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Abstract
This article analyses how the Ugandan Anti-Pornography Act interacted with gender relations in Uganda from a critical-feminist point of view. Relying on interview data, media reports, and secondary sources and using a practice-theoretic approach to gender relations and changes therein, the article traces how the APA legitimised, encouraged, and enabled violent and misogynist practices. Yet, it also informed feminist and radical practices pushing for bodily self-determination. Thus, the Anti-Pornography Act reinforced patriarchal gender relations and, simultaneously, contributed to the re-politicisation of the feminist movement in Uganda. In a time of global backlashes against feminism and equality, this article details the far-reaching retrogressive and progressive ramifications anti-feminist legislation can have and thus contributes to current and necessary debates.
Cet article analyse la manière dont la loi ougandaise anti-pornographie a interagi avec les relations de genre en Ouganda d’un point de vue féministe critique. En s’appuyant sur des données tirées d’entretiens, de reportages médiatiques et de sources secondaires, et en utilisant une approche théorique des relations de genre et de leurs changements, l’article retrace comment l’APA a légitimé, encouragé et permis les pratiques violentes et misogynes. Pourtant, cela a également inspiré les pratiques féministes et radicales qui poussent à l’autodétermination corporelle. Ainsi, la loi anti-pornographie a renforcé les relations patriarcales entre les sexes et, simultanément, a contribué à la repolitisation du mouvement féministe en Ouganda. À une époque de réactions négatives mondiales contre le féminisme et l’égalité, cet article détaille les ramifications régressives et progressistes de grande envergure que peut avoir la législation antiféministe et contribue ainsi aux débats actuels et nécessaires.
Acknowledgements
This work would not have been possible without the interview partners who shared their experiences, struggles, and insights with me. For that, I am very grateful. Additionally, I wish to thank the reviewers for their comments, which helped me to improve this article, and the research assistants of the research project ‘The Transformation of Violence–Centred Masculinities after Armed Conflict’ at the University of Tübingen for their great support.
Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).
Notes
1 The interviews were conducted within the research project ‘The Transformation of Violence-Centred Masculinities after Armed Conflict’.
2 Ugandan activists rallied against the AHA and petitioned the Constitutional Court for its annulment. The Court ruled the AHA unconstitutional due to a lack of quorum in parliament. For an analysis of the socio-political dynamics and struggles surrounding the AHA, see Nyanzi and Karamagi (Citation2015).
3 For detailed discussions of the history and diversity of feminism in Uganda, see Mbire-Barungi (Citation1999), Guma (Citation2015), Mwiine (Citation2022).
4 Interview, expert on governance and politics, Kampala, February 2020a.
5 Interview, expert on governance and politics, Kampala, February 2020b.
6 Interview, human rights lawyer, peacebuilding practitioner, Kampala, February 2020.
7 Interview, human rights lawyer, peacebuilding practitioner, Kampala, February 2020.
8 Interview, expert on governance and politics, Kampala, February 2020a.
9 Interview, feminist activist and journalist, Kampala, January 2022.
10 Interview, LBTQ women activist, Kampala, January 2022.
11 Interview, SRHR expert, Kampala, January 2022.
12 Interview, SRHR expert, Kampala, January 2022.
13 Interview, human rights lawyer, Kampala, February 2020.
14 Interview, expert on governance and politics, Kampala, February 2020a.
15 Interview, Sheila Kawamara-Mishambi, journalist, peace and women's rights activist, Kampala, March 2020.
16 Interview, human rights lawyer, Kampala, February, 2020; interview, two feminist activists, Kampala, February 2020.
17 Interview, expert on governance and politics, Kampala, February 2020a.
18 I2 in interview, two feminist activists, Kampala, February 2020.
19 Interview, security sector analyst, Kampala, February 2020.
20 I1 in interview, two feminist activists, Kampala, February 2020.
21 Interview, two feminist activists, Kampala, February, 2020.
22 Interview, expert on governance and politics, Kampala, February 2020a.
23 Interview, feminist activist, Kampala, January 2022.
24 Interview, feminist activist, Kampala, January 2022.
25 I1 in interview, two feminist activists, Kampala, February 2020.
26 Interview, feminist activist, Kampala, January 2022.
27 Interview, two feminist activists, Kampala, February 2020.
28 Interview, two feminist activists, Kampala, February 2020.
29 Interview, feminist activist, Kampala, January 2022.
30 Interview, sex work activist, Kampala, January 2022; interview, LGBTQI* activist, Kampala, January 2022a.
31 Interview, feminist activist, Kampala, January 2022.
32 Interview, political activist, Kampala, February 2020.
33 Plenty of photographic and video evidence of these incidents exists. Due to their nature, however, I prefer not to provide direct access to that footage. In smaller towns, cases would usually not be recorded and reported, so it is safe to assume that reported cases are only the tip of the iceberg (interview, political activist, Kampala, February 2020).
34 Interview, expert on governance and politics, Kampala, February 2020a.
35 Interview, feminist activist, Kampala, January 2022.
36 Interview, feminist activist, Kampala, January 2022.
37 I1 in interview, two feminist activists, Kampala, February 2020.
38 Interview, two feminist activists, Kampala, February 2020.
39 Bantu language spoken in Uganda’s Central Region.
40 Interview, expert on governance and politics, Kampala, February 2020a.
41 I1 in interview, two feminist activists, Kampala, February 2020.
42 Interview, feminist activist, Kampala, January 2022.
43 Interview, LGBTQI* activist, Kampala, January 2022b.