‘Half dead survivor’ (A debate on ‘Chand’ special issue: 1923)

Abstract

This essay pertains to the plight of widows within Indian culture, as discussed by female intellectuals of a Hindi women’s magazine. Beginning with a survey of the prevailing condition of women in the early 20^th century that was predominantly a continuation of the traditional social order with little changes, the essay situates this as the backdrop for the examination of widows’ position. This article sheds light on the various atrocities that were inflicted upon widows, who were subjected to a form of enslavement within their culture. In particular, this essay emphasizes the challenges that widows must had to overcome in order to reclaim their agency and dignity in the face of these oppressive circumstances. The present article posits that the struggle of widows is an issue of individual consciousness, and it aims to examine the everyday unease experienced by widows through a periodical lens. Throughout the 20th century, widows were considered an element of extreme dislike and a dependent community, rendering them an unsuspicious part of Indian society. The paper investigates into the anxiety and uneasiness experienced by widows with regard to their religious-cultural associates, practices, and the secluded pain they endure, which reinforces women’s identities as social threats. Furthermore, the article examines the criticism leveled by conservative groups at the editor of the journal “Chand”¹ for advocating widow remarriage after introducing a special issue on widows.

Keywords:

• widows conversion
• sati practice
• child marriage
• widow remarriage
• women intellectuals
• community consciousness

1. Introduction

For decades, numerous reports and studies have been published on the pervasive influence of patriarchy in Indian society and the struggle for feminist reform. These discussions have generated a great deal of interest in gender issues and have brought to light the untold stories of women. However, despite this increased awareness, the lives of women in India remain largely unchanged, and women continue to be exploited in various invisible and insidious ways, whether it is within their communities or in remote areas. Most of these discussions cultivated interest in gender issues and digging the story of “Her”. This essay aims to explore the persistence of women’s invisible exploitation in Indian society and to shed light on the ongoing struggle for gender equality. Through a critical examination of patriarchal structures and the challenges facing Indian feminism, this paper seeks to contribute to the ongoing discourse on gender and social justice in India.

2. Hindi literary sphere

A shift in the approach to Hindi language started with the literary movements of the Hindi belt that predominantly endorsed women’s participation in the national and cultural movement as part of the broader freedom struggle. However, this literary movement strained women’s everyday life to control their “emotional expression, food, intimate desire and especially by their clothing choices”.¹² The initiative of Hindi women’s journals primarily conveyed these specific issues affecting women. Stree Darpan, a first Hindi magazine that entirely women-centric and edited and managed by the women of the Nehru family from Allahabad. Among the prominent women associated with the magazine were Uma Nehru³ and Rameshwari Nehru.⁴ These women were the pioneer of women’s Hindi magazines of Allahabad, and they actively engaged in the printing press of “Prayag Mahila Samiti” (A local women’s organization). Stree Darpan was the mouthpiece of this organization and it covered speeches on indenture given in the forum, along with editorials, articles, and letters by prominent women associated with the journal.’⁵ Following this, a large collection of women’s literature representing various genres ranging from the conservative to the radical were patronized by various printing presses. Thus, the Hindi literary sphere framed a debate of women in Hindi women’s magazines and broadened the nationalist idea and popular politics from the 1920’s that were proposed for women by the religious revivalists.

Furthermore, revivalists directed women to endorse the responsibility to uphold in spiritual culture domain of liberalism, and later women incline against male social conservatism and domination of cultural ethnicity. Similarly, the literary culture in the Hindi region was a process of shifting thoughts that rationalized women’s community as individuals to lead a social movement for women by women. A large no of women’s issues and problems have been discussed in Hindi literary magazines that deal with women’s health, social status, individual awareness and their survival struggle in society.

This literary movement of the Hindi belt also focused on widows’ social survival. Even the interminable exploitation constituted for widows to save Hindu’s cultural purity. However, it affected the life of widows. If we think of the “Sati” practice, one can gauge the condition of widows in the colonial period. The encounter with British rule, Christian missionaries and European Orientalists and their perception of racial discrimination is admired in colonial India (Dalmia, 1997). After the abolition of “Sati”, widowhood became a punishment for them which pain they could not bear they suffered as half-dead and physically restrained their social position.

