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Abstract
The goal of this article is to illuminate the medieval legal discussion of the Prophet Muḥammad’s ring as an object of multiple meanings: personal adornment and fashion on one hand and religious, ruling status symbol on the other hand. The article will focus on the descriptions of Muḥammad’s ring in two complementary aspects; materially, meaning the ring itself, and symbolically, meaning the message. The Prophet Muḥammad’s signet is an example of a well-known commodity that was singularized, became unique and sacred, hence, its subjective power and value was strengthened. The Prophet’s ring lost its value as commodity and became unique to the Prophet and his believers, a declarative public representation of the connection between the divine power and his earthly messenger. It became a manifestation of the Prophet’s exclusiveness and prestige, and it serves as a means to identify him and his unique status.
Notes
1 Deal-Ahde, Women and Jewelry: A Social Approach to Wearing and Possessing Jewelry (2013), p. 13.
2 Melin, “For Love, Healing and Protection: Notes on Medieval Finger Rings with Sapphires and other Gemstones in Swedish Collections”, Fornvännen 109 (2014), p. 266.
3 For more about intimate and emotional reasons to wear jewelry see: Deal-Ahde, Women and Jewelry, pp. 147–151; Holm, “Sentimental Cuts: Eighteenth-Century Mourning Jewelry with Hair”, Eighteenth-Century Studies 38 (2004), pp. 139–140.
4 Deal-Ahde, Women and Jewelry, p. 150.
5 Nippert-Eng, Islands of Privacy (2010), pp. 21–49.
6 This research is based mostly on the canonical Ḥadīth collections (sitt al-ṣiḥāḥ) and in particular on those of Muslim (d. 875), al-Nasāʾī (d. 915), Abū Dāʾūd (d. 889), al-Tirmīdhī (d. 893), Ibn Mājah (d. 887) and on some non-canonical collections such as those of Ibn Ḥanbal (d. 855) and Ibn Anas (d. 795). In addition, some medieval juridical sources were added such as those of Ibn Ḥazm (d. 1064) and al-Nawāwī (d. 1277).
7 For more about legal Muslim jurisprudence, the compatibility and the obstacles which confront research of a topic in Islamic law see: Maghen, “Close Encounters: Some Preliminary Observations on the Transmission of Impurity in Early Sunni Jurisprudence”, Islamic Law and Society 6 (1999), pp. 351–354; Maghen, Virtues of the Flesh-Passion and Purity in Early Islamic Jurisprudence ( 2005), pp. 281–283; Rispler, Disability in Islamic Law ( 2007), p. 15; Al-Azmeh, “Islamic Legal Theory and the Appropriation of Realty”, in al-Azmeh (ed.), Islamic Law: Social and Historical Contexts (1988), p. 251; Schacht, “Fikh”, Encyclopedia of Islam2, 22 vols (1954–2005), vol. 2, pp. 886–89.
8 Maghen, “Dancing in Chains: The Baffling Coexistence of Legalism and Exuberance in Judaic and Islamic Tradition”, in Jacobs (ed.), Judaic Sources and Western Thought: Jerusalem's Enduring Presence (2011), pp. 232–234.
9 Lafrate, “Solomon, Lord of the Rings: Fashioning the Signet of Power from Electrum to Nuḥās”, Al-Masaq 28 (2013), p. 223.
10 Taylor, “Some Aspects of Islamic Eschatology”, Religious Studies 4 (1968), p. 66. For more about Muslim eschatology see: Chittick, “Muslim Eschatology”, in Walls (ed.), The Oxford Handbook of Eschatology (2008), pp. 132–150.
11 Rippin, “The Commerce of Eschatology”, in Wild (ed.), The Qurʾān as Text (1996), p. 126; Gardet, “Djanna”, Encyclopedia of Islam2, 22 vols (1954–2005), vol. 2, p. 448; Eklund, Life Between Death and Resurrection According to Islam (1941), pp. 9–10. Philosophy and mysticism in Islam preferred to interpret these verses in an allegoric and metaphoric way and not literarily because of the possible legitimization of a materialistic earthly world. For more see: Gardet, “Djanna”, Encyclopedia of Islam2, 22 vols (1954–2005), vol. 2, pp. 449–450.
