Challenging the promise of decentralization: The case of marginalization of Mosalaki role in Nggela Vilage in Ende Lio, Flores

Abstract

This paper analyses the impact of democratic practices in Ende Lio District, Indonesia, in 2015. Regional Autonomy Law as the embodiment of democratic practices has generated a new opportunity for the local people and political actors as a legitimate local leader instead of the traditional informal leader. On the other hand, it has yielded negative outcomes, specifically the elimination of strategic roles of traditional leaders in the society. This study focuses on factors related to the diminishment of authority and legitimation of the informal leaders who had held traditional wisdom firmly in a village of Ende Regency. This study used a qualitative approach by analysing the factors that caused the Mosalaki, the traditional informal leader, to lose authority and legitimation. It collects data from field observation and in-depth interviews with the key informants that practically held local formal office and informal custom-based governance during the decades of decentralization. It found that, on some occasion, the Mosalaki, as the informal leader, could still hold the equal position and authority in Liko Mbelo Telu (Three Furnaces), carrying out the Ende Lio people’s traditional aspirations in some public ceremonies and rituals. But on the other hand, it has to manage a balancing course of action with the formal leader in order to accomplish regional development programmes that designed by the regional or central government.

Keywords:

• Ddecentralization
• local governance
• Mosalaki
• custom
• Ende

1. Introduction

Decentralization was the sweetest fruit of democratization harvested by many societies in the world in the last three decades. As observed by Hadiz (2004), citing from the World Bank reports, decentralization was a global and regional phenomenon that is experimented by most developing and transitional countries in varying degrees. It promised to make the government more responsive to local needs by “tailoring level of consumption to the preferences of smaller, more homogenous groups” (Wallis and Oates as cited in Faguet, 2014, 5). By transferring the responsibility to organize and distribute public goods from central to local authorities, it hopes that the local authorities would be more accountable to get the direct incentives from the local citizens as their constituents. Therefore, decentralization is a structural change of governance through the transfer of political, fiscal, and administrative power from central or national to sub-national governments (Hadiz, 2004; Talitha et al., 2020, 3).

Indonesia had experienced the decentralization phenomenon since the commencement of the laws on decentralization in 1999: Law 22/1999 on regional autonomy and Law 25/1999 on fiscal arrangements between central and local government. The main cause that can be observed after the enactment of these laws was a proliferation (pemekaran) of administrative districts. Before the decentralization, Indonesia has 26 provinces (Timor Timur/Timor Leste declared separation following national referendum in 1999), 234 districts, and 59 cities. Based on data from the Ministry of Internal Affairs, in 2014, Indonesia has 33 provinces, 415 districts, and 93 cities (Badan Penelitian dan Pengembangan (BPP) Kementerian Dalam Negeri Republik Indonesia, 2017). The increasing of 222 administrative units within Indonesia’s state 15 years after the enactment of the laws on decentralization had shown not only the opportunity for the improvement of local governance but also the possibility for local communities to rebuild the local governance based on their own needs.

Some studies have shown that the decentralization had led to provoke local communities to restore and revitalize the lowest tier of local institutions such as desa (Antlov, 2003; Antlov et al., 2016), gampong in Aceh (Gayatri, 2009), and nagari in West Sumatera (Von Benda-Beckmann & von Benda-Beckmann, 2013). Another report also informed that informal institutions got their way to engage in local governance as the new local social and political actors tried their chance into the new institutional arrangement (De Archellie et al., 2020). In this paper, we try to problematize the relations between the decentralization and local governance in Indonesia by using the case of Nggela customary village in Wolojita District, Ende Flores Regency, Nusa Tenggara Timur province. We will elaborate the leadership role of Mosalaki as a traditional leader of customary village in Nggela which previously dominated the political system but gradually uprooted from local political realms as the decentralization gave more way to the new formal political actors to lead the society.

This paper is based on fieldwork that conducted in 2015 in Nggela customary village for approximately 4 weeks using close observations and interviews. This fieldwork was the advancement of previous research done by our late colleague researcher, J. Emmed M. Prioharyono, for his doctoral dissertation. In the previous research, Prioharyono found that during the period of 3 years (2012–2015), there has been significant difference in Nggela customary village regarding the Mosalaki’s role in conducting political mechanism during local elections. The difference lies in the role of the Mosalaki which has been marginalized after a broker and political activist from a big political party in that village won the local election. Based on this finding, we then trace the factors causing the marginalization of Mosalaki’s role in formal political system. This situation has also weakened the role of Mosalaki in the traditional political system. This article will discuss some factors that lead the marginalization of Mosalaki’s role in Nggela customary village.¹

To understand how local governance was conducted in customary village by informal institutions such as Mosalaki in Nggela village, we need to advance our understanding on some basic concept of traditional and customary arrangement of local communities, one of which is custom or adat istiadat. Custom is an institutional device used to manage the local society’s needs (Davidson et al., 2010). Generally, the implementation of custom in an area is continuously affected by changes in political situation and social condition in Indonesia in general. According to Nordholt, since the fall of Soeharto, there has been massive action to revive the awareness on custom and local wisdom. Custom then is seen as an alternative effort to reclaim land and other cultural products which have been seized by state (Nordholt, 2008:6). For instance, for the Minangkabau, reviving custom means there is willingness to rebuild the concept of Nagari. Such willingness got its momentum after Indonesian government issued Law 22/1999 and it has been renewed until 2015. Along with the implementation of Law (Local Autonomy Law year 1999/Undang-Undang Otonomi Khusus/UU Otda and Local Autonomy Law year 2004, etc.), some local governments have issued some local regulations on the formation, strengthening, and preservation of customary rights which were once eliminated in New Order government.²

On one hand, the custom revival gives a way to introduce various actions such as showing custom as “showcase”, introducing custom as specific local identity through some performances in ritual and art, as well as reviving political institutional authority by capturing customary land (Erb, 2010: 270; Simanjuntak, 2013). On the other hand, it becomes dilemma for the society that has not been ready to revitalize and strengthen the local culture because of reformation euphoria and democracy openness. Thus, the custom revival does not give positive impacts, but it is the other way round. The customary institution and the actors become fewer and are even marginalized by formal figure, political activists, and informal figures that are able to replace the role of the customary figures.

