behaviours, playing a pivotal role in maintaining social order and cohesion. Critically, cultural values and social norms relating to gender have strong implications for the roles men and women are expected to play in many societies (Cislaghi & Heise, 2020; Sarwar & Imran, 2019).

In particular, societal expectations of women’s responsibilities for domestic and care work have a significant influence on their participation in the labour market. Even though societies are becoming more accepting of women joining the labour force, women’s participation in the labour force is still largely influenced by their responsibilities within their families (Tlaiss, 2014). Women’s high level of responsibilities for domestic and care work make it difficult for them to balance family and work. This unequal division widens even further in more patriarchal societies where work-family roles and expectations are largely shaped by stereotypical gender attitudes due to the traditionally held belief of men as breadwinners and women as homemakers (Syed et al., 2018; Syed & Ali, 2019).

Within traditional societies, such as Pakistan, male members of the family play a significant role in women’s decisions related to education, employment, and marriage (Agha, 2022). Decisions by male members regarding women are usually in accordance with existing cultural values and social norms, which has led to limited economic opportunities for women and moreover, links a family's honour to the behaviour of its female members (Agha, 2022; Moghadam, 2004). Within conservative societies, if women want to move away from the homemaker role and pursue employment, they require the support of the male members of their household, be it their father, brother, or husband. In instances where this support is lacking, women are confined to domesticity (Al Hasani, 2016).

Hochschild and Machung (2012) contend that every marriage bears resemblance to socio-cultural trends that exist outside of marriage. This point is particularly relevant when examining women’s labour force participation in traditional societies such as Pakistan where marriage occupies a primary status in a woman’s life. Given the primary status of marriage in women’s lives, they are expected to prioritise their marriage, family, and domestic/caring responsibilities over their careers (Masood, 2019). Research shows the need for examining family related factors such as disproportionate domestic and caring responsibilities that influence women’s employment decisions (Ali & Kramar, 2015). These family related factors are critical in examining work-family conflict in more traditional societies such as Pakistan where the responsibility of maintaining the home predominantly lies with the women and men are exonerated from such responsibilities (Agha, 2022; Bhatti, 2013; Bhatti & Jeffery, 2012).

Cultural values, social norms, and the workplace

Cultural values and social norms also influence the operations and culture of the workplace (Scott, 2014). Within workplaces gender discrimination is not only visible in the form of consequences like decreased workforce participation of women but also in processes like gender prejudice in promotion and advancement (Alimo-Metcalfe, 2010) and harassment issues (Ali & Kramar, 2015).

In many societies, leadership is considered a masculine domain due to the largely male-dominated culture of workplace institutions. Even when men and women have similar years of work experience men are more likely to get promoted over women (Blau & Kahn, 2017; Costa Dias et al., 2020). Gender ideology permeates workplace culture, whereby men are typically associated with agentic traits, such as assertiveness, dominance, competitiveness, and achievement orientation. Conversely, women are often linked to communal traits, such as helpfulness, kindness, sympathy, understanding, and compassion (Diekman & Eagly, 2008). These gendered perceptions have significant implications as they contribute to the underrepresentation of women in management positions and biased selection and promotion policies that favour men (Badura et al., 2018).

Gender discrimination is further intensified for Pakistani women in the workplace due to beliefs about honour and modesty (Ali & Kramar, 2015). These beliefs not only influence women’s access to the labour market but also strongly impact their experience of employment, and their behaviour and voice within the workplace (Ali, 2013). Although laws within workplaces exist to protect women (such as harassment laws), beliefs about female modesty and honour means that women who are subjected to discrimination and harassment often do not report these incidents for fear of damaging their reputation (Ali & Kramar, 2015). This silencing of women extends the definition of purdah from being just a cloth that covers a woman’s body, to suppressing women’s voices in incidences of harassment to protect their honour.

There is also strong evidence that work-family conflict that arises due to workplace arrangements has a significant impact on women’s employment decisions (Kossek & Lee, 2017). Scholars have found that in many instances women’s attempts to obtain flexible working hours and travel arrangements have been rebuffed by their workplace leading them to quit their careers (Kossek et al., 2017; Stone, 2007; Stone & Hernandez, 2013). For example, there exists evidence where highly educated and economically successful women gave up their careers to become full-time housewives to take care of their families, a phenomenon known as the opt-out revolution (Belkin, 2003; Stone & Hernandez, 2013). Belkin (2003) coined the term opt-out revolution to describe the experiences of well qualified upper-middle-class women who decided that long working hours were detrimental to their children. Due to the lack of flexibility in workplaces to accommodate the needs of these women, they decided to give up their successful careers. Similar findings have been reported in other studies regarding women’s decision to leave their jobs in favour of their domestic/caring responsibilities owing to workplace inflexibility (Kossek et al., 2017; Kossek & Lee, 2017; Stone & Hernandez, 2013).

