“An incredible voyage through Portugal” – the promotion of rural provenance foods by urban specialty shops

ABSTRACT

This article analyzes how rural provenance foods are portrayed by the promotional materials, websites and social media issued by urban specialty stores in Portugal. Even though provenance food may be defined in multiple ways as, among others, local, regional, traditional, and authentic, provenance is mostly about territories of origin: their biophysical characteristics, cultural values and practices of food production and preparation with socioeconomic and historical features. Interest in and consumption of rural provenance foods have increased in the last few decades and more recently have been accompanied by a growth of specialty food stores in urban contexts. To analyze these stores’ role in promoting rural provenance foods, content analysis was conducted on 7489 text and image files, collected from the websites, social media pages and printed materials of 30 stores located in three Portuguese cities (Aveiro, Lisbon and Porto). Data shows that the role of these stores is not limited to the commercialization of food products, but is also key in the promotion and dissemination of their physical, sensorial and symbolic features as well as of the material and immaterial characteristics of their places of origin at local, regional and national scales.

KEYWORDS:

• Content analysis
• promotional materials
• websites and social media
• rural provenance food
• urban specialty stores

Introduction

In recent years we have witnessed an increasing interest in and consumption of rural provenance food products, accompanied by a growing number of specialty stores commercializing these foodstuffs within urban centers. Both correlated trends support Gangjee’s (2017, 12) argument that “for foodstuffs and agricultural products, provenance matters like never before.” The appeal of provenance foods to both consumers (e.g., Meah and Watson 2013; Truninger 2010) and retailers (Figueiredo 2021; Silva et al. 2021) also benefits from policy support (e.g., within European Union – EU) for their production, preservation and certification (Figueiredo 2021; Gangjee 2017). Its salience – national, regional, village or territory-based – is also found mirrored in the promotion and marketing of these foodstuffs, especially in Europe (Tregear and Giraud 2011). Rural provenance food concept is not, however, univocal and consumers are exposed to distinct images and meanings inherent to other designations such as traditional, local, authentic, alternative, of special quality, organic, fair-trade and, also, geographical indications. The link which is common to all, and their distinctiveness as provenance foodstuffs, lies in the exploitation of local natural factors and specific biophysical characteristics alongside historical, environmental and economic constraints, altogether forging a specific identity (Figueiredo 2021).

The overarching concept of rural provenance food used in this article includes the widespread common denominator of traditional, authentic, or local foods: the embeddedness in and reflection of cultural elements of the territory. It closely follows the definition proposed by Figueiredo (2021) encompassing a broader range of products produced in rural territories and commercialized by specialty stores in urban contexts. Rural provenance food products, whose promotion this article analyses, are thus in line with the assumption of Bessière (1998) that food is more than just food, precisely because of the cultural – together with the biophysical – features of its territories of provenance. As Blue (2008) and Figueiredo (2021) state, understood as such, rural provenance food products may transcend local boundaries and become part of regional and even national identities and heritage.

Previous research (e.g., Meah and Watson 2013; Silva et al. 2021) on provenance food products has mainly focused on circumstances of production, geographical paths and distance to commercialization sites, alternative food networks and short supply chains as signs of an apparent global shift away from massification, defined by Goodman (2003) as a “quality turn” in food practices. However, the role of (often small) specialty food shops in promoting rural provenance foods in urban settings and linkages between producers and territories of origin remains an underexplored topic.

This article addresses this gap by answering the question of how rural provenance food products are being promoted and portrayed by the promotional materials issued by or available at urban specialty stores in Portugal. For this purpose, content analysis was conducted on 7489 text and image files collected from the websites, social media (Facebook and Instagram) pages and printed materials of 30 stores located in three Portuguese cities: Aveiro, Lisbon and Porto. Evidence shows that these stores, although they have the main purpose of commercializing food products, play an important role in the promotion and dissemination of these products’ special physical, sensorial and symbolic features, and of their provenance’s material and immaterial characteristics.

Rural provenance food products and their promotion by urban specialty stores

The profusely studied valorization of provenance foods by consumers, together with the strategies and policies of preservation and certification processes (Grunert and Aachman 2016) or the impact of small-scale productions on local and rural development (Tregear et al. 2007) demonstrate the growing relevance of provenance in the discussion, conceptualization, promotion and choice of food. This occurs despite its many ambiguities, as noted by, among others, Gangjee (2017).

Designating a wide range of products with distinctive qualities, rural provenance food reflects the countryside’s nature and character, mirroring the variations across territories with different biophysical conditions, history, cultures and distinct dietary habits (Figueiredo 2021). As such, it is a concept that integrates the natural, biophysical and cultural-based processes of creation and transformation, including food quality practices, food policies anchored in the territory and sociocultural conventions involving several actors (e.g., Figueiredo 2021; Tregear et al. 2007). It is coherent with the notion that food is not just food (as stated by Bessière 1998) or just a product (as mentioned by Amilien and Hegnes 2013). Albeit often associated with nature, food is, at its very core, culture (Montanari 2006), resulting from those processes of creation, transformation and production that inspire multidimensional and complex consumption practices, and henceforth fulfilling much more than a nourishment function.

According to Montanari (2006), food is culture when is produced, prepared and eaten. It is its position in the intersection of tradition and innovation, (especially provenance food with its strong anchorage in specific cultural and natural contexts) that makes it a cultural asset by excellence, deriving from knowledge, techniques and values that over time allowed it to transform how individuals live in and experience their environment. Critically analyzing the meaning of the concept of traditional food, Amilien and Hegnes (2013) consider tradition as anchored in a system composed by time, meaning and knowledge as central elements in dialogue with place, the main component of a given origin/provenance. In their line of reasoning, the myriad of possible iterations between these dimensions justifies, to a certain extent, the different (and often divergent) meanings attributed to food. These vary among discourses produced by different agents with diverse degrees of power, purposes and time-perspectives, which determine the valorization and the preservation (or not) of traditional products in different contexts and cultures.