Based on such background, this article aims to analyse factors affecting the marginalization of the customary chiefs in a customary village in Ende Lio Regency. The analysis is done by considering the marginalization of the role of Mosalaki in local autonomy context through political anthropology approach. State of the art of this article is that reformation and democracy that brought decentralization into effect relay message through the Local Autonomy Law/UU Otda; on one hand it can bring positive impacts, on the other hand it can have negative effects. This article will show the negative impacts of UU Otda in the customary village in Ende Regency Flores by considering some factors that will be discussed below.

2. Local leadership and decentralization in Indonesia

Indonesia’s polity and society had experienced a long endured of 32-year centralized pattern of governance during Soeharto’s Orde Baru (New Order) authoritarian regime 1966–1998. Within this phase, central government controlled the polity by using military oppression with less competitive multiparty system and forged the society into a singular community with the control of state ideology of Pancasila. The centralized system of bureaucracy of the New Order gave a little room to manoeuvre for local ethnic-based community to express their indigenous style of governance that historically institutionalized through custom and tradition-based social order. Antlov (2003) stated that the price of state intervention during New Order regime was profound, from the uniformity and standardization of polity and bureaucracy, destruction and twisting of social fabric, distortion of local leadership, abuse of power, to widespread rent seeking and corruption among the society.

When the New Order regime could no longer hold the national power consolidation, following the chaotic student-led protest in May 1998, Indonesia entered a new phase of reorganization of formal power relationship and structural governance of polity and society. The enactment of Law No. 22 of 1999 on Regional Autonomy and Law No. 25 concerning Fiscal Regulations for Central and Regional Governments marked the decentralization era in Indonesia. It was a parallel process of democratization almost of all dimensions of Indonesian everyday life, from lifting on restriction on political parties, rearrangement of direct and fair elections, the significant withdrawal of the army from political life, and opening more space for cultural expression (Aspinall & Fealy, 2003: 1). Apart from the formal consequences, the decentralization also gave the way to local informal institutions to regain its legitimation within the local communities. De Archellie et al. (2020) finds that informal institutions of cultural-based leadership in Gorontalo Province, Indonesia, can control the behaviour of local formal governance using traditional and customs attributes and ceremonies. The method of using traditional values, teachings, and wisdoms as a constraining tool of behaviour was also intentionally designed to shape and influence the course of local governance and the policy making process.

Since decentralization era began in 1999 in Indonesia, there is a simultaneous trend to observe political phenomenon after New Order era. There are some researchers who conducted research on the relation of democratic system and local autonomy, as well as its relation to the mechanism of Local Election. Among which is Gunawan et al. (2013) in his book Desentralisasi Globalisasi dan Demokrasi Lokal. Another writer is Moch Nurhalim (2005) on his study of Conflict among Local Political Elites and Local Election. Davidson et al. (2010) wrote his reseach finding on Adat dalam Politik Indonesia and Bungaran A. Simanjuntak (2013) wrote his study in Dampak Otonomi Daerah di Indonesia: Merangkai Sejarah Politik dan Pemerintahan Indonesia. The most recent is Naeni Amanullah’s (2015) titled Tatakelola Pemerintahan Inklusif dan Inisiatif Lokal.

Aside those books mentioned above, there are another book by Hans Antlov Negara dalam Desa, Patronase Kepemimpinan Lokal (2002) and another study referring to the problem of this article’s topic from Pius S Prasetyo who raises the same theme: Democracy in the Indonesian Village Society, The Impact of Local Autonomy Policy and the Role of Local Culture, Toward Democratization in Village Society (2005). Those two writings indirectly raise the issue related to the concept of customary leadership in villages. On one hand, democracy can strengthen the role of customary chief along with his family connection. On the other hand, democracy can weaken them. The cases of strengthening and shifting the role of customary chief become striking in the last 5 years both in the level of regency and village.³

As a comparison, in this decentralization era, the custom of Manggarai (East Flores) is revived using some issues. First issue is to show custom as material culture which reflects custom as “museumization” or custom as “showcase”. Second issue is to show custom as part of specific ethnic identity. Third issue is custom revival as custom institution which is related to political authority and land control (Erb, 2010, 270). Those issues also appear in Central and South Flores, including in Wolojita District which becomes the focus of this article.

Along with decentralization era, the second and third issues seem striking since it is related to euphoria of ethnic identity revival after Law of Local Autonomy was issued. It has directly pushed competition of identity among ethnic groups in Indonesia. Especially in Ende (including Manggarai Regency and Nggada Lio Regency), on one hand, reformation does not only push resistance and revival of customary institution towards central government authority and local church authority. On the other hand, there is also resistance from the society towards the local custom which is considered burdensome and limits their freedom. This phenomenon is interesting to discuss, for it shows the marks both in the local customary institution’s revitalization as well as the supporting society and the shift as well as decreasing role of customary chief in the local society.

Another study that analyses the problems on local leadership pattern and socio-cultural pattern in Indonesia and one that inspired this article as an advanced study of local leadership was shown by Prioharyono, 2012a). The study that conducted by Prioharyono in the Nggela Village and Tenda Village in Wolojita Sub district, Ende Regency, Flores, Indonesia, found that the ancestor’s’ myth has become the ground for the Mosalaki (indigenous leader) to dominate the traditional political system as the power of custom and customary land. Their practice of power is shown mainly during the ritual activities and customary land management by using proverbs from their ancestors’ language to keep and justify their existence in the local society. Through traditional political system, some of the Mosalaki can have formal position in local government especially during the olonial era, and they took turn during New Order era and decentralization era.