The effect of inflexibility intensifies when combined with inadequate childcare services (Masood, 2019). Research demonstrates the importance of childcare services in enabling parents, especially mothers, to work (Kossek et al., 2017; Stone & Hernandez, 2013). Women in developing countries such as Pakistan are dependent on informal support (grandparents, sisters, maids) to maintain their employment due to inadequate childcare services. And where this informal support does not exist, women are forced to quit their employment (Premani et al., 2021; Tahir, 2016).

An ecological approach

As evidenced above, existing research clearly demonstrates that cultural values and social norms at the societal level interact deeply with the institutions of family and workplace, which in turn impact women’s choices and experiences related to employment. The literature suggests that women’s decisions and experiences related to employment are complex and understanding them requires an approach that can account for the interactions between different systems and how these influence women’s choices and experiences of employment.

An ecological systems approach (Bronfenbrenner, 1976, Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 2006) is well-suited to achieving this, as it allows for the exploration of how cultural values and social norms interact with social institutions to influence individuals’ behaviours and outcomes. Through this approach we can gauge a comprehensive view of the diverse factors within a woman’s environment that influences her employment choices and experience of employment.

By utilising the ecological systems approach our research contributes to existing literature in two main ways. First, it emphasises the micro–macro linkages that take into consideration multiple factors at the societal, familial and workplace level and how they interact with one another in influencing women’s employment experiences and decisions. In doing so, this shows how these interactions collectively contribute towards understanding the power disparity and disadvantage that Pakistani women face within their social and employment contexts. Second, the adoption of the ecological systems approach enables us to examine critical aspects, such as the father’s and husband’s agency in empowering women to challenge and transcend the patriarchal constraints affecting their employment choices and experiences.

Methodology

This paper is a component of a larger doctoral project examining different contextual factors that impact women’s access to education, employment, and their experiences of empowerment in Pakistan. The project employed a mixed-methods approach combining surveys with in-depth interviews. The interview participants come from the larger sample (N = 1031) of survey respondents who expressed interest in participating in a follow up interview. Specific criteria encompassing educational backgrounds, employment status, geographical locations, age groups, and survey responses were employed to select interview participants to ensure diverse representation of women in the study. This paper specifically reports on the findings of the interviews related to women’s experiences of employment.

Online interviews were conducted with 35 participants ranging in length from 25 to 120 min and covered topics related to women’s education, employment, and experiences of empowerment in Pakistan. The participants profiles are provided in Table 1. The participants in our research come from a demographic representing only 14% of adult women in Pakistan who have completed education beyond the secondary level (UNWomen, 2023). Additionally, the participants in our research come from diverse socio-economic backgrounds spanning rural to urban areas across Pakistan.

Table 1. Participant profiles.

Pseudonym	Age	Highest Education	Work Status	Marital Status	Children
Suhaela	40–44	Masters	Employed	Married	2
Saba	40–44	Masters	Employed	Married	2
Farhana	35–39	Bachelors	Employed	Never married	0
Mehnaz	35–39	Masters	Employed	Married	2
Ansa	30–34	Masters	Employed	Divorced	0
Ruqqiya	35–39	Masters	Employed	Married	0
Jaweria	40–44	Masters	Employed	Married	2
Hania	50–54	Masters	Employed	Never married	0
Batool	30–34	Masters	Employed	Divorced	1
Sania	30–34	Masters	Employed	Married	0
Khalida	25–29	Masters	Employed	Never married	0
Mahrou	35–39	Masters	Employed	Never married	0
Raheema	40–44	Masters	Employed	Never married	0
Noor Jahan	35–39	Masters	Employed	Never married	0
Mahrukh	35–39	Masters	Employed	Divorced	0
Shahnaz	45–49	Bachelors	Employed	Married	2
Ghazala	30–34	Masters	Employed	Married	1
Bushra	35–39	Masters	Employed	Divorced	0
Maliha	35–39	Masters	Employed	Never married	0
Fatima	25–29	Masters	Employed	Never married	0
Taskeen	35–39	Masters	Employed	Never married	0
Sadia	40–44	Bachelors	Previously Employed	Divorced	0
Maqbool	30–34	Masters	Previously Employed	Married	2
Zara	45–49	Masters	Previously Employed	Married	5
Sana	40–44	Masters	Previously Employed	Married	4
Seemal	35–39	Masters	Previously Employed	Never married	0
Zulekah	30–34	Masters	Previously Employed	Married	1
Amira	35–39	Masters	Previously Employed	Married	3
Faria	30–34	Masters	Previously Employed	Never married	0
Saleema	40–44	Masters	Previously Employed	Married	2
Gul	40–44	Masters	Previously Employed	Married	2
Sonia	35–39	Masters	Previously Employed	Married	2
Shahzadi	25–29	Masters	Previously Employed	Married	1
Zeenia	30–34	Masters	Previously Employed	Married	2
Sehar	25–29	Masters	Previously Employed	Married	2

The interviews predominantly took place in the Urdu language. Following the recording, the interviews were translated and transcribed. The transcriptions were subsequently shared with the participants for verification, ensuring that the translation captured their experience and was true to their narratives. The names of the participants were replaced by pseudonyms to protect their anonymity. Prior to collecting data, this research received institutional approval by the Human Research Ethics Committee [The University of Queensland], and all participants provided informed consent. Data collection began in December 2020 and was completed in December 2021.