12 Qurʾān, verses: Al-Kahf 18: 31; Fāṭir 35: 33; al-Dukhān 44: 53; al-ʾInsān 76: 21, 12; al-Ḥajj 22: 23; al-Raḥmān 55: 22, 58.
13 According to Ghabin, although the verses are phrased in the masculine, heavenly reward is also available to female believers and the restrictions on earthly jewelry should be imposed only on males. For more see: Ghabin, “The Qurʾānic Verses as a Source for Legitimacy or Illegitimacy of the Arts in Islam”, Der Islam 75 (1998), p. 196.
14 Qurʾān, verses: Al-Kahf 18: 31; Fāṭir 35: 33; Al-Insān 76: 21; Al-Ḥajj 22: 23; al-Zukhruf 43: 53.
15 Keene and Jenkins, “Djawhar”, Encyclopedia of Islam2, 22 vols (1954–2005), Suppl., p. 250. For more about silver, gold and pearls as raw materials in early Islam see: Juynboll, “The Attitude Toward Gold and Silver in Early Islam”, in Vickers (ed.), Pots and Pans: A Colloquium on Precious Metals and Ceramics (1986), pp. 107–115; Ehrenkeutz, “Silver”, Encyclopedia of Islam2, 22 vols (1957–2007), vol. 2, p. 883; Kas, “Gold”, Encyclopedia of Islam3 (2014), vol. 3, pp. 145–148.
16 Lane, Arabic English Lexicon 1 (1980), p. 180.
17 Ibn Kathīr, Tafsīr al-Qurʾān al-karīm 3 (n.d.), pp. 482–483; Al-Zamkhsharī, Al-Kashāf ʿan ḥaqāʾiq al-tanzīl 3 (1966–68), pp. 259–260.
18 Al-Ṭabarī, Jāmiʿ al-bayān fī tafsīr al-Qurʾān 9 (1995), pp. 203–204; Ibn Kathīr, Tafsīr al-Qurʾān al-karīm 3, p. 283; Al-Bayḍāwī, Anwār al-tanzīl wa asrār al-taʾwīl (1846), p. 21; Al-Zamkhsharī, Al-Kashāf ʿan ḥaqāʾiq al-tanzīl 3, p. 61.
19 Ibn Kathīr, Tafsīr al-Qurʾān al-karīm 4, p. 125; Al-Bayḍāwī, Anwār al-tanzīl, p. 236; pp. 220–221; Al-Ṭabarī, Jāmiʿ al-bayān fi tafsīr al-Qurʾān 13, p. 74.
20 Abdel Haleem, The Qurʾān: English Translation and Parallel Arabic Text (2010), p. 532.
21 Kopytoff, “The Cultural Biography of Things: Commoditization as a Process”, in Appadurai (ed.), The Social Life of Things: Commodities in Cultural Perspective (1986), pp. 73–76.
22 Ibid., p. 74.
23 Appadurai, “Introduction: Commodities and the Politics of Value”, in Appadurai (ed.), The Social Life of Things: Commodities in Cultural Perspective (1986), pp. 3, 17.
24 For more see: Sourdel, “Khatām, Khātim”, vol. 4, p. 1102, Encyclopedia of Islam2, 22 vols (1954–2005).
25 For more about biblical seals see: Avigad, “Seal, Seals”, Encyclopedia Judaica 18, pp. 225–226.
26 Sourdel, “Khatām, Khātim”, p. 1102.
27 Pinder-Wilson, “Seals and Rings in Islam”, in Content (ed.), Islamic Rings and Gems: The Benjamin Zuker Collection (1987), p. 373.
28 Muslim, Ṣaḥīḥ Muslim 7 (1960), p. 69; Soucek, “Early Islamic Seals: Their Artistic and Cultural Importance”, in Ehrenberg (ed.), Leaving No Stones Unturned: Essays on the Ancient Near East and Egypt in Honor of Donald P. Hansen (2002), p. 243.
29 Ibn Manzūr, Lisān al-ʿArab 12 (1993), p. 164.
30 Ibn Khaldūn, Al-Muqaddima 1 (1094), p. 467.
31 For more about the dominant side of people and its connection to superstitions see: Ginzburg, Ecstasies: Deciphering the Witches’ Sabbath (1991), pp. 232–233.