Based on the above-mentioned discussion about the previous research on local leadership and decentralization in Indonesia, this study will examine the promises of decentralization that empirically spread over the developing countries in the last two decades. Our main concern will be rooted in the premise of decentralization objectives, such as the improvement of the efficiency and responsiveness of the local/regional government (Bardhan, 2002), the acceleration of local/regional economic growth, the promotion of public participation and engagement in decision-making process (Rondinelli, 1981), and the improvement of the quality and efficiency of public delivery services by bringing the government closer to the people (Talitha et al., 2020). Most of decentralization studies focused their attention to the formal aspect of the power shifting of governance from the central to subnational governments, with the main issues being dominated by politics, economy, administration, regional development, and elections. Meanwhile, we observed a little amount of study that tried to explore the non-formal aspect of decentralization which we believe had affected and had been affected by the decentralization policy, mostly in the developing countries. Using this conceptual framework, this study will address the problem of the Mosalaki role as a local indigenous leadership figure in Lio community of Ende regency, in Flores, Indonesia, within the decentralization context that had been implemented since the last two decades. The main argument of this article is decentralization does not inclusively provide space for informal institution as an equal governance unit with formal-structured local/regional government to govern indigenous people. Furthermore, the promise of decentralization will promote the public participation and engagement in decision-making process that needs to be re-examined within the context of Indonesia decentralization policy.

3. Methodology

This article is aimed to revisit the concept of people participation and engagement in decision-making process in the subnational level of government as promoted by the promising effect of decentralization. It uses the experience of the Mosalaki, the local indigenous leader in Lio community of people of Ende regency, in Flores, Indonesia, that endured two decades of decentralization policy implementation. Mosalaki is the informal leader of indigenous community of Ende Lio, in Ende Lio regency, in the central part of the Flores Island, Nusa Tenggara Timur, eastern Indonesia. The Ende Lio people believed that Mosalaki had been ruled them from hundred years ago (Prioharyono, 2012b). The Mosalaki inherited the role as a kin leader, a landlord, a warlord, and the land protector. As a perennial figure in the Ende Lio community, the Mosalaki has been facing the new realities brought by democratization and decentralization in the last two decades: whether it regain its position as the prominent figure in the community daily life or it has to struggle the new challenger forged by the political and bureaucratic mechanism of decentralization.

To explore and understand how the Mosalaki endured the decades of decentralization in Indonesia and to what extent have they reappropriate their status and role as the informal leader of Ende Lio people, we use qualitative and analytical descriptive method which explains social phenomena by analysing the findings, both from references and fieldwork data. The research’s locus is located in Nggela Village in Wolojita sub-district which is part of Ende Regency administration. Additional data are collected from survey and direct observation during fieldwork by interviewing key informants, which involves some social figures (the Mosalaki, Governor, Regent, Head of Village, and local police officer) in the customary village in Ende Regency. The observation and in-depth interviews were conducted during 20 days of work (4−25 August 2015). The key informants had been chosen for their capacity and experience to govern local government office and to conduct a series of decision-making process within this office. For the eight Mosalaki we have interviewed, the most important informant in this study, the ascribed status they got made easier for us to identify and find them in the village. The interviews were conducted to capture the informants’ perspective on how the Mosalaki have appropriated themselves as an informal leader within the logic of decentralization to preserve themselves as kin leader, a landlord, and the land protector.

During our fieldwork (2015), we found the new fact and data which are different from the previous findings from Prioharyono (2010–2012) who states that customary system still has role in the customary village where he conducted research. However, only in the next 3–4 years and after the revisions of Local Autonomy Law in 2014–2015, the political contestation in the village had generated some changes. The Mosalaki had lost some functions it claimed before to the local Head Village (the lowest chief of local government office). To understand these shifts of functions and presumably followed by shifting the authority and legitimacy, this article applies critical ethnography approach which is based on a series of efforts to interpret the data collection in the field and conduct data processing. By doing so, it yields a construction from the studied symptoms.

4. Findings and Discussion

In this section, we will start our explication by a brief description of Ende people and where and how they lived. The people of Flores are comprised of some ethnic groups which are the Manggarai, the Ngadha, the Nagekeo, the Sikka, the Palu’e and the Larantuka. The people of Ende Regency, in fact, are plural society since the people are comprised of some ethnic groups having different religious belief. The plurality of Ende people is not only caused by urbanization from different areas in Flores Island such as Island of Sumba, Rote, Sabu, Timor Barat, Alor, Salor and Lembata.

The villagers of Nggela Customary Village are part of the people of Lio. They usually dwell in Central Flores within Ende Lio Regency administrative area. From the anthropological perspective, the people of Ende Lio are the integration of people in Lio and Ende. Although the language of these two ethnic groups is the same, there are some insignificant differences from these two. Seen from the history of Ende region, during the Colonial era, the word Ende means the center of Ende Sultanate of which majority were Muslims. Howewer, the Muslims currently become the minority in Flores Island. The Christian mission since the Colonial era has entered the inland and become the trigger of religious conversion, which mixs with the previous local culture.

The marine transportation route has connected the Ende pier and piers in Sabu, Kupang, Larantuka and Waingapu, as well as Labuah Bajo and Surabaya. Ende became famous because it had beautiful natural pier and became the center of trade as well as center of local power (Sultan or King). Since back then, Ende has played an important role in the east (Nuryahman, 2012, pp. 25–30). The characteristics of life and livelihood of people in Ende Regency are comprised of (1) Farmer, (2) Labourers, (3) Owner of Livestock, (4) Fishermen, (5) Trader, and (6) Arts and Culture Practitioner

4.1. The concept of customary leadership in ende

The people in Ende-Lio understand the concept of leadership from the custom and belief of their ancestors. According to the myth, their leaders are from the ataria, who were the first sojourners staying and creating farmland in the area.⁴ The people of Ende Lio are formed based on hierarchy: Mosalaki, Ria Bewa, and Kopokasa. Generally, Mosalaki means the people’s leader (Mosa: male, Laki: chief) whose power in fact is not held by only one person. Mosalaki is like governmental board consisted of some Mosalaki which are (1) Mosalaki Puu ine ama anakalo, this Mosalaki is the head of customary group who has to be the head of government, judge, chief of ceremony, security, and welfare. He has the highest position in the customary group. (2) Mosalaki Wiwilema, this Mosalaki is the mediator between Mosalaki Puu and the people. (3) Mosalaki Heu Uwi, this Mosalaki has to prepare all equipments needed for the customary ceremony. (4) Mosalaki Nggabe, he is in charge of collecting food from the people for the customary ceremony. (5) Mosalaki Neta Nao, he is in charge to prepare all ropes for the customary ceremony. (6) Mosalaki Nesa Kaju, this Mosalaki has to make the first wood for the customary house. (7) Mosalaki as the general helper.