As recognized by Amilien and Hegnes (2013) for traditional food and by Eriksen (2013) for local food, and, we may add, for rural provenance food, common definitions and meanings are difficult to reach. The lack thereof is due to their references to particular places, time, roots, memories, cultures and traditions that are not confined to local boundaries and may be part of regional or national identities (Blue 2008; Figueiredo 2021). The interest, valorization, preservation and consumption of specific food products as distinctive and embodying local, regional, national cultural heritage appears to be part of the response to the standardizing and industrializing paths of food production, retailing and consumption brought by food globalization (e.g., Amilien and Hegnes 2013; Goodman 2003; Kneafsey, Venn, and Bos 2017).

In this vein, alternative or nonconventional arrangements, such as consumer cooperatives, farmers’ markets and direct sales initiatives (Kneafsey, Venn, and Bos 2017; Silva et al. 2021) are increasingly sought by consumers who care about the provenance and quality of food products. For these people, not only does the concrete origin site matter, but also the use of specific raw materials from that site, abiding by traditional recipes and practices (e.g., Meah and Watson 2013) that confer authenticity and distinction to the products. Authenticity in food is, therefore, about valuing food, tradition and provenance as proxies of local identity and culture. This may materialize in consumer ethnocentrism (Bryla 2019; Fernández-Ferrín et al. 2018) or food nationalism (or gastronationalism, as discussed by DeSoucey 2010), both trends reflecting an interest (often constructed by policies at several scales, as again DeSoucey (2010) notes) in buying and consuming national, regional or local food products. Often, this preference goes along with an aura of distinction or even elitist and distinguished taste (Bryla 2019). This is particularly evidenced by the several regulations and branding mechanisms (as within the EU, the PGI – protected geographic indication or PDO – protected designation of origin labels), rooting productions in particular places, environmental conditions and cultures and potentially constructing new social and political meanings for food and places (Bardone and Spalvena 2019; DeSoucey 2010; Gangjee 2017; Tregear and Giraud 2011).

Despite little being known about urban specialty stores and their role in fostering consumers’ preference for provenance products (rural as in Figueiredo 2021; Kneafsey, Venn, and Bos 2017; Silva et al. 2021, or organic as in; Pétursson 2018, 2021) their small scale and urban location appears to enable closer relations with consumers and allow the promotion of these foodstuffs as differentiated products (Pétursson 2018; Silva et al. 2021). This promotion strategy draws on a narrative about the products and their physical, sensorial, symbolic and cultural features, from a specific region of origin, also reflecting relevant determinants of food choice. Furthermore, as found in Pétursson (2013, 2018), the venues selling this specific type of products foster emotionally loaded, invested relations between customers, shops, products and producers’ values.

The reasons why consumers choose these products lie both in hedonistic (e.g., taste, flavor, health, well-being and appearance) and altruistic motives (e.g., personal values related to environmental concerns, animal welfare, support for sustainability, as stated by Asioli et al. 2011) as well as on the products’ authenticity and tradition (Figueiredo 2021), heritage and artisanship (Blake, Mellor, and Crane 2010) or quality certification (Grunert and Aachman 2016). There is also evidence that these products elicit searched feelings of nostalgia (Truninger 2010), perceived trust and stability (Bryla 2015), affection (Pétursson 2013, 2021) and familiarity (Reid and Rout 2016).

The marketing and promotion of provenance foods satisfy these motives and valued dimensions, often alluding to environmental, ethical and health aspects and to a values-based position for sustainability and social change. In the same vein, promotional strategies are attuned to the products’ main features highlighting authenticity and tradition as important symbolic features to enhance a product’s personality built upon places of origin, raw materials, culture, history and local communities’ know-how. These features are generally presented in contrast to industrial and massified products and unsustainable agri-food systems (Asioli et al. 2011). As argued by Amilien and Hegnes (2013), tradition can be a device against massified agri-food industry and for sustainability of current rural livelihoods, possibly since it is not restricted to past times but is in a dialectic relation with innovative technologies that allow for better, safer, optimized productions. Combined with tradition and nostalgia (Truninger 2010), authenticity becomes a device of “retro marketing,” adapting elements of the past into contemporary times and viewpoints and involving the consumer in an emotionally meaningful narrative of belonging (Bryla 2015). This feature is also present in food marketing strategies that promote foodstuffs as exclusive, highly valuable, gourmet, unique and original (Singer 2019), configuring a kind of “elite authenticity” (Mapes 2020) and appealing to consumers who desire unique qualities of food products as well as excellent reputation and prestige.

Additional relevant elements in provenance food marketing strategies are the physical and sensorial characteristics of the products (Sidali et al. 2013). This includes packaging features, appearance and consistency as well as nutritional and informational elements. Packaging, coined as the “silent salesman” or the “two-second commercial” (Singer 2018), allows the consumer to grasp how the product looks, smells, and feels. However, proper taste and scent are the main sensorial attributes in promotion strategies meeting relevant factors for food choice (Asioli et al. 2011) that vary across regional and national territories drawing on habits, familiarity, beliefs, and culture. The products’ ethos, represented often by the producers’ characteristics, processes and means of production, is also an important element. The discursive details used to promote the processes (as artisanal, home-made, or gourmet) generally, according to Singer (2019), meet three different consumer perceptions: i) food as the result of an “invisible labor,” deriving from the natural conditions of specific places, with almost no agricultural effort; ii) food production seen as a “labor of love” rather than an economic activity, representing farmers and farming as idyllic and picturesque and iii) food as a “firm labor,” resulting from the collaboration with farmers, through fair trade and respecting the environment.