The data from the interviews were analysed through an inductive thematic approach. The key themes identified for coding encompassed various important aspects, including notions of honour, the primacy of marriage, and the persistence of gender inequality in the domestic and workplace spheres. Additionally, the themes included the significance of men's support, and women's strategies of defying gender roles in the workplace. These themes provided a comprehensive framework for analysing and understanding the dynamics of gender, culture, and work within the context of our study.

A thematic analysis approach was used for analysing the data (Braun & Clarke, 2006; Saldana, 2021). The initial phase, involving familiarising ourselves with the data, constituted a fundamental starting point in our analytical journey. This step was important as it allowed us to immerse ourselves in the data, striving to establish an intimate familiarity with its nuances. Moving forward, the second phase was coding, which entailed the task of generating concise labels, or codes, for salient features of the data that were relevant to our overarching research question. In the third phase, we delved deeper into the data to uncover coherent and meaningful patterns or themes. This process entailed actively seeking similarities within the data, that concluded with the consolidation of coded data pertinent to each theme.

The next phase involved reviewing themes. In this phase we carried out a critical assessment of the themes’ effectiveness. This was followed by defining and naming themes, entailing a comprehensive analysis of each theme, prompting questions about the story of each theme conveyed and its contribution to the broader narrative. The sixth phase, writing up, entailed merging the analytical narrative and data extracts to present a compelling story about the data while also relating it to existing literature.

It is important to acknowledge the limitations of our research. First, the themes discussed in this paper are not exhaustive and may not capture all experiences, given the research design, sample size and the diversity that exists across provinces in Pakistan. Second, this paper only captures the experiences of tertiary educated women and does not report the experience of women who are less educated. Given the importance of education in enabling women to participate successfully in employment, it is likely that the findings reported here are experienced even more acutely by less educated Pakistani women who likely face greater hurdles in participating in the labour market. Third, this paper does not investigate the experiences of women who have never been employed. Therefore, more research is required to fully explain the diverse experiences of women’s employment choices and experiences in Pakistan for effective policy making and implementation.

Findings and discussion

Values, norms, and societal expectations of women

Domestic and caring responsibilities

The women provided important insights into the burden of domestic responsibilities influencing women’s employment in Pakistan. The narratives highlight the difficulties women face in managing work and their families, given that women are expected to undertake the larger portions of domestic and caring responsibilities. Amira – who was a medical doctor and is married with three children – found work life balance to be stressful in trying to manage housework, care for children and a full-time job. She shared:

It gets really hard to maintain a full-time job when you have kids and have to manage the housework as well. Although I did have house help, I had to make sure that everything was done properly and on time. My job was already very stressful. Combine that with taking care of the kids, managing their activities, getting up during the night, having no support from the husband and doing a second shift after coming home. It just became impossible. So, I quit. I hate that I had to quit my job, but the alternative was staying angry, stressed, and exhausted 24/7.

Similar to Amira, Zulekah – who was an accountant by profession, is married and has one child – spoke about how domestic responsibilities became an extreme burden for her as she had no support from her husband and her in-laws. Zulekha explained:

My marriage played a significant role in me leaving my job. Once married all the domestic responsibilities came on my shoulder. And I had no house help. I was expected to carry out all the chores at home with no help from my in-laws. I was made aware by my husband that there should be no compromise on domestic chores. Solely performing these tasks was extraneous. And after having my child, it became impossible to do double shifts of work.

Both Amira and Zulekha ended up quitting their employment due to the excessive burden of domestic responsibilities. However, Amira was able to remain in her employment for some time due to the support provided by paid help. At the same time, it is evident from Amira’s example that paid help is not sufficient to sustain employment if other members within the family are not willing to share the domestic/caring responsibilities. Both Amira and Zulekha also mention stress suggesting that it is not just the hours of work required to juggle paid and unpaid work and care, but also the resulting stress that amplifies this double burden, especially if husbands and families are uncompromising about who must do the domestic and care work. Amira and Zulekha’s narratives indicate how their employment choices are shaped by the family values and norms that reinforce cultural and societal expectations placing domestic and caring responsibilities at the centre of women’s lives in Pakistan.

The cultural primacy of marriage

The interview data also showed the cultural primacy of marriage which occupies a central status in a woman’s life in Pakistan. The social position of marriage, and the taboo associated with divorce, mean that when women are forced to choose between a career and their marriage, women choose their marriage, even if they have spent many years building their career.

Sana – who is married, previously worked as a medical doctor, and has four children – shared that her in-laws and husband had promised her before marriage that she will be able to continue with her career after marriage. However, once married, both her in-laws and her husband were discontented with her job. Sana said:

At times when I would come home after a night shift, they would not open the door and would keep me waiting outside. When I would come home after the night shift my mother-in-law would not let me sleep during the day. She would tell me to complete all the domestic chores even though she had house help. They started complaining to my parents about me being incompetent in domestic chores and taking care of my husband. They said “we wanted a wife for our son who can look after him and the house. We do not care about her degree.” The only way I could get out of this chaos and save my marriage was to quit my job. I preferred my marriage over my career because that is what we are taught in the Pakistani society.