Mosalaki is an inherited position which is given by the father to the first son. This leadership has been determined according to custom and stated in their customary poems. Deviance towards the custom is taboo and those breaking the custom will be given sanction. Aside from Mosalaki, there is Ria Bewa, which is the helper of Mosalaki, especially to relay instruction to their customary people. Meanwhile, Kopokasa is an ordinary citizen which supported ritual activities of Mosalaki (Sugishima, 2006 as cited in Prioharyono, 2012a).⁵ To be a Mosalaki, one must be the descendants from the male side in the family. However, they have to pass selection process and customary ritual witnessed by the Mosalaki and other people. Aside from appointment, there is ritual for Mosalaki’s burial. They have special ceremony and are buried carefully.

The rights and authority of the Mosalaki are (1) Dominate, secure, and manage customary land owned by patrilineal client. (2) Lead and conduct various rituals. (3) Implement the customary law and become the head of customary house. They are also involved in spreading the Catholic religion. (4) The Mosalaki (Mosalaki Nata ae) have rights and authority to receive guests in their village (Prioharyono, 2012a, pp. 4,7, 64–67, 91, 113). All decisions in the customary village must be achieved through discussion to gain anonymous decision.⁶ This situation shows the relation of Patron and Client among them, which strengthens the legitimacy. On one hand, it gives benefit for both. On the other hand, it brings loss for the client as the slave which is controlled by the Customary Chief (Legg, 1983; Van Wouden, 1985).

In Ende Lio Regency, there is formal local government that supports the Mosalaki. In evert area (from Regency to village), there are two leaderships which are customary leadership and formal leadership. The police office (Kepolisian Resort/Polres headed by Komandan Kepolisian Resort/Danres), the military office (Komando Distrik Militer/Kodim, headed by Komandan Kodim/Dandim), the attorney officials (Kejaksaan Negeri/Kejari), the judges (Head of court), members of (local) House of Representatives are working together with the Mosalaki to discuss various decisions for the people and the area. Although it is not much, some Mosalaki in some villages also become the Head of Village, except Mosalaki in the studied village.

4.2. The role of Mosalaki in customary village

The role of Mosalaki has more concern on the daily life in the customary village. Meanwhile, the role of Village Head is focusing on the representation of central government. However, both are from the local people. Village Head represents the government’s interest, while the Mosalaki represents the customary people’s interest. During the customary party, the position of Village Head is the same as ordinary people. In contrast, if there is government-related-party, Village Head becomes the leader and the Mosalaki are the ordinary guests. If the Mosalaki makes mistakes or breaks the custom and government’s regulation, then the second Mosalaki, the Riabewa, will handle it based on the applied custom. Since the colonial time and passed through Old Order era (1950–1967), the Mosalaki was assigned to be the representative of central government. However, during New Order era (1967–1998), the role of Mosalaki was shifted by the role of Village Head assigned by the central government who was not even the local. In contrast, during the reformation/decentralization (1998-now), there is tendency that the role of Mosalaki is returned as the local Customary Chief based on the related area context. Therefore, their roles become more marginalized by the presence of other figures such as the officers, bureaucrats, teacher, priests, and NGO activists and village politicians

During the Dutch Colonial era, the Mosalaki got social status and important role as the right hand of Dutch government. Some colonial government’s policies especially those related to tax and forced workers were given through the Mosalaki. The Dutch colonial government gave position as Foreman and Village Police for the Mosalaki along with the rights and obligations such as mobilization of forced workers to build road. The Mosalaki was assigned to have positions in colonial government’s structure which were given monthly salary and education for their kids (Prioharyono, 2012a: 57–67).

The historical process of the creation of Mosalaki’s role has occurred since the Colonial era and continued till present. In most villages within the Ende Lio Regency, the Mosalaki often wins the Village Head Election (Pemilihan Kepala Daerah/Pilkada).⁷ However, in some villages, it was even replaced by the presence of other party including in the studied village.

4.3. The role of Mosalaki during farming management

The Mosalaki used to be the custom’s keeper who had an important role in implementing and preserving various local wisdoms based on local culture. The role of the Mosalaki before the reformation/decentralization was also to keep the social order within the village and keep the forest area preservation at the border of village’s dwelling. The other role is to determine and prepare the customary calendar for events on farming and husbandry for all villagers. Based on the customary calendar, there was schedule for planting the crops such as corn, buckwheat, and rice. However, during the reformation/decentralization era, in some customary villages their roles become more marginalized. It is because of their position which no longer gives contribution to the local villagers; their roles have been taken over by some other parties such as Village Head, Governor, Teacher, traders, young figures, and Catholic Priests who are not from the Mosalaki.⁸

The people in Ende greatly comprehend the customary calendar for planting the crops. In the customary calendar, the Mosalaki still have a role in determining time and schedule of planting their staple food. The violation related to inconsistency schedule done by the villagers will be given sanction and fine by the Mosalaki. However, the anomaly of climate and weather during the past 5 years has brought some difficulties for the villagers to do some farming activities based on their customary farming calendar. Thus, it is not only the anomaly of nature but also the customary life of the locals.⁹

Because of the anomaly of nature, the Mosalaki held customary discussion to give the best solution for their farms. They usually shift the time to plant seed by looking at the natural condition, such as changing from August and September into November and December, when the rain has wet their farming lands. In this context, the Mosalaki are the only ones who are able to change the schedule for farming. However, the basic needs must also be fulfilled by the people who are not Mosalaki. This condition then influences people to break the local customary law to fulfil their needs.