3. Feminist movement in India

Classification of feminism can begin with an assertion that concerns women’s subordinate status in society and also the discrimination that women face due to their biological differences. The second phase of feminism (1915–1947) in India can be considered as articulating the burden of Indian women. The three important organizations that emerged with the idea of women’s edification. They were established between 1917–1927 by politically affiliated women’s communities. These three organizations, Women’s India Association⁶ (WIA, 1917), National Council of Women in India⁷ (NCWI, 1923) and All India Women’s Conference⁸ (AIWC, 1927), continue to operate during the feminist movement.⁹ Women’s participation in political space became visible with the emergence of the national prerogative concerned. All these women’s organizations played a significant role in their (women’s) societal existence. However, these women’s organizations acquired a space in magazines to communicate their concerns. Stree Darpan and all the other magazines canvassed women’s freedom from their private to the public sphere. One of the significant aspects of these periodicals is the role they played in shaping the sentiment of women’s sympathy.

Colonial reaction to the freedom movement led to the suppression of printing presses by colonial state to silence the rebellious voices. In the colonial period, the numerous exploitative policies of the government and anti-colonial Hindi literature encouraged nationalist approaches among the people to resist and wait for the fortunate freedom of independence. Literary activities of the printing press, which advocated freedom of expression, did not allow vernacular dialects to express dissenting voices. Hindi journalism confronted the voiceless (especially women) and provided a communicative platform for educated women. In 1857, the first war of independence was dusted by the respective printing press in literary form. Print media represented largely by pamphlets, periodicals and Hindi journals, played a requisite role in the national movement. However, later national movements diverted towards communalism, sprinkled and occupied through the idea of a majoritarian concerns.

This literary communicative platform of the twentieth century deals with women’s families or differences in the context of social activities and limited numbers of correspondence in the private sphere. However, there was a demand for social change within the Indian discourse by prominent leading figures. In this set of circumstances, the “upper-middle-class women and their progressive agenda reflect their liberty in the literature. Consequently, countless Hindi womens” periodicals, literature novels and book publications spread the idea of women’s sisterhood. Moreover, the writings of women’s issues supplemented through the easy concern with liberty and freedom appeared in the journal. Hence, women who expressed their ideas in the public sphere started to participate in the socio-political discourse in the literary sphere.

Women intellectuals developed an enthusiastic world for their constant anxiety releases in the Hindi public sphere. According to Nijhawan (2012), after female periodical literature, the north Indian discourse of social reform to nationalism shifted to the mainstream.¹⁰ In the next phase beginning from … . is popularly known as the periodical phase of the Hindi belt and provided a forum to cultivate a political platform for women to be careful of the oppressive patriarchal structure of society to unbound and emancipate themselves by reading and writing. However, the lower-class women were not as conscious of the new idioms and communicative skills with a stranger as elite middle-class women (Nijhawan, 2012). Therefore, periodicals such as Grihalaksmi, Arya Mahila, and Chand provided a venue for exchanging information about the household’s perfection and broadened their knowledge from domestic advice to national politics.

Numerous vernacular women’s journals were spread and raised by intellectuals of Allahabad and Benaras of the United Provinces. Smaller printing press or poorly printed low-quality periodicals focused on religious literature, mythology literature, poetry, and romance narratives.¹¹ Later, it was expanded as the most affordable and popular literature for women. Religious texts persuaded the belief in spiritual consciousness among the women’s community.¹²

4. Mapping widowhood in Chand

The magazine “Chand” was pioneered by its editor, Ramrakh Singh Sahgal and Vidyavati Sahgal, for a decade in the early 20th century. It was an influential, dominant and accessible journal for Hindi readers; it dealt with various women’s issues and approached them for unity. The other Hindi Women’s Journals, such as Stri Darpan, Grihalakshmi and Arya Mahila, played a significant role in exploring the women’s world.¹³ However, the popularity of Chand faded the image of other existing contemporary journals. As Chand symbolizes beauty, unfortunately, this beauty was linked with women’s appearance as an essence of attraction; accordingly, the word “Chand” attracted middle-class educated women readers and other Hindi audiences. Therefore, countless women readers obtained and accessed the Chand, though this magazine gained popularity among the women’s community.

Ramrakh Singh Sahgal played a significant role as editor, and his managing partner Vidyavti Sahgal initiated the responsibility as “Director of Chand” from “Chand Press” of Allahabad. Chand costed six rupees annually; however, it was a monthly periodical, but for six months, it costed three rupees. The gripping feature of this magazine was the “Special Issues” and the editor (Ramrakh Singh Sahgal) tried to publish the same every month by introducing different themes for the readers’—these special editions of the magazine incorporated fiery issues. On account of addressing controversial debates on these special issues, some of them were proscribed by the colonial government.¹⁴

The journal focused on women’s questions during the social liberation and political transition. Women from the elite and middle class became vocalized from this local platform and encouraged women’s collective identity as well as their public connectivity. The writings of women intellectuals provided new idioms and analytical perspectives to mainstream literary periodicals that addressed the individual injustice in household chores and prompted the social realities of secluded women, particularly widows’. Widows’ faced both social and individual discrimination from their family members and in-laws in every day of their struggle. They were blamed and treated as a sinner after the death of their husband. Further, they were restricted from wearing good clothes and having good food. Such restrictions were imposed on widows to stop them from appealing to the senses of their intimate desire. Also, they were not allowed to present at any auspicious family function and were considered a cause of inauspicious vibes in pleasant moments.