Similar to Sana, Zara – who was a nutritionist, is married, and has five children – expressed how the importance of marriage was instilled in her by her parents:

The notion of primacy of marriage in a woman’s life was ingrained in my mind since my teenage years by parents, especially my mother. I was always told that I should always behave and obey my husband, no matter what the circumstances. It is for this reason that when he threatened me with divorce when I wouldn’t quit my career, I decided to end my career.

These findings suggest that even when opportunities are available for women in employment, culturally ascribed roles, and the primacy of marriage for women in Pakistan restrict these opportunities. The findings in the above two sections demonstrate that the double burden of paid and unpaid work is a significator factor influencing women’s employment. They emphasise the profound influence of the double burden of paid and unpaid labour on women's employment in the specific context of Pakistan. This burden is exacerbated by the predominant societal emphasis on marriage and domestic roles for women within this cultural milieu. Women are ascribed traditional roles as mothers and primary caregivers, leading to a substantial workload for those who are married, have children, and are engaged in paid employment.

These findings resonate with prior research studies, such as Syed et al. (2018), which have elucidated the detrimental impact of the double burden of work on women's long-term participation in the labour force. Additionally, they align with a broader body of literature that underscores how, even when women are employed, the primary responsibility for domestic and caregiving tasks remains firmly entrenched with women, particularly within conservative societies, as demonstrated by Khurshid (2017). These findings highlight the pressing need for a paradigm shift in cultural models that perpetuate entrenched gender roles within Pakistani society. Without a change in the existing cultural models it will be naive to assume that pathways to women’s employment and their experience of employment can become less patriarchal. Hence, in addition to education and employment policies that promote equal opportunities for women, it is imperative to design policies that emphasise cultural and family change to increase the participation of women in Pakistan's labour force. The results further indicate the need to examine mental deliberation and strategising that goes into household work that constitute a large portion of the domestic and caring responsibilities that women execute.

Intrinsic motivation and significance of family support

At the same time, our data showed examples where married women were able to challenge these traditional models. Three important factors enabled some women to persevere in their employment. These were: first woman's intrinsic motivation for her employment, second a sense of self and confidence that was instilled in these women often by their fathers from an early age, and third, support from husbands which helped them in contesting the opposition that arose from their extended families when they started employment. We address each of these factors in turn.

Although women valued their roles a wives and mothers, some expressed a strong desire to remain in the labour market. For example, Ruqqiya – who works in a non-profit organisation, is married and does not have children – indicated that when she got married, she was constantly reminded by her husband and her mother-in-law that her career and education had little value compared to her husband’s. She did have the option of giving up her career and staying home, but this was not her wish. Ruqqiya explained:

I have never wanted myself to be limited to the role of a wife. That is an identity that I get through my husband. I wanted something more in my life, my own identity. That is what keeps me motivated when I get frustrated with everything that goes on at home. I have worked very hard to get to the position that I am in today, and I am not ready to give that up.

Ruqqiya went on to explain that it was her father who had instilled this sense of self in her that keeps her motivated and persistent, especially in instances where the double burden and sarcastic remarks of her in-laws become exhausting. She said:

I always had the drive to achieve something more than the path society had laid out for me. That drive took its form through the inspiration and motivation that my father gave me. He taught me how to be persistent when he took a stand against my extended family when I went abroad to study and when I started working in an NGO. And it is the same persistence I practice today.

Similar to Ruqqiya, Saba and Suhaela – who are both working, married and have children – shared in their narratives the confidence and sense of self that was instilled in them by their fathers from an early age. They both stated that from an early age their fathers encouraged them to think critically about what was happening in their surroundings. Speaking on this topic Saba stated:

My father motivated me to follow my aspirations. He took a strong stance against our family and community when I continued my studies after grade 10. His support continued when I decided to pursue a career. It was inconceivable in my family and community that a woman can leave the house and pursue employment. His constant support motivated me to keep going no matter what anyone was saying.

The interviews also showed the importance of husbands’ support in breaking traditional norms and roles in the Pakistani society. For example, Shahnaz – who is married with two children, an entrepreneur and the CEO of a tech company – elaborated on how the support she received from her husband helped her to resist the strong opposition that came from her in-laws when she started her employment. Shahnaz explained:

A major reason that I have my organisation today is the support that I received from my husband. When I decided to work a strong opposition arose from my in-laws. In my in-law’s women do not work. The women who are married into my in-law’s family are expected to be housewives only. My husband, however, was a different man, an unconventional man. He told me to turn a deaf ear to all the criticism coming my way and pursue my career. Without his support I would not be where I am today.

Suhaela and Saba shared similar experiences where their husbands motivated them to keep going when they encountered difficulties within their careers. The narratives of these women not only provide valuable insights into their personal journeys but also serve as a compelling testament to their courageous defiance of the prescribed gender roles deeply ingrained in Pakistani society. Their remarkable ability to challenge and contest these entrenched boundaries is a manifestation of not only their intrinsic motivations and desires but also the indispensable confidence and support derived from two vital sources: their fathers and husbands.