4.4. The role of Mosalaki as order keeper

Aside from the role of Mosalaki while managing the farming traditionally, they also have customary rights and play role in keeping the social order during the daily life. The customary law still becomes the guidance while there is conflict or dispute among the people. All problems will be decided based on the custom and discussed among the Mosalaki. Thus, the decision is shared by all people. The punishment that will be customary sanction or fine is announced to all local people. The customary fine is usually in the form of slaughtering the pig that has to be borne by the one making mistake. The size of pig that will be slaughtered by the Mosalaki depends on the weight of the violation of custom done by someone or a group of villagers. Meanwhile, the police in this regard have policy to deal with various conflicts by prioritizing the implementation of customary law.¹⁰

Various farming programmes that will be implemented by the Agriculture Institution of Ende Lio Regency need to be discussed and socialized with the Mosalaki. With the help of the Mosalaki, various programmes can be socialized and implemented fast and easily in all farming activities of people in Nggela village. A Village Head who is not a Mosalaki, then must cooperate and be able to communicate according to custom with the Mosalaki.¹¹

5. The position of Mosalaki in the concept of three furnaces (Lika Mboko Telu)

The Concept of Three Furnaces (Lika Mboko Telu) is a local wisdom that is still maintained by the people in Ende Lio village to the present time. The Three Furnaces are the form of cooperation among the Government, Custom, and Religion manifested in their social life.¹² The Three Furnaces are the three components in Ende Lio which have important meaning and role during the decision-making process and then continue to implementation of various development programmes. According to the local Governor, various problems in the policies and development programme of the government regency always involve the customary and religious parties both Muslims and Catholics. The Customary Party, in this regard, are the Mosalaki who become one of the three components in the Three Furnaces. They are the controller of custom and land in the village area. The customary lands are managed according to custom by the Mosalaki, especially those farmed by the villagers, known as anakalo fa’e walu. Those villagers who farm consider themselves obliged to give the result of harvest to the Mosalaki according to custom. They are also obliged to obey all customary laws, especially the customary calendars, to plant and harvest their plants. Customary sanction can be given by the Mosalaki if there is violation of custom by the anakalo fa’e walu in the context of social order within the social life of the villagers.¹³

The local government always has regular meeting with the customary figures once a year when they are also slaughtering a buffalo. This cooperation between the Mosalaki and the local government can be seen from the development of facilities such as road, school, and sub-district health centre (Pusat Kesehatan Masyarakat/Puskemas). Based on the local convention, it is decided that all lands are borne by the Mosalaki. Only during the opening ceremony, the officials are asked to follow the customary law from the Mosalaki. This practice is the form of concrete participation of the Mosalaki to the government under the context of Three Furnaces. As a change, there is always customary ritual of which cost is borne by the government.¹⁴

The act of compromise and accommodation from these bureaucrats is only used for keeping the balance and maintaning the role of Mosalaki. Moreover, this act will be shown if the bureaucrats come from the family of the Mosalaki. It is also stated by the local Governor during the interview although the Governor does not originally come from Nggela Customary Village.

Since the last 3 years (2015), the position of Nggela Village Head has no longer filled by one of the Mosalaki. As a result, the customary power owned by the Mosalaki is now hard to be implemented in the social life of people in Nggela village, especially in the farming and husbandry area which used to be controlled based on customary calendar by the Mosalaki. Although the customary land is owned collectively by people as client, the power over the land is still owned by the Mosalaki. This case has worsened the relation between the Mosalaki and the Head Village, which inhibits the provision of budget for the local Customary Village. Meanwhile, Nggela Customary Village is still led by the local Mosalaki who is very old and fragile, appears to lose his charisma. He also shows his conservatism which for most villagers is considered old and backwards.¹⁵

Since the Colonial Era to the present, the Catholic churches have become one of components in Lika Mboko Telu, who plays role in education, health, social and religious aspects. The majority of Nggela and Sada village are Christians who duly perform their religious rituals. Besides, the Catholic churches also actively support education. Some schools were built during Dutch Colonial era. These schools used to be facilities for the kids of the Mosalaki. Recently, the Catholic elementary and high schools still play the role they used to have in the Colonial era. They are still chosen by the Catholics family because schools are mostly dominated by Muslim kids.

The role of churches which have given many aids and welfare for many people indirectly becomes the factor which marginalizes the Mosalaki along with their relatives, whom for most people did not give many aids but burden their life. The presence of churches together with the community have shifted the willingness of social mobility of some villagers to be the relative and slave for the Mosalaki (client), so they become part of church community (such as priest, nun, and teacher at Catholic School) which increases their prestige in the eye of other people.

The local wisdom of Lika Mboko Telu which becomes the foundation and guidance by the three parties namely Government, Custom/Mosalaki, and Religious Leaders used to give meaning in their life. However, the long hiatus during the New Order government has shifted this local practice; it becomes marginalized and forgotten due to direct formal policies from the central government which was centralism.¹⁶ Moreover, the influence of Local Autonomy based on democratic concept opens the opportunities for many people to increase their social mobility in various social and political spaces. Therefore, the position of three furnaces becomes imbalance.

5.1. New Order era: Authoritarian centralism

During New Order era, all local government policies were determined by the central government, especially by the Departments of Internal Affairs and other government departments, managed by the Head of Department Area in the province. The Top-Down policy was implemented by Central Government to determine various policies. Meanwhile, the local government only implemented or became the actor of development programmes which were the explanation of those government policies. The appointment of regional head (governor, mayor, and regent) was fully determined by the Central Government. Thus, the governor, mayor, regent and head of government offices below the Local Government were not significant decision-makers because they did not have political power as the formal political leaders in their own area (Antlov, 2002; Prioharyono, 2012a).

The process of Pancasila Democratization implemented by the New Order regime was based on deliberation on consensus, but in fact it did not give rights to give opinions based on local aspiration (Antlov, 2002 as cited in Prioharyono, 2012a). During the New Order era, the Golongan Karya Party was the only political party who had political access till the people in remote area. However, during the reformation era, the PDI-P party dominates the votes for election almost in every area in the Regency in Flores.

5.2. Reformation era: Local autonomy and decentralization (1998 till present)

The Law of Local Autonomy No. 22 Year 1999 is the beginning of changes of political policy and formal political system in Indonesia. In the legal explanation of Law No. 22 Year 1999 and Law No. 32 Year 2004, Law No. 12 Year 2008, Law No. 23 Year 2014, to Law No. 9 Year 2015, it is said that local autonomy is the flexibility of local government to hold government authority in certain areas which are needed to develop their region. The form can be improvement of service and welfare for the society as well as maintaining harmonious relation between the central and local government.

