Venereal diseases, military and women in colonial Fiji (1930s-1940s)

Abstract

This article explores the main features and the implications of the colonial medical policies and legislation regarding Venereal diseases (VD) during the colonial period (the 1930s-40s) in Fiji. The British Parliament has intensively discussed the VD, enacted various regulations, introduced prevention campaigns to combat this deadly infectious disease, and rescued its military citizens. The current literature on the history of medicine in relation to the growth and implications of VD in Fiji needs to be studied more. Therefore, the analysis investigated how imperial VD, legislation in Fiji, and the loss of allied acts passed. The research represents the historical, ethnic, and cultural context of developing new markers of apparent predominance among Europeans, Indians, Natives, and others in the national population. This study objectively re-examines the un-researched quantitative and qualitative data available in the National Archives of Fiji and other repositories to document the growth and evolution of VD and it's cures in colonial Fiji.

Keywords:

• Venereal diseases
• medical practices
• remedies
• hospitals
• colonial policies
• and parliamentary debates
• military
• Fiji

1. Introduction

In 1874, Fiji was called the British Colony of the Crown by the Deed of Cession, signed by the Fijian chiefs. Indentured Labour from India was introduced to Fiji by the sugar cane industry in the late 19th century. From then on, Fiji became a multi-ethnic country with three major groups: Fijian indigenous peoples, Europeans, and Indo-Fijians. Fiji started to create an army for the first time during World War I. The Fiji Defense Force (FDF) was formed in 1914 to help defend the colonies from German raiders.¹ In World War II, Fiji still participated in the fight, but the struggle was less serious than in other sections, and Fiji was scarcely impacted. This was different after World War II. At the start of the Second World War in 1939, the FDF consisted of a headquarters, a signal section, and just one territorial battalion. As well as contributing to the British war effort in Europe, the colonial government tried to extend the land’s defenses. One-way fundraising was done to support the buyouts of several planes for the British campaign.² Fiji and its nearby island groups were essential to the security of the Allied countries of Australia since they served as a critical connection in the lines of contact and supply between Australia and the Americas. This immediate challenge contributed to creating more intense defence and military powers in Fiji, first provided by New Zealand and then by the United States. The position of Fiji has become less critical. Given the subsequent removal of Fiji’s importance in the war, the Fiji War’s implications and its physical effects will linger for several years after its end.³ Fiji had two major races, indigenous Fijians and Indo-Fijians (brought in Fiji from 1879 till 1920, with 60,000 under the indenture system), and both were administered by British colonial power.

The influence of European-centered business, ideas, organizations, and warfare had penetrated every corner of the planet. Historians also studied VD awareness, examined social and health reactions to venereal sicknesses, and surveyed the effects of government policy and medical care on the general welfare and sexual actions of citizens of different social backgrounds. Paleopathology would be a problem when explaining the roots of Syphilis because of the discovery by Dr Jones. The human skeleton contains hints about the history of modern humans, and it can be used as evidence.⁴ The history of medicine and technological inventions under the empire is conceived more as “curiosity and disdain”.⁵ The history of medicine has recently grown enormously throughout recent decades. The above works give us a general image of VD and their historical, intellectual, and social facets in World- perspectives, but there are few works accessible for the Pacific area and Fiji. This study on VD in respect to Fiji is groundbreaking research. The fact that this is the first time anybody has researched Venereal diseases in respect to Fiji is a significant milestone in the field of VD.

2. Historiography

Webster’s New World Dictionary defines the term “Venereal Diseases” as diseases that are transmitted only or chiefly by sexual intercourse with an infected individual, and there were two types of diseases, i.e., Syphilis and Gonorrhea which are also known as Contagious diseases.

The history of diseases has also been reported that the most prevalent VD are Syphilis, Gonorrhea, chancroid, and lymphogranuloma venereum have afflicted humans since the beginning of time.⁶ It is not known which illnesses were the first to be transmitted sexually between humans but looking at infections that occur in animals may provide some useful information. It is likely that, as humans developed from lesser animals, the parasites that infect them also evolved through time. Francis Bacon (1561–1626) says, “Man is of kin to the beasts with his body”.⁷ There’s a chance that genital infections were first mentioned in ancient Chinese medical texts. In 1863, a French naval officer named Captain Dabry published the results of his study of ancient Chinese medical texts that dated back to 2500 B.C.⁸

In the fourteenth century, the French brought two terms utilized in infectious infections: “contagion”, which means contacting/contact, and disease from des (lack of) ease (comfort).⁹

There can be no questioning the significance of VD historiography. The effective fight to revoke the Contagious Disease Acts, 1864–86, even as they were announced extensively in many colonies, was an authoritative apparatus of mobilization for Victorian feminism.¹⁰ The Contagious Diseases Acts of 1864, 1866, 1868 and 1869 were introduced in England as legislation to control the spread of VD among enlisted men in garrison towns and ports. Under the Acts, a woman could be identified as a “common prostitute” by a special plainclothes policeman and subjected to fortnightly internal examination. The prostitute, if found suffering, was to be interned in a certified lock hospital for a period not exceeding nine months.¹¹

Parliament passed these laws unobtrusively, and the press alluded to them quickly, apparently because the subject was not viewed as appropriate for public discussion. Gradually, notwithstanding, English people became mindful of this enactment, and analysis came with mindfulness. By 1869, considerable opposition had emerged, ¹² and therefore, two commissions were set up to ask into the administration and operation of the Contagious Diseases Acts: A Royal Commission in 1870, and a Select Committee of the House of Commons in 1879. They previously heard the declaration from eighty observers who met for forty-five days; they last heard a declaration from seventy-one observers over three years who met for sixty-eight days. Likewise, parliamentary discussions on the Contagious Diseases Acts occurred in 1870, 1873, 1875, 1876, 1883, and 1886. By 1883 it had become evident that the Acts were so loathsome to numerous English people that parliament erased the most controversial part of the laws, made a compulsory periodical medical examination. The Acts were completely repealed in 1886.¹³ The significance of this opposing combination of power and knowledge in influencing state negotiation was established by exploring a specific arrangement of proceedings in nineteenth-century state formation.