The findings unveil the profound impact of parents’ progressive attitudes, motivation, and unwavering encouragement in fostering the resilience required to break traditional gender norms. These elements have played a pivotal role in shaping women's self-belief, particularly with regard to their potential to achieve their employment and career aspirations. Paternal influence, starting from a young age, has emerged as a significant driving force in the cultivation and maintenance of these empowering beliefs. Equally significant is the role of husbands in this narrative. Post-marriage, the substantial support provided by husbands becomes a substantial catalyst in women's journeys to actively pursue and sustain their professional aspirations. This support mechanism represents a formidable resource that empowers women to navigate the multifaceted challenges encountered within patriarchal societies.

These findings align with emerging literature that underscores the paramount importance of investigating the support networks available to women, which serve as instrumental tools for challenging and transcending patriarchal constraints (Duchek et al., 2022). The intertwined narratives of self-belief cultivated by paternal encouragement and the post-marital support offered by husbands collectively shape women's coping strategies, enabling them to confront and surmount the adversities inherent in patriarchal societies. Men in conservative societies, such as Pakistan, are often seen as a major obstacle to women's advancement (Agha, 2022). Yet, our study underscores the vital role that fathers and husbands can play in helping women navigate and dismantle the patriarchal barriers impeding their entry into the workforce. In a context where men's voices are more influential, we propose that publicising the examples of supportive men from our research at the community and societal levels may help in encouraging other men to move beyond patriarchal structures.

Values, norms, and the role of the workplace

Clash between domestic and work life

The participants provided important insights about the values and norms in their workplace which did not support women who had family responsibilities. Saleema – who was a development practitioner, is married and has two children – shared that the organisation she worked in had no flexibility in working hours, maternity leave, or access to childcare services. She had repeatedly requested flexibility in her working hours, but she was refused each time. She stated:

I worked in that organisation for 22 years, but senior management’s behaviour made me quit. No facility in terms of working hours, maternity leave, or childcare services. I asked for flexibility in my working hours because the housework after having children was very demanding, but they refused. Each time I went on maternity leave I had to start from square one again. It was as if I was being punished for being a mother. I was denied leadership positions three times because I was considered not suitable for the job because the management believed that I cannot take on such responsibilities because of my caring responsibilities. Eventually, I couldn’t take it anymore and I quit.

Similarly, Ghazala – who is an engineer, married, has one child, and is presently employed – elaborated on the shift in the attitude of her senior management once she got married and became a mother deeming her not suitable for higher positions due to her increased caring responsibilities. She shared that women in aviation are easy targets for desk jobs. She explained:

Despite being the top preference, and having an outstanding profile, fulfilling the merit for the leadership position in my team, I was chopped down from the interview altogether when they got to know I am married and have a child. I was not even given a chance.

Both examples provide evidence of workplaces that are not compatible with managing paid and unpaid work, placing Pakistani women at a systematic disadvantage when it comes to employment. Despite Pakistan’s increasing gender-equitable labour force policies, such as the Labour Protection Policy that aims to create more favourable work environments for female workers, flexibility in work hours and childcare services were not available to these participants.

The women in the study explained how they had to rely on informal childcare support from their families to continue their jobs. The women shared that they had spoken to their management about providing childcare services repeatedly but were unsuccessful. Mehnaz – who is a teacher by profession, is presently employed, and has two children – elaborated on how if it were not for her mother’s support, she would not have been able to keep working. She explained:

Even now when I have to work outside of regular hours my children stay with my mother. Without her support there is no way that I would be working. Many of my female colleagues have raised the issue of childcare services in the workplace but to no avail.

A similar narrative to that of Mehnaz was shared by Gul who is married, has two children, and was previously employed. She shared:

I did not leave my job by choice. I was forced to leave. While working my sister came from the village and took care of my children. I put in multiple applications for having childcare services but to no avail. When my sister got married, I had no support. As a result, I had to quit.

A number of work-family scholars within developed and developing countries advocate the critical importance of workplace policies such as childcare availability, paid family leave, and flexibility in working hours to support working parents (Gornick & Meyers, 2003; Kaduk et al., 2019; Kelly et al., 2011; Mohsin & Syed, 2020). However, access to these kinds of services is very limited in Pakistan. It is important to note that relying solely on employers as the primary providers of childcare services may prove inadequate and ineffective. Hence, a more comprehensive approach is necessary, involving the engagement of government institutions in the provision of childcare services. Such a strategy will help in establishing the fundamental importance of childcare services and emphasise the need for shared responsibility and support from relevant institutions, extending beyond individual employers.

Workplace norms and gender stereotypes

The interviews also revealed that in instances where women were able to gain access to leadership positions, they faced severe opposition from men within their organisations. For some participants the opposition went to such an extent that they ended up giving up their leadership position. For example, Mahrukh – who is presently employed in a non-profit organisation and is divorced – shared that in a previous job she was appointed as the CEO of the organisation. She was the first woman who had been given this role in the organisation and she encountered much resistance from the board members who were all men. She went on to say that:

With the passage of time things started unsettling as the board members made it more complex and difficult for me to fulfil my responsibilities within the given time frame and the budget, which was frustrating. The Chairman started calling me to his office unnecessarily rather than responding on email, to discuss petty matters and imposing his orders and authority. My self-respect started compromising so, I eventually quit.