Explanation on Local Autonomy Law is related to the duty of local government to facilitate various local wisdoms in Ende Lio. The cooperation conducted by the Regency, Local Government and the society using the concept of Three Furnaces in reality often faces obstacle, especially related to the accountability of financial report. Meanwhile, Law of Local Autonomy No. 32 Year 2004 expands the definition of local autonomy into: “the presence of rights, authority, and responsibility of local autonomy to manage and handle their own government and local people’s interest, based on the applied law” as the product of local legislative body.

Now, the central government gives flexibility for the local government to run their government bases on local culture. The central government gives more rights and authority to local government to develop their own areas. The presence of decentralization system has given authority from the central to the local government to introduce local culture based on local wisdom to the new generation, to give Local Subject (usually local language subject) in elementary school. Besides, some customary ceremonies in the village, like how to respect the ancestors, how to respect the harvest, and some other ceremonies from the wedding to the funeral including local customary law have started to be introduced to the young generation.¹⁷

5.3. Democratization and local leadership

Direct election of local leader stipulated in the Law No. 32 Year 2004 (and amended by Law No. 9/2015) gives way and opportunity for developing democratization in Indonesia. A way of learning democracy in Indonesia has been done far before the independence to the present. Through Pilkada (local election) system, the local political figures can appear as formal political leaders in the Province and Regency. Some political activities as “local son” (putra daerah) have appeared in their own area to be the candidate of local leader. The presence of Pilkada causes transactional politics. The local political elites play role in the Pilkada in Ende, generally represented by some interested parties, including the Mosalaki. During New Order regime, all local leaders and local political leaders, especially in the Province and Regency were determined by Department of Internal Affairs. However, during Reformation era, the customary figures are able to compete with other figures in Pilkada. There are even some Mosalaki who did not get any votes in one Pilkada.¹⁸

The presence of local autonomy based on decentralization becomes crucial problem since it tends to cause conflict among different parties in an area during Pilkada and Pemilu (general election). The opportunity to take care of their own area directly affects the euphoria of freedom for the politicians, ruler, and businessmen (oligarchy) to snatch position in local government especially before Pilkada (Gunawan et al., 2013).¹⁹

For the past few years, Pilkada in Ende Regency have no longer been dominated by the Mosalaki. Other professions such as teacher, bureaucrat, doctor, and businessmen emerge as local political elites who tackle one another. They join the competition in Pilkada in the Regency. However, the democratization process has not run optimally in the local level, especially in the village. In fact, political parties have already had political access to the villagers. Actually, they have not participated actively to socialize the democratic principles in the village. According to some respondents, the politicians only appear in the beginning of Pilkada and then disappear.

Democratization has caused competition to get economic and political resources become harder. Network mobilization of relative, ethnicity, and religion then is strengthened to win the difficult competition. For new democratic countries, the leaders of the groups often manipulate the fluctuation of their group’s identity. Those leaders exploit clan historical factors and cultural symbols to mobilize political support (Jumadi cited in Buchari, 2014: p. 28). However, what we found in the field is the other way round. Especially in the studied village, the clan and patrimonial symbols become more marginalized. Theoretically, the presence of excess is caused by some factors related to the structural aspect of the past economy during Colonial and New Order eras which still continues till present. It gives justification for some people to marginalize the primordial group in the context of local autonomy.

Using the local autonomy, the elected Regents can play their new roles as “Small Kings” in remote area such as Ende Regency. Those people receive most funds from the central government and control the distribution through certain ways in order to give them for the supporters. If they are able to cooperate with the head of Local House of Representatives, the local oligarchy, and able to accommodate the head of military and police, then they can control the Regency as well as keep their patronage network without facing many obstacles and competitors. This condition weakens the traditional patronage in the studied village.

6. Conclusions

Based on the previous research conducted by Prioharyono, 2012a) and additional data from this research, there are some factors causing the marginalization of role and authority of the Mosalaki in the Customary Village which becomes the research object. First, the democracy and local autonomy policy opens opportunity for other parties to participate in politics both formally and informally which can replace the role and position of the Mosalaki, who previously could become customary leader and Village Head; however, it is now replaced and marginalized by other party which is not even from Mosalaki family. The chosen Village Head now is a successful trader in the village. Second, the time gap which is around 30 years during New Order era weakens the ritual practices and the role of customary leaders in their society as well as reduces the regeneration from the Mosalaki because the system of regeneration is based on descendants. Third, along with the anomaly of farming schedule, the role of Mosalaki while managing the schedule faces obstacle. It weakens their charismatic function. Other impact is weakening customary sanction for the people who start farming without the ritual counts from the Mosalaki. The act of violating the customary law cannot be accepted although the farmers did it based on their needs.

Fourth, there are many TKW (Female Indonesian Workers Abroad) and TKI (Indonesian Workers Abroad) as well as other free workers from the young generation who give added value and are able to increase their social mobility from the local people that are not from the Mosalaki, so the role of the Mosalaki and their family becomes marginalized and forgotten. This condition shows that opportunity for social mobility during Reformation era can be given to any aspects and profession which are far from their permanent dwelling. Fifth, there is a bigger power of the Regency over the local government which is able to take over the role of customary leader without following the local regulation. Sixth, there is expensive and high burden of a ritual that must be borne by the people, so it reduces some rituals that involve the central role of the Mosalaki. Seventh, the shift of prestige of a symbolic capital which used to be owned by the group and descendants of the Mosalaki to capital power in the form of high education, capital control over non-customary land, and prestige as part of church community, such as become Priest and Nun, owned by those outside the Mosalaki group. Eight, Mosalaki in general are considered backward and conservative. Moreover, the system to change Mosalaki is a closed system based on genealogical requirements and descendants; it is then hard to have regeneration of new and young Mosalaki. It is also caused by the Mosalaki’s relatives who are no longer oriented to be Mosalaki who must stay in the customary village.