This discriminatory act was intended to improve the welfare and well-being of the colonial community in Natal Africa, India, Fiji, and other colonies. Under British settlement in Fiji (1874–1970), the Ordinance on VD was enacted in 1881 and repealed in 1882 to allow for the prevention and cure of contagious diseases.¹⁴ The Ordinance endeavoured to grant the police officers unrestricted authority to arrest any woman or young lady accused of being a prostitute and to transfer her to the nearest government hospital for review. After the test, the medical officer shall grant a certificate. The act applies to the jurisdiction of the police, and the fine levied on citizens as follows:

“ … any person interfere with any police officer in execution of his duties under this ordinance he shall on summary conviction be imprisoned with or without hard labour for any term not exceeding three months or shall be ordered to ordered to forfeit any sum not exceeding ten pounds and in default of payment thereof be imprisoned for any term not exceeding three months unless such fine shall be sooner paid.” ¹⁵

Sexual contact with a person suffering from VD was not permitted. If any person who has sexual intercourse with any woman seeking treatment for VD is subject to penalties not exceeding five pounds or imprisonment not exceeding two months.¹⁶ Public Health Ordinance 1911 of Fiji, according to Section 54 VD was declared an infectious disease and was eventually revised by the Public Health Ordinance 1933 under Section 25.¹⁷ The AHB Chief Medical Officer proposed that a Native Legislation be placed into effect rendering the concealment of Venereal disease in Fiji a rather severe infraction.¹⁸

Recently published articles on women and public health have shown the degree to which historical and social perceptions influence medical theories and experiences shaped. Venereal disease is not merely a medical, amoral, or legal problem, it is foremost a social problem.¹⁹ However, Michel Foucault has examined “public health” measures in the light of colonial power as a means by which the state aimed to know and control its subjects.²⁰ British Medicine sought to settle or ameliorate those bodily conditions and ailments which imperial extension, as a norm, had produced in the Worst spot: namely, the acquaintance of communicable diseases with disconnected communities: smallpox, tuberculosis, measles, daunting spoof, and that was just the beginning. VD people were severe worries in all early settlements and were significant problems from the eighteenth century until World War II. Unlike the current experiences with sexually transmitted disorders, which are much more understandable, these ancient ailments were serious challenges to the empire’s military.²¹

3. I-taukei and Venereal diseases

Tona is the indigenous word for VD. The general thought is that these diseases do not originate in Fiji. The Chief Medical Officer of Fiji suggested that locals should be allowed to declare some transmittable diseases. (He also mentioned) banning of Native dances (Taralala), which significantly increased sexual freedoms and led to the spread of disease, so [prohibit it]. Moreover, the medical officer stated regarding his conversation with Native Medical Practitioners about the rising cases of VD and recorded:

“ … I have been shocked at the promiscuity which prevails on some occasions. The ‘Taralala’ is a pernicious dance and has in my opinion been responsible to a great extent for the spread of Gonorrhoea in Macuata.’ Intoxicating liquor also apparently so easy to obtain by the natives in settlements where there are numbers of half-castes-this and the ‘Taralala’ combined-is another aid to the spread of the disease was introduced”²²

The study concerning VD in Fiji, confirmed by the district medical officer between 1931 and 1932, showed a rapid spread of Gonorrhea in Dreketi, where ‘women are notorious for their lack of morals.²³ However, the memorandum just sought to present women as “notoriety,” yet forgot to explain women’s subjectivity and their patriarchal and social circumstances. Their sexual intercourse is the product of socioeconomic conditions. Karl Marx referred to the challenging situation encountered by working-class women. As a part of the proletariat, they have little to offer except their labour, and where there is not enough productive labour, women have been compelled to sell their bodies to survive.²⁴ The study cites the rise in Fijians cases and mentions two Europeans and two Chinese infected with severe Gonorrhea by the District Medical Officer. Both had contracted the disease in Dreketi.²⁵ Based on inquiries and statistics, some districts like Ba, Nadroga, Navua, Taveuni, and Lautoka reflect that the disease was extremely scary.²⁶ The information given suggests that the occurrence of VD did not grow and that, except for Bua and Macuata, the sum of VD was minimal. Looking at Dreketi, records from the travelling medical officer, Labasa disagreed, but there seemed no reason for concern. In Macuata and Bua, there were two primary origins from which the disease spread; Labasa itself and the vessels that visited.²⁷ The Diseases were always found to be rare among rural Fijians.²⁸ It is evident from the annual report for 1932 on the district of Macuata that the disease’s incident was more significant in the vicinity of the towns where coastal boats call, which shows that it was extremely cared for by the crews of these vessels.²⁹ Two hundred Fijian evacuated from Suva in 1943, and only 11 of the known characters were medically examined. And nine were found infected.³⁰ Some girls were also found infected under 13 years.³¹