These values and perceptions about food and its provenance are explored by retailers and other actors within the food production and commercialization chains through the use of several resources and materials, digital and printed. More recently, social networks (such as Facebook and Instagram¹) are currently prevailing marketing tools not only reaching a wider public, but also enabling bidirectional relationships and co-construction of meaning (Ladhari et al. 2020). Although digital, websites share some characteristics with traditional (printed) marketing resources, such as their centralized, mainly informational structure and their low interactivity. However, precisely because of this structured nature, they are able to convey more information on food products’ characteristics by presenting a wide assortment that can be easily checked comfortably from home (Barska and Solis 2020).

Methodology

Data collection

This article addresses the question of how Portuguese rural provenance food products are being promoted and portrayed in printed materials, websites and on social media (Facebook and Instagram pages), issued by or available at urban specialty shops, by exploring three dimensions:

• Type of food products represented and the symbolic, physical and sensorial attributes highlighted;

• Producers and production processes emphasized;

• Provenance territories and corresponding symbolic and physical attributes stressed, including the description and relevance of certification labels;

To explore these dimensions, a set of promotional materials, both digital and printed, were collected from 30 specialty food stores located in three Portuguese cities: Aveiro (n = 5), Lisbon (n = 12) and Porto (n = 13) (Table 1). Lisbon and Porto are the country’s largest cities and respectively ranked 63rd and 96th in the most visited cities worldwide in 2019 (Silva et al. 2021). Aveiro, a medium-sized city (by Portuguese standards) was selected for comparison purposes. Despite having experienced an increase in tourism influx over recent years, like Lisbon and Porto (Silva et al. 2021), it mainly attracts day visitors.

Table 1. Materials analyzed by type and number of stores.

	Websites publications	Facebook posts	Instagram posts	Printed materials	Total
Number of stores	15	30	23	19
Number of text files	1026	1248	1369	101	3744
Number of image files	1024	1219	1368	136	3747
Total	2050	2467	2737	237	7491

The selection of the 30 stores derived from a hierarchical cluster analysis performed based on the results of a previous survey with a universe of 113 shops located in the three cities. Three clusters of stores were identified:

1. “The Wine Focused,” including stores dedicated to commercializing wine and other beverages;

2. “The Rural Provenance Focused,” comprising shops selling mainly rural provenance food products;

3. “The Generalist,” including shops commercializing a wide range of products with diverse provenances.²

Considering both the number of stores per city and per cluster, the 30 stores were thus selected using a random number generator and all the printed promotional materials (brochures, business cards and leaflets), website publications and social media (Facebook and Instagram) posts issued until December 31st, 2019 were collected according to the overarching criteria of referring to Portuguese rural provenance food products. All these materials were manually collected, transcribed and/or copied and converted into Word and JPEG files. A total of 7491 files (3744 text and 3747 images) were analyzed (Table 1).

Data analysis

Both the text and image files were subjected to content analysis using NVivo 12 software. A coding frame containing categories, sub-categories, attributes and values was built based on the literature review and preliminary assessment of the materials collected. Eight categories and corresponding sub-categories, attributes and values were selected to address the research question and its dimensions (Table 2).

Table 2. Number of categories, sub-categories, attributes and values analyzed in both text and image files.

Categories	Number of sub-categories	Number of attributes	Number of values	Total
Type of Products	11	234	507	752
Characteristics of products	6	261	3	270
Ways and Processes of production	2	13	0	15
Certification	2	16	21	39
Producer	8	55	20	83
Geographical origin	3	126	1	130
Reference to the region	4	76	9	89
Symbolic Reference to the Region	3	37	51	91
Total	39	818	612	1469

In addition to objective references to the categories, the analysis also addressed the coding of symbolic and intangible elements and attributes depicted, for which it was especially relevant to have the insight of the two coders and a high inter-rater agreement. The categories considered include sensorial, symbolic and immaterial attributes of the products; symbolic references to the producer; descriptive elements of the process and ways of production; symbolic references to the origin and the rural contexts and immaterial characteristics of the store and the consumers. Some excerpts from the examined text materials are used to further illustrate the analysis.

Based on the coding frames created for each category, all the materials were coded and contextualized, including the 3747 images collected. For the image files, the analysis also encompassed the coding of objective and reified visual representations of a given category. This includes, for example, the visual representation of physical and tangible attributes of types of products (such as a bottle of wine or the color and texture of a fruit or olive oil); he imagery of a specific phase of production or artisanal labor; the depiction of certification labels; the visual allusion to the producers; objective references and visual representations of the places of origin; as well as visual representations and characteristics depicted of the store, staff and of the consumer. In addition to these categories, all images were also coded according to formal aspects of photographic framing, such as image quality as well as scenario variety and type, as further detailed in Table 3.

Table 3. Categories and sub-categories of ways of photographing the products.

CategoriesWays of photographing the products
Quality of the image	Amateur
	Centered
	Blurred
	Focused
	Not centered
	Professional
Scenario variety	Only one scenario
	Multiple scenario
Type of image	One image with one product
	One image with multiple products
	The same product repeated
	One Image with the same product of different size
	Multiple images of one product
	Multiple images of multiple products
Type of scenario	Cozy
	Cosmopolitan
	Historical
	Ludic
	Modern
	Multiple type
	Nature
	Nostalgic
	Rustic
	Traditional
	Urban
	Zen

Results and discussion

Type of products represented – symbolic, physical and sensorial characteristics highlighted

The marketing of rural provenance food products revolves mainly around the products and their characteristics, as shown in Table 4. The promotion lies on the emphasis given to the biophysical and sociocultural contexts of origin as shown in the substantial references to the set of categories representing territory (“geographical origin,” “reference to the region” and “symbolic reference to the region”) and productions (“producer” and “ways and processes of production”).

Table 4. References to the general categories analyzed.