32 The concept of tashabbuh has played an important role in shaping the relations between Muslims and non-Muslims in a variety of aspects from rituals to personal appearance. For a more detailed research see: Patel, “The Islamic Treaties against Imitation (Tashabbuh): A Bibliographical History”, Arabica 65 (2018), pp. 597–639 and in particular footnotes 1, 2.
33 For more about Islamic art see: Ettinghausen, Grabar, and Jenkins-Madina, Islamic Art and Architecture 650–1250 (2001), pp. 3–9; Hillenbrand, Islamic Art and Architecture (2010), pp. 10–37.
34 For more about gendered differentiation by raw materials, and in particular the clear prohibition on gold jewelry for men see: Abū Dāʾud, Sunan Abū Dāʾūd 1(1988), p. 764; Ibn Ḥanbal, Musnad al-Imām Ibn Ḥanbal 1 (1969), pp. 81, 92, 114, 119, 123, 126. An interesting example for the importance of raw material is found in discussion of prohibited raw materials of Solomon’s ring. For more see: Lafrate, “Solomon, Lord of the Rings”, pp. 224–227.
35 Abū Dāʾūd, Sunan Abū Dāʾūd 1, p. 764; Al-Nasāʾī, Saḥīḥ sunan al-Nasāʾī 8 (1988), pp. 160–163, 190–192; Ibn Anas, Al-Muwaṭṭaʾ 2 (1992), p. 912; Al-Tirmīdhī, Ṣaḥīḥ sunan al-Tirmīdhī 2 (1988), p. 148; Ibn Mājah, Ṣaḥīḥ sunan Ibn Mājah 2 (1972), p. 291.
36 Muslim, Ṣaḥīḥ Muslim 7, p. 65.
37 Muslim, Ṣaḥīḥ Muslim 7, p. 66; Ibn Saʿd, Kitāb al-ṭabakāt 1–2 (1905–1918), p. 161.
38 Al-Nasāʾī, Saḥīḥ sunan al-Nasāʾī 8, p. 171; Muslim, Ṣaḥīḥ Muslim 7, pp. 21, 35, 55; Ibn Saʿd, Kitāb al-ṭabakāt 1–2, p. 162.
39 Ibn Mājah, Ṣaḥīḥ sunan Ibn Mājah 2, p. 291.
40 Muslim, Ṣaḥīḥ Muslim 7, p. 65.
41 Ibn Saʿd, Kitāb al-ṭabakāt 1–2, p. 162.
42 Al-Washāʾ, Al-Ẓarf wal-ẓurfāʾ (1985), p. 245.
43 Ibid, p. 254. The same raw materials are mentioned by Ibn Hazm. For more see: Ibn Ḥazm, Al -Muḥallā 10 (1969), p. 87.
44 Muslim, Ṣaḥīḥ Muslim 7, p. 65; Ibn Ḥazm, Al-Muḥallā 10, p. 87; Al-Nawāwī, Sharḥ al-muhadhdhab 6 (1966), p. 40.
45 Ibn Qudāma, Al-Mughnī 3 (1972), pp. 609, 610; Al-Nawāwī, Sharḥ al-muhadhdhab 6, p. 46; Al-Nasāʾī, Saḥīḥ sunan al-Nasāʾī 8, p. 164; Al-Tirmīdhī, Ṣaḥīḥ sunan al-Tirmīdhī 2, p. 153.
46 Al-Nawāwī, Sharḥ al-muhadhdhab 6, p. 46; Al-Nasaiʾ, Saḥīḥ sunan al-Nasāʾī 8, p. 164.
47 Lane, Arabic English Lexicon 4 (1980), p. 1500.
48 Al-Nasāʾī, Saḥīḥ sunan al-Nasāʾ ī 8, p. 172; Ibn Manzūr, Lisān al-ʿArab 12, p. 164.
49 An example for the need to create hierarchal differentiation, even in raw materials, is found in traditions about king Solomon’s ring that claim that it was made from electrum, a mix of gold, silver, copper and other metals. For more see: Lafrate, “Solomon, Lord of the Rings”, pp. 226–30.