There were credible statistics accessible in the National Archive of Fiji, as well as annual medical reports that documented instances of venereal diseases VD between 1936 and 1943, indicating Fiji’s issue. Before the war, it was not a serious one. But for a small and constant number of cases in one of the main Indo-Fijian population centres, Labasa. Syphilis was practically unknown, and Fijian were not regarded as susceptible because of their almost universal yaws infection or diathesis. Gonorrhoea was a frequent disease in the populated centres, more common among Indians than in Fijians. However, it is acclaimed that it was probably increasing among Indian due to their gradual emancipation from communal ties and freer movement in the colony.³² A matter of considerable concern was that many young Fijian girls had been taken away from their villages to locations where large congregations of soldiers had taken place and had been coerced into sex by a pledge of swift and straightforward money.³³ The Defense (Evacuation of Natives) regulations were passed in March 1942. Since the implementation of the legislation and by the end of 1943, nearly 450 evacuations ordered had been served. Several of the girls had returned to their villages after examination and treatment.³⁴ By 1942, the number of deployed troops had raised the threat to native Fijians since many of them had been taken into families from their villages to the towns in numbers previously undreamt. In the cities, women were exposed to the lure of high income from soldiers who found themselves in a land where, until their presence, prostitution was relatively nonexistent.³⁵ The risk was highest in the case of Gonorrhea, as Syphilis was a rare disease among Fijians. Perhaps they develop some immunity from the prevalence of yaws. If Gonorrhea had spread back to the village from the military zones, it was challenging to control it.³⁶ VD was not terrible for Fiji. Before the War, it was not that serious. Syphilis was not identified, and Fijians were not considered vulnerable due to their persistent yaws infection. Gonorrhoea was a severe disease among the Indians in Fiji rather than among the Fijians. Many poor and marginalized inhabitants had been moved to towns and cities, mostly from their villages. Women have been subjected to the appeal of high profits from troops. The remarkable shift in behaviour towards venereal disease was largely attributed to the main reasons. One of them is the shift in the social structure of the country. The middle classes had risen to the fore because of urbanization. They have become more and more the general way of living and no longer, as in earlier days, the high society.

4. Indentured labourers and Venereal diseases

The Contagious Disease Ordinance of 1882 made it known that there was a provision for a certificate of clearance of venereal disease by an immigration inspector or any local hospital. When they suffer from the disease, they are transferred to the nearest hospital and paid from public funds. According to the terms of the Ordinance, any indentured worker who is sent to a hospital ‘doesn’t even have the opportunity to obtain any compensation or payment from his employer for the period he is in hospital. ³⁷The immigrant’s wage deduction was rendered during their internment in a hospital for VD treatment.³⁸ The medical officer’s duty was to inspect the immigrants at the time of arrival in the colony.³⁹ Among the Indian population of Macuata, there were increases in cases of Gonorrhea. ⁴⁰The Levuka district report also testifies that chronic gonorrhoea was common among the Indian people, and the effects of Syphilis were observed in two adult Indians.⁴¹ Since the early days of the immigration of Indians under the indentured system, when rather a large proportion of the plantation labourers were infected, VD had not been a severe problem in Fiji until the arrival of troops from overseas in 1941.⁴² Immigrants were tested and inspected upon arrival in the colony.

5. Effect of war

Fiji also took a role in the war and was deeply influenced by the global conflict. Fiji was explicitly targeted by Japanese aggression between 1942 and 1943 and was subsequently used as a forward base for US troops. Initially, a military force was set up to protect the government but ultimately operated overseas in the Solomon Islands. The landscape has been changed by developing defensive structures, hospitals, airfields, and other commercial assets. These physical improvements to the nation mark a transition in the Fijian community and culture.⁴³

Army policy regarding VD during World War II was carried out exclusively with the implementation of three methods, i.e., prevention, diagnosis and treatment, and observation.⁴⁴ From the early dawn of military movements and drills, sexual cleanliness and behaviour have proven to be a big problem for the World Army, and WW2 ended up doing the same. Soldiers on service overseas were always desolate, had the ability to save, had pinned to go home, or looked for a female companion.⁴⁵ The evidence evinces believe that there was an increase in VD cases during the war’s periods worldwide. The historian Lucy Bland used the portmanteau “militarization” to characterize the mechanism of turning the problem of VD during the 1980s.⁴⁶ Before the war, the risks of venereal infections were already starting to be understood and were eventually met courageously. Indeed, it was time, and even war is less harmful to mankind than VD. A venereal disease is bound to propagate not only among soldiers but also among civilians.⁴⁷ Similarly, venereal diseases have increased enormously in Fiji due to war conditions.⁴⁸ Governor-General Philip Euen Mitchell recorded in 1944 that the war contributed to an appreciable rise in the prevalence of the disease owing to the involvement of large numbers of overseas troops; the pool of diseases expanded considerably, while the drift of the populace from rural to urban areas and some breakup of tribal and family influencers as a consequence of war conditions increased licensing and sexual promiscuity.⁴⁹

The issue first triggered concern with the arrival of New Zealand soldiers in the latter half of 1940; it intensified with the advent of civilian aerodrome-built units, possibly because they were not subject to the same disciplines and routine medical examination as military staff, and it escalated shortly after the U.S. forces replaced the New Zealanders in June 1942.⁵⁰ By 1942, the number of soldiers stationed in the colonies had grown significantly, and the possible risk from the VD had risen proportionately. The risk was highest in the case of native Fijians, many of whom had been taken in families from their villages to cities. In the suburbs, women were exposed to the lure of high income from soldiers who encountered themselves in a place where, until the present, prostitution was virtually unknown.⁵¹ Marx about describes capital that disrupts the culture, but eventually, money becomes a community. He clarified money’s central and complex role in the general movement of commodity development and trade that underpins capitalism.⁵²

Soon after the consultation was conducted in April 1941 regarding prophylactic and early care centres for the men by the military, medical and the police authority, these were quickly developed in internment camps and Suva. The United States continues to be supported by governments overseas. The Health Department has been able to track down possible infection through the latest sex reports framework.⁵³ The U.S. military’s solution to sex is to promote sexual abstinence for men and contraceptive usage for women. Government training films urged soldiers, “Don’t forget—put it on before you put it in.”⁵⁴ To improve the sexual hygiene of its troops, the U.S. Army produced several documents and equipment that carried messages about sex hygiene and VD (see Figure 1). The U.S. Government produced several pamphlets issued to troops educating them about the importance of good sexual health.⁵⁵

Figure 1. US military venereal prophylactic unit.