General Categories	N	%
Type of products	17,192	37.4
Characteristics of products	15,725	34.2
Geographical origin	5099	11.1
Producer	4516	9.8
Symbolic Reference to the Region	1023	2.2
Ways and Processes of Production	983	2.1
Reference to the region of provenance	979	2.1
Certification	364	0.8
Total	45,881	100%

The “type of products” (Table 5) correspond to the most characteristic Portuguese food products (in line with the findings of Figueiredo 2021): wine, olive oil, cheese and cured meat products. However, wine stands out – with almost half of the total references – including frequent common cues of the heritage, status and recognition of marketing detailed descriptions, such as the wine’s “name” or “brand,” the “year” and the “grape variety” (caste). The “type of wine” (e.g., port, white, red) is also relevant, together with sensorial and physical features and the embeddedness in a “terroir.” The references to the terroir, mainly used by “The Wine Focused” shops (80.7%) encompass several elements identified by Barham (2003) as terroir delineators. These include allusions to the historical geographic distribution of a product’s savoir faire and empirical evidence (such as chemical composition) of abiding by the different phases of the genuine production process.

Table 5. References to type of products.

Type of Products	N	%
Wine	8044	46.8%
Vegetables and derivatives	2475	14.4%
Olive oil	2177	12.6%
Others	1730	10.1%
Cheese and other milk products	956	5.6%
Honeys, jams and jellies	630	3.7%
Other beverages	527	3%
Cured meat and other meat products	480	2.8%
Meat	173	0.9%
Total	17,192	100%

The prominence of wine is also explained by common references to it in the promotional materials of the other two clusters of stores, either by itself or pairing with other typical foodstuffs. This is evident in “The Rural Provenance Focused” shops, with 55% of the references to “port wine,” a Portuguese specialty often harmonizing with this shops’ main products, such as “cheese and other milk products” (85.4% of references per cluster), including traditional and typical varieties of goat and sheep cheese; “cured meat and other animal by-products” (88.8%) such as traditional ham and other specialty meat products made mainly of pork (“enchidos”) and “honey, jams and jellies” (78.6%). Origin-specific honeys are manifold, including rosemary, eucalyptus, and chestnut tree. The jams and jellies are made from typical foodstuffs, mostly fruits and vegetables, often combined with dried fruits.

More than others, the promotion of these products emphasizes their authentic and traditional character intertwined with the know-how of their production, often transmitted intergenerationally, the raw materials used in their preparation and the connection to specific places:

There are few things better in life than a proper genuine ‘enchido’ (P2.1, Facebook).³

Five generations of the same family (L2.1, Instagram).

Our foodstuffs tell a lot of stories, rejuvenate Alentejo and preserve the wild life of the Portuguese forest (L2.4, Facebook).

This wine carries his daughter’s name and the grapes are from his first vineyard (L1.1, Facebook).

The elements highlighted in the promotion of the rural provenance foods coincide with the four main dimensions proposed by Amilien and Hegnes (2013) regarding traditional food: time, meaning, knowledge and place. These combine in different narratives regarding meanings of food and its preservation, transformation and/ or innovation.

As shown in Table 5, “vegetables and derivatives” are the second-most referenced category of products, especially in “The Generalist” shops (61%) and on social media (Instagram, 34.8% and Facebook, 32.8%). More frequently consumed, these products may benefit from the potential of these media in fostering long-term, closer and trustworthy relationships with the customers, as also highlighted by Bryla (2015) and, for the specific case of organic food, by Pétursson (2018, 2021). The category of “vegetables and derivatives” included healthy foodstuffs, typical of the Mediterranean diet, such as “dried fruits” (17.2%), “herbs” (9%) and “olives” (8.6%). These products, together with “olive oil” (the third-most referenced product) are described using mostly foreign expressions found in the promotional materials related to health, well-being and ecological values. This suggests a certain cosmopolitism and internationalization of these aspects in relation to the consumption of these food products. “The Generalist” cluster accounts for 74.4% of the references to those products – much due to two stores which specialize in olive oil included therein – providing a level of detail similar to what is found in wine promotion. What is more, it suggests that exclusivity may stimulate an in-depth marketing approach, alluding to all or most of the general categories displayed in Table 5:

This extra virgin premium olive oil was obtained from olives from our traditional olive grove, typical of the Douro valley, that surrounds the vineyards. Serving as a complement to wine in our sustainable and healthy Mediterranean diet (L3.1, Facebook).

In the mouth, it reveals a persistent sweet, sour and spicy flavor (…) to taste the complexity of flavors, follow our steps and explore this new world (L3.2, Promotional material)

The entanglement with the origin and tradition is reinforced by the images chosen to evoke the products’ rural provenance or a traditional ambience. Accordingly, the more frequent sceneries used are “traditional,” (42% of the references in “The Rural Provenance Focused” cluster of shops) and “rustic” (37.1%), which are common to the three clusters. The promotion of olive oil and vegetables are often framed with “modern” and “natural” scenarios. This appeal to nature impacts food quality perceptions, potentially more through a visual medium. Lisbon (73.8%) and “The Generalist” (61.2%) shops use these resources more often, the latter comprising more than 70% of references to organic certification and PDO. Images can be powerful marketing tools to evoke and transmit symbolic and intangible features that, alongside textual elements, constitute more than half of the references to the categories of symbolic and physical and sensorial characteristics of the products (Tables 6 and 7). These visual elements, in terms of the formal photographic aspects, are usually framed in centered pictures (86.3%), often a little bit blurred (58.1%) and less professional (4.8%). Overall, they are presented with only one scenario (99%), mainly with one image depicting multiple products (55.2%) or a single product (44.7%).

Table 6. References to the symbolic attributes of the food products.