50 Ibn Saʿd, Kitāb al-tabakāt 1–2, p. 162; Al-Nasāʾī, Saḥīḥ sunan al-Nasāʾī 8, p. 175.
51 Ibn Saʿd, Kitāb al-tabakāt 1–2, p. 162.
52 For more about Arab calligraphy see: Blair, Islamic Calligraphy (2006); Roxburgh, “The Eye Is Favored for Seeing the Writing’s Form: On the Sensual and the Sensuous in Islamic Calligraphy”, Muqarnas 25 (2008), pp. 275–277; Grabar, The Mediation of Ornament (1992), pp. 47–118.
53 Wensinck, “Sura”, Encyclopedia of Islam2, 22 vols (1954–2005), vol. 4, p. 561; Ettinghausen, Grabar, and Jenkins-Madina, Islamic Art and Architecture, pp. 6–7. For more about decorations with human figures see: Al-Nasāʾī, Saḥīḥ sunan al-Nasāʾī 8, p. 214; Muslim, Ṣaḥīḥ Muslim 7, p. 92. For more about the power of inscriptions and the invocation of God’s name see: Porter, “The Use of Arabic Script in Magic”, in Macdonald (ed.), The Development of Arabic as a Written Language (2010), pp. 131–140. A typical example is the Ottoman Tughra, a calligraphic monogram, seal or signature of the sultan on all official documents and correspondence. This calligraphic emblem of Turkish rulers is known from the chiefs of Oghuz to Ottoman sultans where it became the emblem of the state. For more see: Siddiq, “Tughra”, Encyclopedia of Islam2, 22 vols (1954–2005), vol. 10, pp. 595–598.
54 Soucek, “Early Islamic Seals”, p. 249.
55 Al-Nasāʾī, Saḥīḥ sunan al-Nasāʾī 8, pp. 173, 193; Ibn Saʿd, Kitāb al-tabakāt 1–2, p. 164. I found only one tradition that mentions a different inscription on the prophet’s ring. It seems that the aim of this other variation was to emphasis God’s power and the divine legitimacy of the prophet’s role and place by adding an opening announcement of God’s supreme power. For more see Ibn Mājah, Ṣaḥīḥ sunan Ibn Mājah 2, p. 290.
56 Al-Nasāʾī, Saḥīḥ sunan al-Nasāʾī 8, p. 177. For more about the differences between these two words see: Lane, Arabic English Lexicon 4, pp. 1746–1747; Lane, Arabic English Lexicon 8 (1980), p. 2840.
57 Ibn Saʿd, Kitāb al-Ṭabakāt 1–2, p. 164.
58 Smith, “Shahada”, Encyclopedia of Islam2, vol. 9, p. 201.
59 Mousavi Jazayeri, A Handbook of Early Arabic Kufic Script: Reading, Writing, Calligraphy, Typography, Monograms (2017), pp. 5–24; Al-Amin, “The Origin of the Kufic Script”, Magazine of Historical Studies and Archaeology 53 (2016), pp. 705–719; Alain, The Rise of Islamic Calligraphy (2010).
60 Al-Nasāʾī, Saḥīḥ sunan al-Nasāʾī 8, p. 177.
61 Sourdel,”Khatām, Khātim”, p. 1103.
62 Pinder-Wilson, “Seals and Rings in Islam”, p. 374. For more about the adoption of Sasanian courtly practices and in particular signets by Abbasid rulers see: Porter et al. (eds.), Arabic and Persian Seals and Amulets in the British Museum (2011), p. 2.
63 Al-Nasāʾī, Saḥīḥ sunan al-Nasāʾī 8, p. 204.
64 For example, see some of the following sales web sites, Boutique Ottoman website, “Prophet Muhammad Ateeq Ring”; Etsy website, “Prophet’s Ring”; ebay website, “Ring Seal of Prophet Muhammad”.
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Hadas Hirsch
Hadas Hirsch is Senior Lecturer in History in the Departments of History and Arabic Language, Oranim Academic College, 30b ha-Yasmin St. Ramat Ishay, PO Box 3024, Israel, [email protected].