For more details, see: https://www.med-dept.com/articles/venereal-disease-and-treatment-during-ww2/

As far as the Fiji Defense force is concerned, the medical officer in command of the Colonial War Memorial Hospital announced that forty-one cases have been detected and sent for care at the hospital since the beginning of 1942. However, the twenty-one were representatives of the Fiji Defense Force, which indicates a phenomenal rise in these incidents’ general amount and a very dangerous increase in the Fiji Defense Forces.⁵⁶ The Special Venereal Hospital was built and maintained for use by the New Zealand Troops, and similar steps were taken by the American authorities to cope with local American personnel. The Fiji Defense Forces were treated with different classes and without special facilities.⁵⁷

Medical assistance has been set up mainly for all military personnel. On 24 September 1943, the main Naval Canteen was expanded to appeal to naval staff and other merchant seamen. Moreover, the Club Hotel has been turned over to the U.S. Red Cross which has transformed it into a massive welfare hostel.⁵⁸ There were accommodation and discipline issues in colonial war hospitals because of military Troops. The servicemen directed the people and behaved in a manner that could contribute to punitive measures. The patients left the hospital in the night without permission and returned in the early morning, and no disciplinary action was taken against such Fiji Military Force personnel. There were 97 incidents reported by military officials in 1943 from the visiting troops.⁵⁹

6. Prophylactic measures: pamphlet, posters and film

Colonial authorities in Fiji were to avoid VD or perhaps even eradicate it by directives or segregation. For these reasons, they use leaflets and ads in various languages to contain the spread of diseases in the community.⁶⁰ The 1935 Annual Report recommended providing publicity to the vulnerabilities of VD in the periodical paper “Na Mata” and encouraging citizens to be assistants by giving the names and addresses of the individuals afflicted to the district officers.⁶¹

Various pamphlets and posters have been planned, printed in English, Fijian and Hindi, and circulated and displayed by the Health, Educational and Administrative Authorities at appropriate locations. Courtesy of the United States Army Medical Officer, a video on VD and preventative steps has been made available and presented to chosen Fijian and Indian viewers. Medical practitioners have been reminded that the Public Health Ordinance provisions enable venereal conditions to be alerted, and pharmacists have been warned of the risks of unfair treatment.⁶²

The protection laws covering the warning and compulsory management of VD have been revised and aligned with the United Kingdom norm. The forms provided in the Emergency VD Statute of the United Kingdom have been adopted for local use. Copies of the Security Rules (amendment) have been adopted. In Fiji, the warning was only mandatory before a suspect could be expected to undergo treatment. Regulations have been explicitly yet diplomatically applied, and following their introduction, it has been necessary to discipline the right offenders for failing to participate in the enquiry. Both of them were convicted.⁶³ In complete coordination with the military, decisive steps have been taken by the civil health officials. Included in these measures:

1. A reasonably close system for notifying regular sex contacts and requiring all venereal suspects to report themselves regularly for examination.

2. The provision of clinics at hospitals and elsewhere where advice and treatment are confidentially available.

3. The opening of a special venereal disease hospital where female cases are treated along modern lines. The male cases constituted chiefly a military problem; hut here too extra accommodation was made available.

4. The appointment of welfare nurses at the two principal military centers to follow up cases and bring them forward to one of the treatment centers.⁶⁴

Intense pressure was placed on the government to create brothels in the early stages to render contamination with the VD a criminal offence. Despite early criticism, such measures have made strides. Interesting to notice that the method of social medicine introduced for managing venereal disease demonstrated adequate prevention outcomes for both trafficking and venereal disease.⁶⁵ The medical department of the Colony of Fiji advertised general awareness entitled “Plain facts about Venereal Disease” (see Figure 2). The below snapshot is in English, which was also published in Hindi and I-taukei to create awareness among the citizenry of Fiji. The spread of these diseases amongst the young people of Fiji must be avoided at any cost. The cases of VD were increased enormously due to war conditions, meant the transportation of diseases and increased military personals to the island were the main cause of increase in cases. The following advertisement from the Medical Department is worth taking because it shows how diverse and supportive the general mindset towards VD in Fiji was.

Figure 2. Advertisement to control venereal diseases in Fiji.

Source: F48/103/1, National Archive of Fiji, Suva.

7. Venereal hospital: public or military need?

The need for Venereal hospitals was mentioned by many historians like Philippa Levine and others,

The Chief Medical Officer stated to the Colonial Secretary that there was a high prevalence of sexually transmitted diseases in the region. It was impossible to detail a medical officer who would devote all his time to anti-venereal operations. The question about the workers raised the tragic repercussions of the colony’s low staff-to-patient ratio. However, welfare nurses have been hired, fitted with transport and sent to the two fundamental centres, Suva and Lautoka. One of their chief duties has been to house the United States “Sex Contacts Reports,” from which the U.S. government collects information.⁶⁶ Arrangements for examining suspects were rendered at a clinic built for this reason at the Suva Health Office. Still, it was later deemed prudent to do so at the Women’s Hospital in Toorak, Suva, to not “mark” the patients who attended. At Lautoka, the tests were carried out at the hospital.⁶⁷