Products Characteristics	N	%
Symbolic Attributes	9061	57.6%
Health and Environment	2950	32.5%
Organic	840	28.5%
Healthy	496	16.8%
Specific effects on health	325	11%
Status/Excellence	1955	21.6%
Awarded	337	17.2%
International Recognition	236	12.1%
Special character	197	10.1%
Authenticity and typicity	1247	13.7%
Artisanal way of doing	315	25.3%
Traditional or tradition	270	21.7%
Authenticity	245	19.6%
Attractiveness	685	7.5%
Elegance	216	31.5%
Delicacy	184	26.9%
Sweetness	60	8.8%
Quality	406	4.5%
Quality	323	80%
Good	57	1.4%
Duration	9	2.2%
Experiences	294	3.3%
Surprising	30	70.4%
Unforgettable	14	10.2%
Irresistible	11	4.8%
Innovation	85	1%
Modern	27	31.8%
Irreverent	18	21.2%
Versatile	18	21.2%

Table 7. References to the physical and sensorial attributes of the food products.

Products Characteristics (N = 5483)	N	%
Physical and Tangible Attributes	3441	21.9%
Logo/Brand	1229	35.7%
Color	773	22.5%
Appearance	402	11.7%
Ingredients	371	10.8%
Consistency	357	10.4%
Size	197	5.7%
Price	95	2.8%
Weight	16	0.5%
Sensorial Attributes	2042	12.9%
Packaging	1406	68.9%
Taste	910	44.6%
Flavor	597	29.2%
Appearance	26	1.3%
Scent	22	1.1%
Temperature	17	0.8%

From the dimensions aggregating the majority of the descriptors found, the more salient expresses value-based claims of “health and environment” (some common to Eriksen 2013), occurring, mainly in “The Generalist” cluster with 55% of references to the “organic character of the products” and 52.6% to their “specific effects on health.” It is interesting that an environmental conscience increasingly relates to personal care and being sensitive to eating well and healthily, constituting different angles of a desired social identity driving contemporary consumers’ needs and motivations. These appeals to health and well-being are also associated with appeals to sustainable production and consumption, in line with the “sustainability marketing” strategies pointed out by Belzet and Schmidt-Riediger (2009). Our data suggests that food promoted as healthier may also convey recognition and status, as exemplified by “olive oil” portrayed simultaneously as “healthy” “special” and “awarded,” approaching the “elite authenticity” marketing strategies studied by Mapes (2020). In our materials this is also shown by the recurrent reference to the products as “the best” (in the world, in Portugal, in the region), reflecting both their uniqueness and status and their role as markers of territories’ distinction.

Authenticity (here together with typicity) is a common denominator, incorporating manifest descriptors of authentic origins and processes of production (Table 6). Amongst these, “artisanal” and “traditional” stand out, especially in “The Rural Provenance Focused” shops, due precisely to their focus on the intertwining of food with places of provenance and traditional ways of doing, highlighting the relevance of its embeddedness in a specific cultural heritage and trustfulness in the products’ production and preparation. Even though authenticity is also allusive to typicity here, we argue that this nuclear concept in food marketing is transversal to the “health and environment” and “status/excellence” dimensions as well, addressing concerns of transparent and authentic processes of production (as also emphasized by Blake, Mellor, and Crane 2010). An emphasis on consumers’ “experiences” through consumption of the products is exclusive to “The Wine Focused” shops. On a different note, “innovation” is the least referenced dimension perhaps due to a perception of incompatibility with the preservation of food authenticity and tradition.

The symbolic attributes presented so far are built upon sensorial and physical elements of the food products that include their promotional narratives. As shown in Table 7, amongst the sensorial aspects, “packaging” assumes particular relevance, as also discussed by Singer (2018). The visual and tactile engagement is represented by elements such as “logo/brand” – with pictures favored over text, especially in “The Wine Focused” cluster (38.8%) – “color,” “appearance” and “ingredients.” Several products share their logo with the store, especially when the store is the physical venue of a sole brand (in our sample, and olive oil brand and store – L3.6) or the physical venue of some products which are co-produced by them (in our sample occurring with biscuits and cookies – store P3.3). A third strategy is found in products such as cheese, jams and wine in which the store’s logo and brand is allocated to products originating from small producers who only supply these stores (as in the case of shops P2.1 and L3.4),

Besides packaging, the salience of “taste” and “flavor” among the sensorial elements crosses all the three clusters of shops and (similarly to Asioli et al. 2011) attest to the relevance of these sensorial, hedonic and tangible appeals in food choice and marketing:

The surprise lies in the unique combination of flavors (P1.2, Facebook).

Discover Portugal through olive oil and let yourself be carried away by the flavor and aroma of the best olive oils produced in the world (L3.6, Facebook).

Producers, ways and processes of production – characteristics emphasized

Producers of rural provenance foods are protagonists of the sociocultural ethos of production, an aspect that, as shown in Table 4, is not overlooked in the analyzed materials. They enact identity marketing which is overall more salient in “The Wine Focused” shops (41.3% of the total references), where the producer’s name and relationship to the terroir are wine’s distinctive factors (as also noted by Beverland 2006). Overall, for the identity status expressed by the name or the brand, the marketing of these products highlights a traceable and non-industrial origin from a producer with particular features (Table 8). These closeness to the producers and production ethos, as Fernández-Ferrín et al. (2018) also stressed, is key, and hence most of the producers portrayed in our materials are described in a personal way, often alluding to their desires, entrepreneurial motivations and values. These range from aspects related to production processes, such as their “agroecological approach” and “ecological mission” to more specific product-based aims, as creating something with “excellence,” “quality” and “originality.” Other important vector enhances qualities embodied by them, such as the “dedication,” “know how” and “passion” in the making of the product. 72.7% of these symbolic elements are emphasized in “The Rural Provenance Focused” shops, whose products features are, as already discussed, more anchored in specific cultures and territories:

The man who picks up the grapes, Luis, is a great ‘hunter’ (L1.2, Facebook).

With a lot of attention by experienced hands (P3.4, Instagram).