The marginalization of the Mosalaki’s role in the studied village causes imbalance of the concept Liko Mbelo Telu (Three Furnaces). These three components are no longer together but becomes new hierarchy system in the local customary stratification based on formal top-down relation, which is similar to that of during New Order era. In the past, the bureaucrats were chosen by the Central Government, but now they are chosen by the people. This condition cannot be separated from the local autonomy impact for the people staying in one customary villages in Ende-Lio Regency, Flores. These new realities brought by the decentralization policy does not inclusively provide space for informal institution as an equal governance unit with formal-structured local/regional government to govern indigenous people. On some occasion, the Mosalaki could still hold the equal position and authority in Liko Mbelo Telu (Three Furnaces), carrying out the Ende Lio people’s traditional aspirations in some public ceremonies and rituals. But on the other hand, it has to manage a balancing course of action with the formal leader in order to accomplish regional development programmes that are designed by the regional or central government.

Interview

1. Regent of Ende; Ir. Marselinus Y.W. Petu (12 August 2015), Place and time: Ende District Head Office.

2. H.A. Djamal Humris, BBM; Chairman of the MUI of Ende Regency, former legislative member of the Golkar Party, Chairman of the NU Kab. Ende (12 August 2015), Office of the MUI Ende Flores

3. Young Lambertus; Mosalaki Pu’u/Ine Ame Desa Adat Nggela (14 August 2015), Place of Traditional House Nggela

4. Thomas Nggomba Neta: Mosalaki Turu Tena-Nata Ae, Nggela Traditional Village (14 August 2015), Place: Nggela Traditional House

5. Leo Mbulu: Mosalaki Ruu Tau Tuu, Guard the Tau Rara of the Nggela Traditional Village. (15 August 2015) Place for the Nggela Traditional House

6. Bertolomeus Kumi: Mosalaki, Nggela Traditional Village. (15 August 2015) Place: Nggela Traditional House

7. Vinsensius Beo: Head of Nggela Village (18 August 2015) Place: Office of the Village Head of Nggela

8. Thomas Pius: Police officer (18 August 2015). Place: Nggela Police Station

9. Bertolomeus Wolo: Ordinary citizen (20 August 2015). Place in the Nggela Traditional Village

10. Markus Neba: Ordinary citizen (20 August 2015). The place in the city of Ende

Acknowledgements

This work was funded by Hibah Multidiscipline DRPM UI 2015 number: 1607/UN2.R12/HKP.05.00/2015.

This article is dedicated to J. Emmed M. Prioharyono (Antropologist and Lecturer in Faculty of Political and Social Sciences, Universitas Indonesia, who passed away in 2016). Along with Adrianus LG Waworuntu and Zeffry Alkatiri, he conducted a research of local leadership model in Nggela Customary Village in Wolojita District, Ende Lio Regency, Flores from 4 to 25 August 2015. This article has been edited by Zeffry Alkatiri as a member of research team.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Additional information

Funding

This work was supported by the Universitas Indonesia [1607/UN2.R12/HKP.05.00/2015].

Notes on contributors

Adrianus L.G. Waworuntu

Adrianus L.G. Waworuntu is senior lecturer and researcher in Department of Area Studies and in Chinese Sudies Program, Faculty of Humanities, Universitas Indonesia. His research interests are local leadership, Chinese classic literatures, and Indonesian Chinese diaspora. Adrianus L.G. Waworuntu can be contacted at: [email protected]

Zeffry Alkatiri

Zeffry Alkatiri Associate professor at Department of History Faculty of Humanities Universitas Indonesia. Doctor Degree from Faculty of Humanities Universitas Indonesia (2006). Focus and concentration on issues of social and cultural history. He published books and articles on democratization, human rights, and local politics. Zeffry Alkatiri can be contacted at: [email protected] or [email protected]

Reynaldo de Archellie

Reynaldo de Archellie is a lecturer in at Department of Area Studies, Russian Studies Program in Faculty of Humanities at Universitas Indonesia. His current research encompasses nationalist elements in Russian history, Russian soft power in East Asia, and Indonesia’s local leadership. Reynaldo de Archellie can be contacted at: [email protected] or [email protected]

Notes

1. Unfortunately, on 29 October 2018, Nggela Customary Village was burnt down because of electrical short circuit from a house made of wood and sago palm. (A total of 32 houses consisting of 22 traditional houses and 10 residents’ houses in Nggela Village, Wolojita District, Ende Regency, were scorched by fire on Monday (Pos Kupang.com, Ende, 29/10/2018). http://kupang.tribunnews.com/2018/10/29/di-kabupaten-ende-32-rumah-warga-nggela-ludes-dilalap-api-ini-pemicunya.

2. This article refers to Local Autonomy Law No. 9/2015. It is stated in Article 1 Law No. 32, 2004 and re-enhanced in Article 1 Law No. 9/2015 that Local Autonomy is local authority to manage and take care of the locals’ needs based on their own initiatives from locals’ aspiration in regards to the applied regulation. The principle of Local Autonomy states that the principle of autonomy can be used as wide as possible which means local government is given authority to manage and take care of all governments’ matters to achieve the aim, which is not deviant from law (Source: Direktorat Jenderal Otonomi Daerah site).

3. The negative outcomes from Local Autonomy and marginalization of local leaders are shown in the study of Roem Topatimasang (ed). 2016. Orang-Orang Kalah: Kisah Penyingkiran Masyarakat Adat Kepulauan Maluku. Yogjakarta: Insist Press. In his book, there are 10 cases in which the role of customary chief and customary values in some areas of Southeast Maluku are shifted.

4. Sources can be found in Cerita Rakyat Lio Flores (Pusat Pembinaan dan Pengembangan Bahasa: Departemen Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan, 1992). This book contains five folklores of the people in Lio, one of big groups spread Ende region and the surrounding area. Those five stories are grouped in the forms of legend, fable, and myth on the origin of Ende-Lio people. Other source comes from interview with some Mosalaki.

5. As the descendants, Mosalaki indirectly have symbolic means which are used to have power and manage the social, political, and economic life of the people-farmer in their village. This power then is passed to the next genealogical descendants based on the applied custom. Meanwhile, the ordinary people (anakalo fae) can farm based on the permission from the Mosalaki. The ordinary people who are given permission are obliged to give some of the crops from the harvest to the Mosalaki and are obliged to help every preparation for ritual done by the Mosalaki (Prioharyono, 2012a, p. 3).