Similar to Mahrukh, Hania – who is a development practitioner and is not married – faced severe resistance when she acquired a leadership position in her organisation. Hania explained:

There were two females in the first organisation that I joined i.e. the Program manager and me. When my manager was leaving after four months, she said that I will be the acting manager. All 48 males retaliated to this decision. They were not ready to work under me as their boss. When 48 people rejected this decision I was emotionally and mentally disturbed. I was extremely hard working and the only reason I could see which would be the cause of the retaliation was my gender. Getting accepted as a female leader wasn’t going to be easy. I was 24 at that time. I could not sustain the pressure so after some months I shifted to another city to join a new project.

The findings in this section illustrate the importance of the term Think Manager–Think Male coined by Schein et al. (1996) as a prominent factor that fosters gender bias in the workplace. The findings show how workplace gender bias originates from the incongruity that exists between an individual’s gender and the perceived skills and characteristics required for a management or leadership position. We can see the cultural stereotypes at work in these narratives pointing towards the status quo of male power and inequalities in organisations by deeming women lacking in the necessary characteristics and skills to occupy managerial or leadership positions.

Gendered expectations and narratives of defiance

In comparison to Mahrukh and Hania, there were also instances of women who occupied leadership positions and had developed different coping strategies to contest the resistance of men. For example, Noor Jahan – who works in the power and telecom sector and is not married, shared that when she was new to the leadership role, she encountered many difficulties from her the male colleagues.

I knew from the start that it was going to be difficult for men to accept me on the leadership position. As a result, I tried to create an amicable environment. I tried to ignore episode when men would speak over me in meetings. However, I realized with time that the men saw my behaviour of creating an amicable environment as my weakness. They considered me a submissive and weak person. It is at this point that I decided to become extremely straightforward, adopted a stricter tone and would raise my voice firmly if someone tried to speak over me. I became more forceful and assertive in my communication.

Noor Jahan felt that adopting a stricter attitude, tone and stopping her male colleagues when they tried to talk over her worked for her and with time the resistance started to diminish.

Ruqqiya – who is married and occupies a leadership position in a non-profit organisation – also emphasised that she had to become more forceful and assertive in her ideas and opinions when she started in her leadership position. It is apparent from these examples that adopting traits that were associated with masculinity such as being assertive and forceful in their conversations made these women more acceptable in their leadership positions.

The findings show that despite discrimination, women are developing strategies to counter these experiences. These findings contribute towards research that focusses on examining strategies that women are adopting to overcome disadvantages they encounter in their workplace (Duchek et al., 2022; Jogulu & Franken, 2022). At the same time though, it is important to mention here that along with focusing on the strategies women build to counter male bias in the workplace, it is equally important to address patriarchal structures in the workplace and wider society, that place women in a position of disadvantage. Without structural changes, women will have to carry the responsibility of contesting gender bias in the workplace themselves, which will not change the systemic disadvantage that women face.

Toxic masculinity and cultural expectations of honour

The data further revealed that sexual harassment is a significant issue faced by working women in Pakistan. The participants discussed their experiences of sexual harassment and strategies used by managers to discourage them from reporting these crimes. Jaweria – who is a journalist and is presently employed – described how she lost her job at a local media channel because she reported a senior official at work for touching her inappropriately on numerous occasions. Jaweria shared:

I encountered sexual harassment while working at a local media channel. On two occasions, a senior official deliberately brushed his hand across my back. Initially, due to the crowded office environment, I gave him the benefit of the doubt. However, upon realizing his deliberate actions and witnessing his smirk, I confronted the issue. Speaking with other female colleagues, I discovered he had a reputation as a serial harasser, but they refrained from reporting him due to his powerful position and fear of damaging their own reputation. Driven by my upbringing as an assertive individual who stands up for my rights, I reported the incident. Unfortunately, the management took no action and instead terminated my contract. I was told by a colleague a few months later that the reason why I got sacked was that I reported that guy.

Similarly, Sadia – who was previously employed as a lecturer – experienced harassment while working at an elite university, but instead of firing the aggressor, her boss encouraged her to ignore the behaviour. Sadia explained:

So, one of the reasons why I left my job was the toxic working environment and the harassment issues. I was associated with a very elite university, but they did not have any proper laws in place to deal with sexual harassment issues. There were instances when I was continuously harassed by a male colleague. I decided to report him and spoke to my boss. But my boss just told me to ignore it. That guy went on to harass female students as well, but my boss did not do anything about it. It was this toxic male culture, where men cover the wrongdoings of other men. The poor female students didn’t have the courage to speak against him because of the fear of losing their reputation. This weird notion of honour restricts females from speaking up. Anyways, when nothing was done even after reporting that guy, again and again, I ended up quitting my job.