Authentic creation of cheesemakers (L2.3, Websites)

True land warriors (P1.1, Facebook)

Table 8. References to the symbolic attributes of the producers.

Symbolic characteristics of the producer (N = 686)	N	%
Agroecological	124	18.1%
Dedication	77	11.2%
Ecological Mission	73	10.6%
Know how	55	8.0%
Quality	54	7.9%
Values	31	4.5%
Of excellence	29	4.2%
Biodiversity	26	3.8%
Originality	25	3.6%
Passion	24	3.5%
Commitment	23	3.4%
Familiar	23	3.4%
Traditional	22	3.2%
Famous	16	2.3%
Enthusiast	15	2.2%

Besides placing the product in a specific region, it is common to promote the products through the voice of producers whose insight is fundamental to inform consumers about the product particular attributes. A successful communication of this sort benefits from the reach potential of social media marketing (as in Ladhari et al. 2020) especially Facebook.

Besides the references to the “producer,” the “processes and ways of production” (Table 9) also evince the multi-layered approach to provenance in the materials analyzed, employing discursive details related to “localness,” “embeddedness” (as seen in Murdoch, Marsden, and Banks 2000), and “genuineness” (as highlighted by Figueiredo 2021). Accordingly, “traditional” and “artisanal” also feature prominently in this category, aligned with the perception of food production as a “labor of love” (expressed as well in the producers’ “passion” and “dedication”) – e.g., “his work reflects the everlasting search for perfection” (A2.2, Facebook) – and also as a “firm labor” (Singer 2019) stressing the local-based networks as means to achieve food production sustainability – e.g., “a symbiotic relationship that only works with wise hands” (P2.1, Facebook). Both meanings are conveyed by the significant references to “local savoir-faire,” “individual savoir-faire” and “specific cultures from the region” or even the country – e.g., “preserving the centenary wisdom of Portuguese processes of production” (L3.1, Facebook) – to which it adds the appeal of what is produced naturally, seen in the references to “organic production” (57% of these in “The Rural Provenance Focused” and 37.7% in “The Generalist” clusters). The salience of references to “local savoir faire” (59.5%) and to “specific ways of preparation” (68.2%) within the materials from “The Rural Provenance Focused” stores, may – as pointed out by Bardone and Spalvena (2019), – be referring to traditional products of Latvia and Estonia, and are more important for the process of commodification of traditional foods for the modern market than the use of locally produced ingredients:

New generation embraced the challenge of managing the propriety as Common Good (L2.4, Facebook).

I am proof of everything we hold inside, I am hinterland (L1.2, Promotional materials).

Table 9. References to ways and processes of production.

Ways and processes of production (n = 955)	N	%
Ways of production	814
Traditional	317	38.9%
Artisanal	255	31.3%
Biologic or Organic	114	14%
Combines Tradition with Innovation	80	9.8%
Innovative	21	2.6%
Conventional	15	1.8%
Generalist reference	11	1.4%
Biodynamic	1	0.1%
Process of production	141
Based on local “savoir faire”	42	29.8%
Individual Savoir faire	28	19.9%
Based on specific cultures from the region	28	19.9%
Based on specific ways of preparation at regional or local level	22	15.6%
Generalist reference	11	7.8%
Based on specific ways of farming	10	7.1%

Besides this focus, the materials analyzed employ other common discursive strategies, alluding to natural, local and environmentally-friendly processes in the form of more generic claims tailored to address consumers ethical concerns and values. 56.9% of these references appear on websites, clearly due to their format, in which it is possible to provide more information (compared to Facebook and Instagram).

Territories of provenance – symbolic and physical attributes stressed

The data displayed in Table 4 shows that provenance indeed matters when it comes to promotion of food products and that it is a fundamental element in the marketing of rural provenance foods, at diverse scales. The majority of the references to places of provenance (61.6%) are at NUTS II level, followed by the “national origin” of the products (30.9%) and, to a lesser extent, by references to specific “villages or places” (7.1%). Figure 1 shows that, despite the higher salience of the North (41.2% of the total references to NUTS II), and the scarce significance of the Algarve and Madeira regions, stores (despite some differences observed by city and cluster) indeed propose a comprehensive voyage throughout Portugal when promoting provenance foods.

Figure 1. Geographical origin of the products: total (1), by city (2) and cluster (3) (references’ number by NUTSII).

The choice of producers and products based on proximity is especially evinced by Aveiro and Lisbon stores, respectively promoting products from the Center and Alentejo region. References to Alentejo are higher in “The Generalist” cluster, mainly due to the stores which specialize in olive oil, for which this region is particularly known. Interestingly, “The Rural Provenance Focused” stores seem to source products more evenly throughout the country. This is indicative that different forms of the same and more traditional and typical categories of products can be found in different territories made with diverse raw materials and resources and distinct know-how. “The Wine Focused” stores clearly privilege the North (where the Douro wine region is located) and Center (where the Dão and Bairrada wine regions are set). The Azores Islands are mainly referenced by Lisbon stores included in “The Rural Provenance Focused” cluster (97.1%), due to one store selling exclusively products from this provenance. The regions of provenance tend to be more consistently referred to in websites, reinforcing this media potential to display more detailed information (as highlighted by Barska and Solis 2020).

The use of expressions referring to the national origin, such as “typically Portuguese,” “made in Portugal,” “taste of Portugal,” “best flavors of Portugal” or “an incredible voyage through Portugal,” are quite common in the materials analyzed, appealing to consumers’ ethnocentrism on the one hand and, on the other hand, mirroring what was earlier discussed about the frequent overlap between local, regional and national scales when referring to provenance in food promotion. In fact, despite being anchored in specific regions and localities, food products are often portrayed as part of the Portuguese character and identity (as Blue (2008) discusses for Canadian beef). This synecdoche is particularly evident in “The Wine Focused” stores (52.5% of the total references to provenance, of which 59.3% are to “national origin”), especially the ones located in Porto. It is worth pondering upon that 42.6% of the references in “The Rural Provenance Focused” cluster relate to “specific villages,” suggestive of a strategy of patrimonialization, evocative of local tradition and heritage and inspiring trust, familiarity and closer connections between producers, consumers and specific provenances. This is also related to the fact that, although official food certification labels do not stand out in our analysis (see Table 4), this cluster includes most of the references to specific certified products (67.9%, especially cheese), given that provenance is one of its important flagships meeting a similar need of differentiation to assure the consumer of its quality and authenticity, as well as of tradition and status.