The question of hospital accommodation has been cumbersome. It became apparent that the number of beds for these cases at the Colonial War Memorial Hospital was insufficient to meet the demand. After various buildings and sites had been examined, a building adjacent to the hospital was acquired and converted to accommodate 40 patients. Meanwhile, the United States Military authorities had provided a prefabricated array hut erected on the hospital grounds. This additional accommodation made it possible in June 1943 to release a ward of 26 beds for VD, which had been in continuous use ever since. As most of the male cases have been Military personnel who have received treatment in Military hospitals, most of the extra beds provided have been devoted to female patients.⁶⁸

The Governor-General also suggested another measure to control VD cases as:

“The question of emergency powers to control prostitution and of the establishment of licensed brothels has been considered, but for the present, I do not think it advisable to proposed with measures of this nature which are calculated to arouse great controversy and the most strenuous opposition from the Missions.”⁶⁹

The joint Defense Committee proposed to rent the Forester house, and D.M.S. discussed the matter with Colonel McKillop, and he agreed with the proposal. The proposal was submitted for approval of the place to rent for the duration of the war, and a separate proposal to establish a VD hospital was also sent.⁷⁰ There was also a proposal for a separate hospital for female and military convalescents. Nakulau was handed over as a convalescents camp, and Makuluva is to be used as a V.D. camp which was earlier used as a quarantine station.⁷¹ The security of the Islands was raised by the U S army surgeon who investigated the position for the recommendation to convert the quarantine centre to a Venereal hospital. He also recommended against the Nukulau. The bad could have been better building was very bad and, in his opinion, poorly arranged for use as a hospital. However, he suggested using it as an isolation centre in case of an outbreak of infectious diseases.⁷² Captain Charles B. Brack mentioned the conversion of Makuluva into a hospital for women suffering from VD. He also mentions the help of the American and New Zealand navy to cooperate in launch services which needed to be better. This hospital’s main purpose was to cater to the needs of the colony’s military.⁷³

The Principal Secretary visited for a short period in 1942 and commented that the house was acquired under the Defense Regulations 1939 by the Fiji Defense force’s commandant, and funds were provided under a different head. There was no need to establish a VD hospital for the Fiji Defense Force (see Figure 3). He also mentioned that the urgency and necessity to open the hospital was exaggerated. If the rented house is no longer required for the purpose for which it was acquired, we cannot continue to charge the rent to war expenditure.⁷⁴ In 1943 Secretary of State approved the expenditure of £8,552 on venereal measures to be charged to war expenditure.⁷⁵

Figure 3. Sketch of proposed venereal hospital-Suva.

Source: F48/103/3, National Archive of Fiji, Suva

8. Findings and records

The data (see Table 1) was collected and compiled from various Annual Medical reports available at the National archives of Fiji. In 1947, 421 (294 Gonorrhea and 127 syphilis) cases were included.⁷⁶ The series of Annual colonial reports was re-introduced for 1946 after its suspension in 1940. In 1948, 326 cases (218 Gonorrhea and 108 syphilis) were lower than in 1947.⁷⁷ There was a peak in the cases of Syphilis and Gonorrhoea between 1935 and 1938 and a decrease in the year 1940, but it started to increase from 1941 to 1946 (see Figure 4). This was not fantastic, but it must be taken as a sign that rapid urbanization and refinement will bring Fiji down from its elevated location.

Figure 4. Distribution of Venereal cases by race in Fiji (1933–1943).

Table 1. Number of Venereal cases in Fiji

Year	1933	1934	1935	1936	1937	1938	1939	1940	1941	1942	1943	1945	1946	1947	1948
Frequency of cases	15	89	120	352	340	347	235	218	316	408	446	-	-	421	326

Source: Annual Medical Reports, Fiji, National Archives of Fiji, Suva

The venereal ratio in the Fijian and Indian race groups (Figure 4) has significance for those interested in the debatable questions. Annual reports and other sources mention the increase in VD cases in Fiji during the war. However, the available data suggests that the cases among the Indian race during the war period declined, whereas they increased among other races. The war effect on the increase of VD cases was on Fijian and European races only (see Figure 4).

An official enquiry in Fiji at the end of the nineteenth century, inspired by concerns at the murder rate amongst indentured labourers, concluded that sexual jealousy was the key.⁷⁸ This leads to polyandry due to the shortage of women compared to men among indentured labourers. Contrary to the above statement, when we see the data of the war period, the males were more prone to diseases than females (see Table 2). However, the colonial government adopted various measures to combat VD, but cases rose in the military from 1940 to 1942 (see table 3)

Table 2. Distribution of venereal cases by sex

Year	1940	1941	1942	1943(Suva only)
Male	194	280	341	165
Female	24	36	67	47

Table 3. Distribution of venereal cases by occupation

Occupation etc.	1940	1941	1942
Non-Military cases (Male)	130	205	152
Non-Military cases (Female)	-	37	67
Fiji Defense Forces Troops	6	24	37
New Zealand Troops	8	50	123
United States Troops	-	-	1
Civil Construction Units	-	-	-
Visiting Seamen	-	-	4

Source: F48/103/1, Governor-General (Philip Euen Mitchell)) Communication to Colonial Secretary, No.25, dated 29 February 1944, National Archive of Fiji, (Enclosure No. 1).

In the general interests of the public, the public health ordinance 1935 mentioned that no person suffering from active VD should be permitted to engage in such occupations as a laundryman, tailors, or domestic servant until a certificate signed by the local medical officer of health or other qualified practitioners can be given of freedom from infection.⁷⁹

The annual report of 1936 mentioned that many Fijian obtained native treatment rather than European treatment. The Fijian races were free from VD a few years ago, but this contagious disease was spread.⁸⁰ The reason for spreading was the influx of military persons in Fiji and the shifting of people from rural to urban areas.