Chand broadly covered widows’ stories and discussed the child widows, widows’ education, health, and their exclusion from society. (Chand, “Vidhwa Ank” (widows special issue), 1923). As the magazine was consistent with the widow’s concerns, it draws a closer line to the life of widows and their social distress. The widows were shaped into a deadly lifelessness and mistreated humans by the religious cluster. The examples of “Sati” practice defines the hardship of social norms on widows. The early twentieth century identified that reform of social evils not only emphasized the necessity of various social issues, such as caste, religion, and political consciousness, were trying to liberate women’s status, especially by imparting moderate social customs that impulse women.

Chand’s “widows issue” was an essential piece of the criticism of widow remarriage. However, It’s editor concentrated on both women’s questions and distress, which constructed an individual ability to distinguish from other issues. It housed an adequate amount of writings of women intellectuals on purdah practice, widow remarriage, child marriage, and female education with both the objective and reality of women’s everyday lives in public and private. This community consciousness among the women intellectuals in their social milieu resulted in women’s participation in mailing culture in Hindi women’s journals of colonial north India.

Print media introduced many women’s magazines in different languages to encourage women towards self-expression and communicative skills in a domestic approach. Hindi print culture prompted a correspondence trend in the literary sphere, especially in journals. Women were sending their stories to Chand to publish. These stories were seeking public attention and narrating their suffering. The intellectual community of women responded and imparted their views on these stories. For example, a young widow’s editorial entitled “Vidhwaon ki Durdasha” (Widow’s chaos) conveys her views on individual struggles and the stories of widows in Chand. Another young widow mailed a letter to the editor (Ramrakh Singh Sahgal) and acknowledged his contribution to considering the widow’s issue. The editor published this letter entitled “Ek Pratihsthit Mahila Ka Patra” (A Latter of a decent Woman). In this letter, “ a woman (widow, aged 16) belonged to the Khatri caste, her father was the part of ‘Bharat Dharma Mahamandala’.¹⁵ As his daughter (writer) lost her husband at the age of 16 on her 21st day of marriage. Later, she wanted to remarry, and her father was inclined toward her idea of remarriage, but the association (Bharat Dharma Mahamandala) where he was affiliated opposing the widows” remarriages, so for taking the side of his daughter, he faced harsh humiliation by “Bharat Dharma Mahamandala”, and his neighboring society was also the part of this organization, that refused the idea of her daughter’s remarriage. Thus, after encountering such humiliation, she left the idea of remarriage; and decided to help widows.

As she was not aware of any widows’ welfare organizations, she asked Chand to communicate about the widows’ organizations. Hence, these stories of widows, unfolds the truth of society, where widows wanted remarriage but were bound to follow the social conditions. Even if widows come forward to remarry, then social challenges lie ahead of their families. Confronting an unkind situation by their families, widows crumpled the idea of remarriage and joining welfare organization that works for them.¹⁶

5. Women intellectuals response on sati practice in colonial North India

In its remarkable “widow issue”, “Chand” signified the number of women intellectuals who debated and expressed their views on this most controversial debate of the time. These women writers participated in the debate to convey the everyday struggle of widows. According to them, the Sati practice was an extreme torture that led to the death of widows. However, some believed that the “Sati” was not the extreme torture that widows faced; their exclusion and survival during widowhood was extreme plight than any other suffering. An article entitled “Bharatiya Vidhwaon Ka Jeevan” (Life of Indian Widows) by Kumari Sukhalata Devi (M.A., B.T.) explains about ancient custom; where after husband’s death, a woman (wife) had to perform “Sati” (women be on fire in a funeral pyre with their husband).¹⁷ The social belief about Sati was that by performing such practice, they (widows) would attain the honor of a faithful and “Ideal Wife” (Pativrata). So, this pressure of attending honor and salvation was formed by such religious-cultural practice which widows had to follow.