The experiences of these two women clearly indicate the power disparity that exists between men and women in the workplace. In both of these examples, the women were advised by their male managers that they should not make complaints. Instead of support from the management for being harassed, one of the participants was fired and the other was forced to resign. This illustrates how women in Pakistan are victimised when they speak up against harassment in their organisations (Ali & Kramar, 2015; Sarwar & Imran, 2019). Our findings demonstrate that the support the male perpetrators received from management reflects how the structures and policies within a workplace are influenced by macro level cultural values and social norms existing in the society that place women in a subordinate position to men.

In comparison to Jaweria and Sadia, the other participants who spoke about the harassment issues decided to stay silent on the issue and not report it. The results suggest that the ‘honour’ badge that is attached to women helps prevent them from voicing their concerns over men’s harassment. Unless and until workplaces hold men accountable for their actions, women will continue to face barriers to expressing their voice. For example, Ansa – who is employed as a lecturer – shared:

Men in our society know they can get away with their snarky and derogatory comments. Recently, I had to get clearance for a project. The man who I had to get clearance from started to call me and message me at night. I could not give him a shut-up call because I needed clearance from him. If I did, I knew my project’s clearance would get delayed. And even more important than that was risking my reputation by complaining against him. I knew from experiences of others how instead of men being held accountable for their actions, a woman’s reputation is maligned. For the fear of losing my respect, I stayed quiet. I eventually left that place.

The participants indicated that there were no explicit or well-defined procedures established for reporting incidents of sexual harassment in their respective workplaces. The lack of proper procedure for women to lodge a complaint against male perpetrators can be identified as a way of reinforcing the cultural script of maintaining dominance of men over women by keeping women silent. It is important to mention here that owing to the complexity inherent in the narrative of honour and shame, having proper policies for harassment in place may not be entirely effective, as notions of modesty and fear of losing honour are deeply rooted in societal norms and values. Therefore, along with having proper harassment policies in place it is crucial to address the cultural and social factors that hinder women from speaking out against harassment.

Implications

The findings of this study suggest that policymakers, academics, and practitioners must approach the challenges that women face in employment at a number of levels. In light of these findings, it would be naïve to assume that merely devising equal opportunity policies will lead to an increase in women’s engagement with the labour market. Rather, in addition to employment policies that support equal opportunities for women and men, there is a need to develop – and effectively enforce – policies that can focus on informing cultural and family change to support women – who have completed education beyond secondary level – to engage and succeed in Pakistan’s labour market.

For example, our findings identify, domestic and caring responsibilities as major barriers preventing women from pursuing employment after post school studies. The implementation of policies such as affordable day care centres is mostly seen as a solution to alleviate this burden and enable women's workforce participation. However, cultural and social attitudes towards such policies need to be considered, including concerns about women being viewed as inadequate mothers or resistance from husbands due to traditional gender roles.

It is crucial for policies to not only provide childcare but also through advocacy and social awareness campaigns promote it as a positive development that supports children’s education and development and that fosters societal acceptance of women pursuing careers after having children. Electronic and social media platforms can be used as potential avenues for raising awareness about the necessity of transforming existing cultural values and social norms that maintain the traditional caregiver and breadwinner model within in the domestic and workplace systems. Furthermore, to counter these traditional gender roles governments and organisations should actively encourage fathers to take paternal leave. This approach can facilitate in creating a supportive environment for fathers to engage in childcare, thus challenging traditional gender roles, and shifting societal attitudes towards caregiving responsibilities.

Our research further indicates that Pakistani women face significant barriers in speaking out against harassment in the workplace due to the association of their name with honour and modesty. Workplace norms and societal values further contribute to this issue, as women fear reputational damage if they report harassment incidents. In such contexts, workplace policies alone are insufficient in resolving this problem, as it is deeply rooted in cultural and social factors. Addressing this problem requires launching social awareness campaigns that challenge the narrative of shame and honour surrounding harassment and hold perpetrators accountable. By shifting the blame from women to the perpetrators, these campaigns may assist to eliminate the shame associated with reporting harassment issues.

Conclusion

Our study adopted an ecological systems approach to examine the experiences of employed and previously employed women in the developing, patriarchal, and collectivist socio-cultural context of Pakistan. This approach allowed for a comprehensive understanding of the interactions between various systems that influence women's employment decisions and experiences. It further facilitated in understanding the significant role of relationships in a woman’s life; relationships that can serve to disadvantage certain women, and relationships that are enabling support systems for other women in helping them to overcome traditional cultural values and social norms. Furthermore, it revealed how workplace structures mirror the cultural models prevalent in the Pakistani society that disadvantages women, while also highlighting the agency of women in adopting strategies to counter discrimination.

Although our study has provided important insights into women’s decisions and experiences related to employment, it has certain limitations. Firstly, the narratives discussed may not encompass all experiences due to limitations in research design, sample size, and regional diversity in Pakistan. Different dimensions such as religiosity, socio-economic status, family structures, employment patterns, and educational trends can influence perspectives across provinces. Secondly, our focus on tertiary educated women may overlook the unique challenges faced by less educated women in the labour market. Thirdly, we did not explore the experiences of women who have never been employed, indicating the need for further research to inform policymaking and implementation.