Overall, the few references to certification in the materials analyzed is intriguing, considering the profusion of provenance products in the analyzed context and the general acknowledgment of product certification as a kind of intellectual property of a given place, as referred by Barham (2003). Among the few references to certification labels, 3.4% are general, 60.7% refer to the type of certification (PDO, PGI, BIO, DEMETER) and 35.9% to specific certified products which are often named after the production place. This result does not mean, however, that the stores do not sell certified products, only that, overall, it is not perceived as central for their promotion. This may be due to the fact that many of the certified products sold are quite well known (and already were prior to certification) within the country through place-based denominations (as is the case of “Queijo da Serra” – cheese from the Serra da Estrela area – or “Alheira de Mirandela” – a chicken sausage made in the Mirandela municipality). Also, it may be that these stores aim at a more diversified segment of consumers, ensuring that the promotional elements emphasized are universal enough to be understood by all. This finds some support in a previous study in the Portuguese context by Fernandes et al. (2017), which suggests that products with certification labels are still directed to a niche of consumers with higher socioeconomic status. On the other hand, it may be argued that although a given origin can, through the mechanisms of certification, convey high quality, the origin by itself does not equate with superior quality but a specific one (as in part discussed by DeSoucey 2010). Accordingly, products anchored in an origin or labeled with a geographical name are acknowledged as particular, specific and typical. In our materials, it appears that for the shops, it is sufficient to anchor the products in an origin, independently of their official certification labels.

Although with much fewer references than location itself, places of provenance are also promoted through material and immaterial attributes. As shown in Table 10, the material description of the territories of origin mainly highlights their “agricultural” features and, although to a lesser extent, their “natural” elements which shape foodstuffs’ character and distinctive features. This intertwines with the emphasis on “specific aspects of the territory,” such as the landscape and natural resources and especially of “topography” (23.9%); “soil” (as “granitic,” “schist” or “volcanic”) (27.4%) and the “climate conditions” (22.5%), with an unsurprising highlight on the Mediterranean climate which is deeply entangled in many of the products promotion, especially in “The Rural Provenance Focused” and (mainly due to “olive grove”) “The Generalist” shops. Considering the type of products featuring both clusters, this may result from a promotional strategy based on genuine product-place images conveying naturalness and embeddedness in the biophysical conditions of the territories (as emphasized by Murdoch, Marsden, and Banks 2000):

Feel the schist (L2.1, Website).

The 80-years-old olive grove is planted in schist soil at the edge of the vineyards which gave this olive oil unique characteristics (L3.2, Facebook).

Table 10. References to material attributes of the region of provenance.

Material description of region (N = 587)	N	%
Agricultural	353	58.2%
Agricultural	131	37.1%
Vineyard	87	24.6%
Olive grove	86	24.4%
Homestead	45	12.7%
Vegetable garden	29	8.2%
Demarcated	15	4.2%
Pasture	6	1.7%
Fruit garden	5	1.4%
Natural	234	38.6%
“Montado”*	85	36.3%
Forest	18	7.7%
Natural Resources	17	7.3%
River	12	5.1%
Mount	11	4.7%
Highland	8	3.4%
Mountain	5	2.1%

*Particular type of o cork oak forest landscape, typical of Alentejo.

Symbolic attributes of the region of origin include common marketing appeals in food promotion, which we have aggregated in three dimensions (Table 11): “Essence” of the site (51.4% of total references to symbolic aspects, emphasizing its “naturalness” and “authenticity”); “Attractiveness” of the region (41.1%, highlighting its “special” and “attractive,” “beautiful” and “idyllic” character); and “Preservation” (7.5%, stressing patrimonial aspects). The stores in “The Wine Focused” cluster tend to use more attractiveness-related and preservation descriptors, combined with tradition. “The Rural Provenance Focused” stores, in turn, include more often elements portraying the region’s essence as enhancing the product’s character through its provenance:

The long tradition of viticulture has produced a cultural landscape of exceptional beauty (L1.2, Printed material).

And our future will never end. It will always have continuity while there are men, while there are Douro mountains, lands, vineyards and the river … (L1.2, Printed material).

A sweet praise to the multifunctionality of our ‘montado’ (L2.4, Instagram).

Table 11. References to the symbolic attributes of the region of provenance.

Symbolic description of region (N = 107)	N	%
Essence	55	51.4%
Natural	12	21.8%
Authentic	11	20.0%
Old	5	9.1%
Immense	5	9.1%
Historical	4	7.3%
Vineyard	4	7.3%
Typical	3	5.5%
With potential	2	3.6%
Attractiveness	44	41.10%
Special	17	38.6%
Attractive	5	11.4%
Beautiful	5	11.4%
Idyllic	5	11.4%
Special in the region	4	9.1%
Exceptional	4	9.1%
Potential	2	4.5%
Unique	1	2.3%
Preservation	8	7.50%
Patrimony of humanity	3	37,.5%
World patrimony	2	25%
Preserved	2	25%

Conclusion

This article sought to reveal how urban specialty shops are promoting rural provenance food products, in a context of correlated increasing consumers’ and retailers’ interest in those products. Our analysis discloses a multi-layered marketing approach to provenance in the analyzed materials, at the same time confirming its central role in food promotion (following Figueiredo 2021; Gangjee 2017; Meah and Watson 2013). This recognition cuts across all the dimensions analyzed, from the promotion of specific types of products and their physical, sensorial and symbolic characteristics, to producers and features of production processes’ as well as the material and immaterial attributes of the territories of origin. However, despite further research being needed (namely considering different countries), the narratives and features highlighted around the dimensions analyzed seem, more or less explicitly, to differ according to the type of shops and, to a lesser extent, the type of promotional materials and media.