British medicine was expected to treat many medicinal problems and illnesses that had developed owing to the British Empire’s colonial extension. These diseases were found in places that a human could not migrate to easily: smallpox, tuberculosis, measles, whooping cough, and then the sky is the limit from there. VD was a serious issue among all settlements and remained a medical issue from the seventeenth to the twentieth century (Globally). The size of the issue and the interminable idea of Syphilis and Gonorrhea made these ailments genuine dangers for the military foundations of the Empire.⁸¹

9. Conclusion

Evidently, the VD in Fiji was spread under the colonial hegemony and spread through the importation and exploration process of the new world. The treatment of venereal disease and the execution of policies are examples of “military medicine,” which represents, in its whole, colonial hegemony together with the emblems of the dominance of Western biopower in the colonies. In light of venereal disease instances in Fiji, the period of time during which they increased and were treated was during times of conflict and colonial dominance. World war II heavily impacted Fiji socially, economically, and culturally. The socio-cultural impact of war is seen more in Fijian communities rather than Indo-Fijian. The Indo-Fijian communities were experiencing a high number of cases due to indenture setup and “sexual jealously” before World War II, but during the war conditions, it declined. Amongst other races, it was increased due to modernization, militarization, and easy way to earn money to increase their standard of living. Migration from rural to urban areas by leaving their cultural communities for “green pastures”, was also one of the reasons for to increase in VD cases in Fiji. Social developments in the country and globally, along with changes in mindset, have contributed to the evolution of VD. The material for this analysis is scanty and widely scattered. It is impossible to correctly measure the magnitude of VD distribution across various time periods. This research provides a glance to other researchers for further studies.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.

Additional information

Notes on contributors

Mumtaz Alam

Dr. Mumtaz Alam is an Assistant Professor in History at Fiji National University. His research interest includes Climate Change and Health, Social and Cultural contexts of medicine, Interdisciplinary Studies, Sustainability, Climate history, and medical history. His book, ‘ Health, Medicine, and Encounter of Cultures in India’, published in 2022, He is a member of the American Historical Association (AHA), the Indian History Congress, the Pacific History Association, and the Australian and New Zealand Society of the History of Medicine (ANZSHM). Apart from academics, he is associated with various organizational and administrative work. Dr. Alam is on the editorial board of a number of Scopus index journals and regularly reviews other journals.

Nii-K Plange

Prof. Nii-K Plange is a Social Scientist by profession. He is currently acting Dean and a Professor of Interdisciplinary Studies and Research at the College of Humanities and Education at the Fiji National University. He was formerly UNAIDS Country Director in Papua New Guinea and Senior Programme Advisor in Geneva. His publications include “The Political Economy of the South Pacific” (et al. 1984), James Cook University, The Science of Society: Exploring the links between Science, Ideology and Theories of Development, Fiji Institute of Applied Studies (1996) and Generation in Transition: Pacific Youth and the Crisis of change in the twenty-first century. Fiji Institute of Applied Studies (2000).

Notes

1. Ravuvu, Asesela. Fijians at war. South Pacific Social Sciences Association, 1974.

2. Lowry, Robert, and Bob Lowry. Fortress Fiji: Holding the Line in the Pacific War, 1939–45. Robert Lowry, 2006.

3. Young, Allison. “World War II Archaeology in Fiji: Assessing the Material Record.” (2012).

4. Lockau, Laura. “A Question of Origins: Skeletal Evidence in the History of Venereal Syphilis.” Arcadia (2017). In 1876, Joseph Jones published detailed descriptions of skeletal lesions in ancient human remains from Tennessee that he regarded as clear evidence of syphilis.

5. Alam, Mumtaz. Diseases and Medicine in 17th and 18th Century India. Interactions between Indian and European System of Medicine. GRIN Verlag, 2018.

6. Oriel, J. David. The scars of Venus: a history of venereology. Springer Science & Business Media, 2012.p.1.

7. Oriel, J. David. The scars of Venus: a history of venereology. Springer Science & Business Media, 2012. pp.1–2.

8. Cf Oriel, J. David. The scars of Venus: a history of venereology. Springer Science & Business Media, 2012.p.2. Lancereaux, Etienne. A treatise on syphilis: Historical and practical. Vol. 1. New Sydenham Society, 1868. Lancereaux a French syphilologist did not quote his source or give an accurate date.

9. Maxine Whittaker, How infectious diseases have shaped our culture, habits and language, The conversation, July 13, 2017; Retrieved from http://theconversation.com/how-infectious-diseases-have-shaped-our-culture-habits-and-language-75061.

10. For details see, Simon Szreter, “The prevalence of syphilis in England and Wales on the eve of the Great War: re-visiting the estimates of the Royal Commission on Venereal Diseases 1913–1916.” Social History of Medicine 27, no. 3 (2014): 508–529. also see, J. R. Walkowitz, Prostitution and Victorian Society: Women, Class and the State (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1980); P. McHugh, Prostitution and Victorian Social Reform (London: Croom Helm, 1980); F. Mort, Dangerous Sexualities: Medico-moral Politics in England since 1850 (London: Routledge, 1987); F. B Smith “The Contagious Diseases Acts Reconsidered”, Social History of Medicine, 2006, 3, 197–215; P. Baldwin, Contagion and the State in Europe 1830–1930 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), Ch. 5; P. Bartley, Prostitution. Prevention and Reform in England 1860–1914 (London: Routledge, 2000); see for instance: P. Levine, Prostitution, Race and Politics. Policing Venereal Disease in the British Empire (London: Routledge, 2003); P. Howell, Geographies of Regulation: Policing Prostitution in Nineteenth Century Britain and the Empire (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009); R. Davidson and L. A. Hall, eds., Sex, Sin and Suffering. Venereal Disease and European Society since 1870 (London: Routledge, 2001).