To address these limitations, future research might expand on our study by including a more diverse and larger sample of women from different regions of Pakistan. This would provide a deeper understanding of the lived experiences and decision-making processes related to employment among Pakistani women. Longitudinal studies could also be conducted to assess the long-term impacts of social awareness campaigns and policy interventions aimed at addressing barriers to reporting harassment and promoting women's employment. By tracking changes over time in attitudes, behaviours, and outcomes, such studies can offer valuable insights into the effectiveness and sustainability of these interventions. Additionally, investigating the intersectionality of gender with other social identities, such as religion, would contribute to a more comprehensive understanding of the challenges faced by women in pursuing employment.

In conclusion, future research should continue to explore the complex interplay of cultural, social, and institutional factors that shape women's decisions and experiences related to employment. By addressing the limitations of our study and delving deeper into the diverse realities of Pakistani women, researchers can contribute to informed policymaking and the development of effective interventions to support women in the labour market.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Additional information

Funding

This work was supported by University of Queensland Research and Training Scholarship. This research was also supported by the Australian Government through the Australian Research Council’s Centre of Excellence for Children and Families over the Life Course (Project ID CE200100025).

Notes on contributors

Asma Zulfiqar

Asma Zulfiqar is a research assistant and a sessional academic at the School of Social and Political Sciences, University of Melbourne.Her research focuses on inequalities and social disadvantage. Her particular areas of interest include gender, education, and social policy research.

Ella Kuskoff

Ella Kuskoff is a Research Fellow in the School of Social Science, at The University of Queensland. Her research focuses on social and policy responses to inequality and disadvantage, and how these responses may be changed to more effectively address social issues. Her particular areas of interest include domestic violence, gender, and homelessness.

Jenny Povey

Jenny Povey is the Deputy Director (Training) and Principal Research Fellow at Institute for Social Science Research, The University of Queensland. In this role Jenny leads the development and implementation of ISSR's training programmes. Jenny’s research focuses on education effectiveness, parent engagement, student wellbeing, evidenced-based practice, and research that impacts policy and practice. She has extensive experience in large scale mixed methods evaluations, using administrative data together with survey and qualitative data.

Janeen Baxter

Janeen Baxter is Director of the Australian Research Council (ARC) Centre of Excellence for Children and Families over the Life Course and ARC Kathleen Fitzpatrick Laureate Fellow in the Institute for Social Science Research at the University of Queensland. Janeen has research interests in social disadvantage, gender inequality, family dynamics, life course and longitudinal studies and has published widely in these areas, as well as supervising the research of numerous higher degree students and research fellows. Janeen has served on several editorial boards for national and international journals and is an elected fellow of the Academy of Social Sciences in Australia.

Appendix

Interview guide: This guide indicates topics we aim to cover in the interviews and some illustrative questions and prompts on how these topics might be approached, rather than a scripted interview schedule. Given that these are semi-structured interviews, how these topics will be brought into the conversation will be flexible and responsive to interviewee cues.

1. Aspirations (study, career, family). Thinking back to when you were a teenager, what did you want to do when you finished school? Can you tell me more about what you did when you left school (use the information in the survey as prompts, e.g. I see you went to college, what were you hoping to achieve through your studies)?

2. Individual identity. How would you describe yourself? Who do you identify with?

3. Relationship with their parents/influence on education. Which one of your parents do/did you get on with more? Who had more influence on the direction your life has taken? In what ways do you think your educational and personal life’s journey is different from/similar to that of your mother’s? What was your extended families views on female education? What barriers did you encounter in pursuing higher education? What were your enabling factor?

4. Educational journey. Tell me about your experience of school (if applicable, and college) and what role your education played in your life and the choices you made. Tell about you experience with your teachers?

5. Other key figures. Can you tell me about XXX (use information from the survey), how he/she influenced your life choices.

6. Gender discrimination. (if applicable) Can you give some examples of the types of gender discrimination you have experienced at home or in society. How have these experiences impacted the choices you have made?

7. Attitudes towards equality in marriage. In the survey you said xxx, can you tell me the reasons you feel this way.

8. Women working in male dominated fields. (if applicable) In the survey you said you work as a xxx. Can you tell me about your experience of working in this occupation? How have you been treated in the job and by family and friends.

9. Overall employment experience. Could you tell me a bit about your employment experience, the challenges you faced. Did you adopt any strategies to overcome the issues you were facing? Did your parents/spouse encourage you to pursue employment?

10. Reason for quitting employment. In the survey you said due to xxxxx reason you quit your employment. Could you please give more insight into the reasons and your decision to quit.

11. Views on women combining families and careers. In the survey you said xxx, can you tell me the reasons you feel this way.

12. Views on domestic help from men. In the survey you said xxxx, could you please tell me the reason you feel this way.

13. Life satisfaction. How satisfied are you with the choices you have made?

14. Future goals and motivations. What has been your greatest achievement? What would you still like to achieve?