The empirical evidence shows that the stores’ marketing and promotion strategies revolve around the products and their characteristics with a particular emphasis on those usually identified with Portugal and Portuguese food cultures and traditions. Among these products, wine clearly stands out, followed by vegetables, olive oil and, although less referenced, by cheese. The products are promoted by emphasizing – as is common in general food promotion – their physical and sensorial characteristics and, more particularly, by highlighting their symbolic attributes. The frequent pairing of environmental and health claims and authenticity and tradition features with the products’ provenance is in line with strategies of “elite authenticity” discussed by Mapes (2020) and “sustainability marketing,” pointed out by Belzet and Schmidt-Riediger (2009), targeting consumers’ values, beliefs and practices regarding food choices. Whilst environmental and health features are often more related to the production and commercialization processes and paths, topics of authenticity and tradition are used to enhance the products’ character and value. Overall, both biophysical and cultural characteristics are mobilized, proposing a (often) nostalgic and sensorial journey to food places of provenance.

The physical, sensorial and symbolic features of the food products are also conveyed through references to processes and means of production, alluding to their traditional and artisanal character and embeddedness in agroecological systems of production. The ecological mission of the producers is also present together with the collective and individual ways of doing and know-how. We found that these are often portrayed in food promotion as part of a “labor of love” (as stated by Singer 2019), full of passion, dedication and, again, particular ways of doing, often rooted in long-lasting cultural practices transmitted through generations (as stressed by, among others, Montanari 2006). In line with Bryla (2015), our analysis is revealing of the references to producers evocative of proximity, familiarity and trust.

Specific places of origin (such as villages and farms) are, however, seldom mentioned in the promotional materials analyzed, except for “The Rural Provenance Focused” stores, and officially certified products, to which the guarantee of specific origin is an important flag of quality and authenticity (as pointed out by Tregear et al. 2007). The majority of the references to provenance are to NUTS II and to the national level. Somewhat paradoxically, references to the national and regional origin are higher in the wine cluster of stores where the use of the producer’s name and the connections with specific terroirs are important (Beverland 2006). Despite the higher salience of the references to some regions in the promotional materials analyzed, the stores do indeed promote foodstuffs from all over Portugal, hence promoting incredible voyages through the country’s food heritages. These findings underpin the Portuguese character of the products promoted, evincing that (in line with Blue 2008; Fernández-Ferrín et al. 2018; Figueiredo 2021) when it comes to food provenance, local, regional and national scales tend to be blended in a wider identity, culture and tradition.

Acknowledgments

The authors would like to express their gratitude to FCT/MCTES financially supports – through national funds and the co-funding by the FEDER, within the PT2020 Partnership Agreement and Compete 2020 – the research project STRINGS – Selling The Rural IN (urban) Gourmet Stores – establishing new liaisons between town and country through the sale and consumption of rural products (PTDC/GES-OUT/29281/2017/ POCI-01-0145-FEDER-029281). https://www.stringsproject.pt/. The authors would like to express their gratitude to GOVCOPP Research Unit on Governance, Competitiveness and Public Policies, University of Aveiro, for its financial support regarding the English editing of the article.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.

Additional information

Funding

This work is supported with the funding of FCT/MCTES and the co-funding of FEDER, within the PT2020 Partnership Agreement and Compete 2020 to the research project Name, reference and website of the project, hidden for reviewing purposes.

Notes on contributors

Teresa Forte

Teresa Forte is a Researcher at the Department of Social, Political and Territorial Sciences of the University of Aveiro (UAVR) within the research project – “STRINGS - Selling The Rural IN (urban) Gourmet Stores – establishing new liaisons between town and country through the sale and consumption of rural products,” funded by the Portuguese Foundation for Science and Technology. She has a European PhD in Social Representations and Communication by La Sapienza University of Rome (Italy), funded by a Marie Sklodowska-Curie ITN action, and her research has addressed communication applied to social representations, politics, health and science.

Elisabete Figueiredo

Elisabete Figueiredo is an Associate Professor of Sociology at the Department of Social, Political and Territorial Sciences and Full Researcher at GOVCOP – Research Unit on Governance, Competitiveness and Public Policies, at the University of Aveiro. She has written extensively on issues in rural sociology, as contrasting representations of the rural and the revitalization of rural-urban connections, namely through food. She is the coordinator of the research project – “STRINGS - Selling The Rural IN (urban) Gourmet Stores – establishing new liaisons between town and country through the sale and consumption of rural products,” funded by the Portuguese Foundation for Science and Technology.

Alexandre Silva

Alexandre Silva is a Post-Doc Researcher at the Instituto de Ciências Sociais, Universidade de Lisboa, focusing on the topics of food safety and the revitalization of rural-urban connections. He participates in the research project – “STRINGS - Selling The Rural IN (urban) Gourmet Stores – establishing new liaisons between town and country through the sale and consumption of rural products,” funded by the Portuguese Foundation for Science and Technology.

Notes

1. Facebook – with almost 2.8 billion monthly active users in 2020 – and Instagram – with 1 billion – are the most popular social networks worldwide (Statista 2021a and 2021b).

2. See Silva et al. (2021) for further details on the cluster profiles.

3. To maintain the anonymity, the names of the stores were replaced by acronyms containing the city, the cluster number and the number we gave to the store (e.g., L2.4 – Lisbon, cluster 2, fourth store surveyed in the city).