11. See for example, Judith Walkowitz, Prostitution and Victorian Society: Women, Class and State, (CUP, Cambridge, 1980), p. 2; See also Kokila Dang, “Prostitutes, Patrons and the State: Nineteenth Century Awadh”, Social Scientist, Vol. 21, Nos. 9–11, September-November 1993, p. 173.; Mumtaz Alam “Venereal Diseases, Prostitution and Lock Hospitals in 19th Century Awadh (Oudh).” The International Journal of History and Social Sciences 10.1 (2019); https://doi.org/10.22555/jhss.v10i1.89 Lee, Catherine. “Prostitution and Victorian Society Revisited: The Contagious Diseases Acts in Kent.” Women’s History Review 21, no. 2 (2012): 301–316.; Levine, Philippa. “Venereal disease, prostitution, and the politics of empire: The case of British India.” Journal of the History of Sexuality 4, no. 4 (1994): 579–602; Hamilton, Margaret. “Opposition to the contagious diseases acts, 1864–1886.” Albion 10, no. 1 (1978): 14–27.; Smith, Francis B. “The contagious diseases acts reconsidered.” Social History of Medicine 3, no. 2 (1990): 197–215.

12. Great Britain, Parliamentary Papers (Commons), vol. xix (1871). “Report of Royal Commission Appointed to Inquire into the Administration and Operation of the Contagious Diseases Acts,” p. 3.; Cf. Hamilton, Margaret. “Opposition to the contagious diseases acts, 1864–1886.” Albion 10, no. 1 (1978): 14–27.; See also F. B. Smith, The Contagious Diseases Acts Reconsidered, Social History of Medicine, Volume 3, Issue 2, August 1990, Pages 197–215, https://doi.org/10.1093/shm/3.2.197.

13. Hamilton, Margaret. “Opposition to the contagious diseases acts, 1864–1886.” Albion 10, no. 1 (1978): 14–27.; See also F B Smith, The Contagious Diseases Acts Reconsidered, Social History of Medicine, Volume 3, Issue 2, August 1990, Pages 197–215, https://doi.org/10.1093/shm/3.2.197.

14. An ordinance (enacted by the Governor of the colony of Fiji with the advice and consent of legislative council thereof) To make provision for the prevention and Cure of Certain Contagious diseases, No XI, 1882, Government of Fiji, National Archives of Fiji, p.35.

15. An ordinance, No XI, 1882, Fiji, p.36.

16. An ordinance, No XI, 1882, Fiji, p.37.

17. F48/103/1From Chief medical officer to the Honorable the colonial secretary; dated 12^th August 1933. p.4.

18. F48/103/1From Chief medical officer to the Honorable the colonial secretary; dated 12^th August 1933. p.4.

19. Fessler, A. “Advertisements on the Treatment of Venereal Disease and the Social History of Venereal Disease.” British Journal of Venereal Diseases 25, no. 2 (1949): 84.

20. Pati, Biswamoy, and Mark Harrison, eds. The social history of health and medicine in colonial India. Routledge, 2008.p.1.

21. Philippa Levine, “Venereal Disease, Prostitution, and the Politics of Empire: The Case of British India”, Journal of the History of Sexuality, IV (1994), pp. 580–81. https://www.jstor.org/stable/4617154.

22. 4D.42/4, dated 12^th August 1933, Memorandum concerning to the incident of venereal diseases in the Colony, National Archives of Fiji, p.3.

23. 4D.42/4, dated 12^th August 1933, Memorandum concerning to the incident of venereal diseases in the Colony, National Archives of Fiji, p.1.

24. Engels, Friedrich, and Karl Marx. The Holy Family, Or Critique of Critical Critique. Foreign Languages Publishing House, 1956.p. 229; cf. Brown, Heather. Marx on gender and the family: A critical study. Vol. 39. Brill, 2012. p.37.

25. 4D.42/4, dated 12^th August 1933, Memorandum concerning to the incident of venereal diseases in the Colony, National Archives of Fiji, p.1.

26. 4D.42/4, dated 12^th August 1933, Memorandum concerning to the incident of venereal diseases in the Colony, National Archives of Fiji, p.4.

27. 4D.42/4, dated 12^th August 1933, Memorandum concerning to the incident of venereal diseases in the Colony, National Archives of Fiji, pp.2–5.

28. 4D.42/4, dated 12^th August 1933, Extract from District Medical Officer Macuata’s reports for 1932. p.3.

29. 48/14/5, Extract from F.18/2- Annual Reports for 1932 on district of Macuata, p.2.

30. F48/103/1, Venereal disease requisition or treatments, National Archive of Fiji, p.76.

31. F48/103/1, Venereal disease requisition or treatments, National Archive of Fiji, p.82.

32. F48/103/1, Governor General (Philip Euen Mitchell) Communication to Colonial Secretary, No.25, dated 29 February 1944, National Archive of Fiji, p.44.

33. F48/103/1, Governor General (Philip Euen Mitchell)) Communication to Colonial Secretary, No.25, dated 29 February 1944, National Archive of Fiji, p.4.

34. F48/103/1, Governor General (Philip Euen Mitchell)) Communication to Colonial Secretary, No.25, dated 29 February 1944, National Archive of Fiji, p.4.

35. F48/103/1, Venereal Disease (Draft) p.42.

36. F48/103/1, Venereal Disease (Draft) p.42.

37. An ordinance, No XI, 1882, Fiji, pp.36–37.

38. An ordinance, No XI, 1882, Fiji, pp.36–37.

39. An ordinance, No XI, 1882, Fiji, p.37.

40. 4D.42/4, dated 12^th August 1933, Memorandum concerning to the incident of venereal diseases in the Colony, National Archives of Fiji, p.1.

