ABSTRACT
Literature focusing on race and policing has consistently reported a decline in recent years in police legitimacy among minority communities. Yet, the effect of religion on policing has not received similar attention. A focus on police-Haredi community relations provides an opportunity to explore how a religious community might present positive change in police legitimacy, indicated by trust and cooperation. Utilising a mixed method approach, this study aims to (a) clarify what role religion plays in police legitimacy, as distinguished from race or ethnicity; and (b) identify major social forces that shape police legitimacy as a collective and historic phenomenon. The findings highlight the complex interplay of religious constraints, cultural integration, and police legitimacy, showcasing a gradual, yet significant shift in the Haredi community's approach to law enforcement and societal engagement. The study suggests that religion may be a negotiable factor, and that legitimacy fluctuates along with movements of modernisation. The findings are further theorised and discussed along with directions for future investigation.
Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).
Notes
1 The Haredim are exempt from army duty which is mandatory for Israeli-Jews (men and women). This exemption has historical roots backing to the early days of the Jewish states in which the first Israeli prime minister has reached an agreement with the Haredim to let them study Torah and exempt them from mandatory army duty. Back then, the Haredim comprised a tiny portion of the Jewish population but given their high fertility their share in the population increased from 3% in 1990 (Rebhun & Malach, Citation2008) to 12% in 2021 (Cahaner & Malach, Citation2021). Data on Haredi population was not collected before then.
2 Dr. Gilad Malach generously provided me the Israel Democratic Institute data for Haredim’s perceptions (on an aggregated form per year) [n = 65–95]. Dr. Arie Rattner (University of Haifa) generously provided me longitudinal survey data (in raw form, which I analyzed for the general population and the Haredi population) [n = 96–139]. ESS data is open to the public and was downloaded directly from the website. I analyzed it for the general population and for the Haredi population [n = 87–392] (European Social Survey, n.d.).
3 Given space and time constrains.
4 M1
5 There is a separate phone and Internet network for those who use Haredi Kosher phones or censored Internet.
6 R7, R8, R28, R30
7 R7
8 R4, R14, R15, R16, R20
9 R4
10 R15
11 R4
12 R8
13 R30, R22
14 R30
15 R1, R13, R18, R25
16 R1, R25
17 R1, R4, R9, R25, R26
18 R25
19 R4, R6, R9, R14
20 And also R30
21 R4, R15
22 R13, R14, R16, R21, R23, R30
23 R23
24 R2, R22, R23
25 R22
26 R1, R13; R23
27 Stadler, Citation2006
28 R6, R22
29 M4
30 R18, R19
31 M5, R27
32 R19
33 R19
34 R7, R8, R9, R10, R11, R17, R21, R22
35 R2, R3, R30
36 M2, M3
37 R17
38 R4, R7, R18, R25
39 R21, R26
40 R7, R10, R11, R13, R26
41 R26
42 R7, R21, R24, R30
43 R2, R8, R9
44 R2, R13
45 R19
46 R1, R2, R25, R26
47 M9
48 M6, M7, M8
49 R63
50 Modesty laws include gender segregation in almost all settings of life including strict rules on dressing and head covering for married women. ‘The woman is obligated to be exceedingly modest. All her glory shall be within, and she is to conceal herself from every man in the world in every manner possible. Her eyes shall always be cast down and her speech moderate. Not even the smallest part of her body shall be exposed, so that no man will come to sin through what he sees. […] Her voice shall not be heard, for a woman’s voice is licentiousness. Not a one of her hairs is to be seen.’ Ahituv (Citation1999).
51 R1, R25, R26
52 R16, R18, R20, R27
53 R16
54 R2, R4, R23, R25, R26
55 R22
56 R15
57 R7
58 R26
59 R10, R11, R14, R58
60 R21, R25, R58
61 R11
62 R16, R26
63 R13
64 R10
65 R10, R11
66 R2, R30
67 R10, R13
68 R13
69 R2, R5, R10
70 And also R11, R17
71 R7, R21
72 R7, R17, R24; In recent years, there has been growing attention in the Haredi community to the issue of sex offenders. There is also a growing scholarly literature about treatments and methods coping with different aspects of the problem. See for example: Hamo, G., & Idisis, Y. (2017). Pedophiles in the ultra-Orthodox Haredi sector in Israel: Thought processes regarding their actions. Journal of Child Sexual Abuse, 26(4), 407-427; and Alfandari, R., Enosh, G., & Rechnitzer, H. (2021). To split or include? Child sexual abuse mandate reporting in the ultra-orthodox Jewish community in Israel. Children and Youth Services Review, 120, 105759
73 See for example an article on Ynet, a major news outlet: https://www.ynet.co.il/articles/0,7340,L-4809779,00.html
74 R7, R9, R12, R21, R23
75 R23
76 R7
77 R2, R7, R15
78 R15, R17, R22
79 R7, R25
80 R14, R21
81 R17
82 R12
83 R7, R2, R17
84 R23
85 R16
86 R2, R30
87 R2, R7, R17
88 R2
89 Oct 7th massacre is an important event to monitor in relation to Haredi-state relationship
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Dikla Yogev
Dr. Dikla Yogev is a sociologist currently holding a postdoctoral position at the University of Toronto. Her research has been published in peer-reviewed journals such as Contemporary Jewry, Policing and Society and International Criminology, focusing on topics concerning religious communities, the police and the state. Dr. Yogev has been serving as the project manager for two federally funded research projects: “Bais Yaakov Project” led by Dr. Naomi Seidman (since 2019) and “Workplace Democracy Project” led by Dr. Rafael Gomez (since 2023). Her current research is centered on community organisation, social networks and democracy, employing various methods including digital and computational techniques.