6. Based on the result of interview with Ende Regent, Ir. Marcellinus Y. Pettu (12 August 2015) in Governor’s Office (In Regent`s Office).

7. During our observation in the field, some Mosalaki who have successfully won in Pilkada are supported by their abundant relatives, and it is not because of the local people. Some Mosalaki who have few relatives are not able to compete with the new informal figure whose status used to be below them. They are ordinary people who can collect materials from outside their area and buy the villagers’ votes through support from certain political parties. That is what we found in the studied village which become the research’s object.

8. Result of the observation and interview with some informants. The presence of Local Autonomy gives every party chance to compete to be local Head Village See also research from Maribeth Erb (2010: pp. 269–299). “Kebangkitan Adat di Flores Barat: Budaya, Agama, dan Tanah” (Jakarta: KITLV dan YOI).

9. Other impact of indefinite natural change is the tendency of the young who leave intensive farming because they want to work on other fields which give more economic benefits in the city. This trend directly affects the number of productive age in the village within the Wolojita subdistrict, including in the two studied village. Besides, the jobs outside local farming give better income. The young in Wolojita subdistrct prefer to be the ojek or go out from the village to work in local farm and land. Thus, this situation indirectly affects the authority of the Mosalaki who take care of the farming (Prioharyono 2012: 25 and 33). Besides, they become female worker (TKW) and Indonesian worker (TKI) in foreign countries (Based on legal data of TKW and TKI from some villages in Ende who are sent to Malaysia, Singapore, Hongkong; there are around 12 people from every village. Meanwhile, TKI who work in the Arabic areas come from other villages, usually the Muslems) (See the website on TKI 2015).

10. During our interview with the police it is stated that in some cases, customary sanctions are harder than the formal punishment, such as robbery and rape because the sanction involves the family and relatives, who have to pay around 3–6 pigs, based on the request of losing party. Thus, they prefer to handle the case in front of the police rather than the Mosalaki. As a result, the role of Mosalaki as order keeper is replaced by the police.

11. During the research conducted by Prioharyono, it was found from a Priest that a wealthy and known businessman who was not the local from Jopu (the village in southern Ende) could be a Mosalaki. The most important for the villagers in Jupo was that the person could give added value by fulfilling the needs of the people (Prioharyono 2012: 77 and 78). In other words, there was a change, although most villages were still led by the Mosalaki, but the long gap for 30 years in New Order era causes the weakening of regeneration among the Mosalaki, which then turns to be filled by other people.

12. Actually, many societies in Indonesia also know the three structures like one in Ende; for instance, the Minang knows Tali Tigo Sapilin or Tigo Tungku Sajarangan which means similar to the institutional model in Ende. See Suryanef and Al Rafni. 2013. “Kembali ke Nagari, Kembali ke Identitas dan Demokrasi Lokal”, cited in Jamil Gunawan (ed), et al. Desentralisasi Globalisasi dan Demokrasi Lokal. Jakarta: LP3ES. pp. 351–363. Or in Renske Biezeveld. 2010. “Ragam Peran Adat di Sumatra Barat”, cited in Jamie S Davidson (ed). Adat dalam Politik Indonesia. Jakarta: KITLV and YOI. pp. 221–244.

13. During the research conducted by Emmed, it was found that for the anakalo fa’e walu, the role of the Mosalaki during Colonial era was greatly feared and became scourge for them because they often did violence to those who were not the descendants of the Mosalaki. Nowadays, the difference only lies on the time of ritual. At such time, Mosalaki has different position from most villagers while at other times they are the same (Prioharyono, 2012a, pp. 83–84).

14. In regard to some customary rituals, the local government must provide fund from their Local Government Budget—APBD, every year. (interview with the local Governor (Regent) and cross check with local figure during the field work.)

15. Interview with some youths, both from Mosalaki family and ordinary villagers.

16. However, currently, the local government (the Regent) is not really willing to cooperate with the Local Leaders (Mosalaki), because they feel that their position is higher than the presence of the customary people who no longer have mass support. It is also caused by the customary sanction which is considered burdensome.

17. It is realized by the elders in the two villages that new generation do not really know the local custom. Moreover, the education causes dispute with the customary practices. Based on one informant, the current generation only know a little tradition in their village, so it confuses the older generation. There are actually many customary sanctions such as those for rape. However, in some places, the customary sanction is intervened and taken over by the police for certain purposes. Besides, the perception of local government and Church is different from the customary perception related to violation and customary sanctions. Local government can say that an act violates human rights, but customary leader can deny it. There is information stating that Head of Village in Saga Village in Wolojito District once took over the role of Mosalaki in determining fine for someone.

18. According to one respondent, the next village after Nggela, a local election—Pilkada can be won by a young Catholic teacher against the local customary figures (Result of interview with a Mosalaki in Nggela village 14–15 August 2015). Meanwhile, the name of the Head of Nggela Village that we met, is Vincent Beo, a successful man in his area, who is not from the local Mosalaki family.

19. There are some studies on local conflict after New Order era and negative impacts from Local Autonomy implementation as stated by Henk Schulte Norhodlt (ed) et al. 2007. Politik Lokal di Indonesia. Jakarta: KITLV-YOI (Yusron, 2009). Elite Lokal dan Civil Society: Kediri di Tengah Demokratisasi. Jakarta: LP3ES. Yulizar Syafri. 2010. Kontektualisasi Kesukubangsaan di Perkotaan. Jakarta: IAI. Thung Ju Lan, et al. 2010. Klaim,, Konstestasi, dan Konflik Identitas: Lokalitas vis a vis Nasionalitas. Jakarta: IAI. Zairyardam Zubir. . Budaya Konflik dan Jaringan Kekerasan. Yogjakarta: Insist Press. Novri Susan. Negara Gagal Mengelola Konflik: Demokrasi dan Tata Kelola Konflik di Indonesia. Yogjakarta: Pustaka Pelajar. Muryanti, et al. Teori Konflik dan Konflik Agraria di Pedesaan. Yogjakarta: Insist Press.