41. F. No 48/14/5, Extract from Annual Report, 1932, of District Medical Officer, Levuka.

42. F48/103/1, Venereal Disease (Draft) p.42.

43. Young, Allison. “World War II Archaeology in Fiji: Assessing the Material Record.” (2012).

44. Osmond, T. E. “Venereal Disease in Peace and War: With Some Reminiscences of The Last Forty Years.” British Journal of Venereal Diseases 25, no. 3 (1949): 101.

45. Venereal Disease and Treatment during WW2; https://www.med-dept.com/articles/venereal-disease-and-treatment-during-ww2/.

46. See for example, Bland, Lucy. “‘Cleansing the Portals of Life’: The Venereal Disease Campaign in the Early Twentieth Century.” Crises in the British State 1930 (1880): 192–208; Cf., Kampf, Antje. “Controlling male sexuality: combating venereal disease in the New Zealand military during two world wars.” Journal of the History of Sexuality 17, no. 2 (2008): 235–258.

47. Ellis, Havelock. The Philosophy of Conflict: And Other Essays in Wartime. Boston and New York, Houghton Mifflin Company, 1919. https://archive.org/details/philosophyconfl00elligoog.

48. F. No 48/14/5, dated 23/8/1933, National Archives of Fiji, P.10.

49. F48/103/1, Governor General (Philip Euen Mitchell) Communication to Colonial Secretary, No.25, dated 29 February 1944, National Archive of Fiji, p.44.

50. F48/103/1, Governor General (Philip Euen Mitchell) Communication to Colonial Secretary, No.25, dated 29 February 1944, National Archive of Fiji, p.45.

51. F48/103/1, Venereal Disease (Draft) p.42.

52. Marx, Capital Volume One, Penguin Classics edition, p179.

53. F48/103/1, Governor General (Philip Euen Mitchell)) Communication to Colonial Secretary, No.25, dated 29 February 1944, National Archive of Fiji, p.45.

54. https://www.med-dept.com/articles/venereal-disease-and-treatment-during-ww2/.

55. https://www.med-dept.com/articles/venereal-disease-and-treatment-during-ww2/.

56. F48/103/2, MD 42/4, From director of Medical services to the Colonial secretary, Dated 7^th May 1942..

57. F48/103/2, MD 42/4, From director of Medical services to the Colonial secretary, Dated 7^th May 1942..

58. F48/103/1, Governor General (Philip Euen Mitchell)) Communication to Colonial Secretary, No.25, dated 29 February 1944, National Archive of Fiji, p.4.

59. F48/103/1, Report of Senior health officer, 26^th February 1944. National Archive of Fiji. He also mentioned about the 1943 cases returns from various districts. The total number of cases reported was 262 excluding 97 visiting troops cases.

60. Alam, Mumtaz., White Man’s ‘Diseases ‘and White Man’s “Cures”: Smallpox Vaccination in The Early Period of “Empire” in Fiji, Proceeding of Indian History Congress, Vol 77, 2017, pp.777–790. https://www.jstor.org/stable/26552707

61. F48/103/1Extract from Annual reports 1935. p.10.

62. F48/103/1, Governor General (Philip Euen Mitchell) Communication to Colonial Secretary, No.25, dated 29 February 1944, National Archive of Fiji, p.2.

63. F48/103/1, Governor General (Philip Euen Mitchell) Communication to Colonial Secretary, No.25, dated 29 February 1944, National Archive of Fiji, p.2.

64. F48/103/1, Venereal Disease (Draft) p.43.

65. F48/103/1, Venereal Disease (Draft) p.43.

66. F48/103/1, Governor General (Philip Euen Mitchell) Communication to Colonial Secretary, No.25, dated 29 February 1944, National Archive of Fiji, p.3.

67. F48/103/1, Governor General (Philip Euen Mitchell) Communication to Colonial Secretary, No.25, dated 29 February 1944, National Archive of Fiji, p.3.

68. F48/103/1, Governor General (Philip Euen Mitchell) Communication to Colonial Secretary, No.25, dated 29 February 1944, National Archive of Fiji, p.3.

69. F48/103/1, Governor General (Philip Euen Mitchell) Communication to Colonial Secretary, No.25, dated 29 February 1944, National Archive of Fiji, p.3.

70. F48/103/2: CFC48/3 Arrangement for treating with venereal disease, National Archive of Fiji.

71. F48/103/3, Venereal Disease hospital establishment of … on the Quarantine Island of Makuluva, National Archive of Fiji.

72. F.A.48/50/1 Report by Charles B. Brack to Task Force Surgeon, 19 October 1942. See attachment in File F48/103/3.

73. M.D.42/4. Venereal Disease hospital- establishment on Makuluva, Letter from Director of Medical Services to The Honorable the Financial Secretary, National Archive of Fiji. The reports mention about the salaries and wages to established venereal hospital. The capital expenditure involved was 750 pounds and total recurrent expenditure was 2182 pounds.

74. F48/103/2 Principal secretary to director of medical services; dated 16/10/1942..

75. F48/103/2 Telegram from The Secretary of State to The Governor, Dated April 29^th, 1943, National Archive of Fiji.

76. Colonial Annual Reports 1947, Fiji, London, His Majesty’s Stationary Office, and P.33.

77. Colonial Annual Reports 1947, Fiji, London, His Majesty’s Stationary Office, and P.46.

78. See for details, Levine, Philippa. Gender and empire. Oxford University Press, 2004.p.57.

79. F48/103/1Circular from Director of Medical Services (A H B Pearce) to All District Medical officer, Native Medical Practitioners, Indian Medical practitioners and Medical Superintendent, CWM hospital, Dated 7^th September 1937. p.11..

80. F48/103/1Extract from Annual reports 1935. p.10..

81. See for example, Levine, Philippa. Gender and empire. Oxford University Press, 2004.p.127.