Sukhalata Devi criticizes the traditionalist’s ideas, who were proud of those women who performed such a mortal practice. Widows were getting appreciation from society for carrying such custom. To justify the situation of the 19th century, where the “Sati” was banned, she condemned banning “Sati”, “It is obvious women are saved from such irreconcilable practice, but still everyday they are struggling the life fatality”.¹⁸ She believes that funeral customs (“Sati”) takes widows’ lives in a moment, but as an existing being after husband, women (widows) were bound to follow social practices that excludes them from society. By observing the struggle of widows of the 20th century, widowhood is considered as extremely painful for intellectuals. Sukhalata Devi questioned the banning of Sati practice, that ‘Does this society have freed the widows from “Sati” to make their life suffer for the rest of their lives?¹⁹ As she mentioned ‘Is banning the Sati practice the main reason to make women’s lives more painful? By mentioning such customs and awful practices, imposed on women, she condemned the social customs of Indian society. Being a conscious woman, she stated that women were under the control of men for centuries, so, after the death of their husbands and surviving from Sati, they were not allowed to leave the house of husband. She further argues that “I agree that the assemblies definitely saved women from being burnt alive, but now in a living state, they are slowly under the grip of the fire of misery. The fire of poverty is now smoldering their life”.²⁰ Hence, imposed restrictions made widows financially dependent on others and were forced to manage household activities that stabilized them financially. So uneducated women and widows can only be familiar with household chores, so finding respectable jobs is impossible for them.

In this essay, she articulated the problem of widows; who were freed from “Sati” and survived from their husband’s funeral pyre. Their widowhood was the most horrible experience that they faced every day. She further said, “I believe that the widows must be saved from the burning their life from their husband’s funeral pyre, but now in their whole life, they are sent out in the sorrow, the fire of funeral pyre would end them up in a couple of time, but the fire of social adhere, helplessness and poverty keep on striking them for a lifetime.”²¹ She was questioning the belief and practices of religious institutions that made widows’ life suffer. She considered the financial state of widows after their husbands. These are the death limits and a misdeed of Hindu society, due to which the widow’s life is slowly declining. “Despite that Hindu religion does not feel the torture and pain of widows” life.²² She condemned the social institution of ancient society and suggested to discontinue the ancient tradition, to legitimize widow marriage and laws that obtain financial independence of widows.²³ She requested to Indian social institutions to grant pensions to widows as substitute of their remarriage. She reasoned that “It is the economic dependency of widows that leads them to remarry. To control economic autonomy and their survival means widows were taking such kinds of steps. According to Sukhlata Devi, it is essential to provide financial assistance to widows. She was trying to compensate for the widow’s remarriage with a pension. She further added, ‘If widows start getting pension, they will not strive to remarry.’²⁴ Her concern was the financial independence of widows, but she disagreed with the idea of widow’s remarriage, but in one way or another she was confirming the laws for widows” remarriage. Hence, after getting financial support, widows could not be free from customs and laws made for them.

6. Widows and education

The idea of female education proclaims that if a girl gets education, she will educate a society. In the 20^th century, women’s education was a matter of much debate in the Hindi belt. This scenario emerged to educate women only to train them as ideal partners for their educated spouses. However, it was lightly considered by the female authors and in her article “Vidhwaon ke Karya” (Widow’s work) by Padmabai Sanjeevra (M.A.) focused on widows’ contribution in female education, which was the demand of the time. She conveyed to readers that “we need some educated female teachers to educate our girls; we need women doctors and lawyers who can help during the needs of women. We need women municipal commissioners who keep the city clean as keeping their homes clean and orderly.²⁵ She believed that involvement of widows in such works will bring healthiness and gentility in public life. According to her, with the help of widows, human lives can be more beautiful and respectable. She further said, ‘we believe that the unique benevolence nature of widows should employ for public assistance, and they should never be taken as the advantage of personal interests.’²⁶ Widows can play a significant role in building our society, she added. They (widows) are not trouble for society. Therefore, the responsibility of people should be to make their lives better by treating them as part of their lives and society. In replying to her article, the editor of Chand had justified the situation of female education. He mentioned that ‘because of the few educated female teachers, the girl’s schools are not opening, so it is essential to appoint female teachers that widows could do the job well. The editor of Chand has wholly agreed with her (Padmabai Sajeevra) idea to involve widows in female education and as social contributors. The essay explains that widows should not be treated as a secluded part of society; they can contribute to society by involving in female welfare activities. However, she favored widows’ involvement in other different social activities but did not concern widows” remarriage.

7. Widows and conversion

Shuddhi and Sanghathan (a Hindu revivalist movement) promoted the objectives of “Shuddhi and Sanghathan” to re-conversion (Ghar wapsi) of Hindus (Mohanty and Sundararajan, 2002). The movement was launched by Arya Samajist and Hindu Mahasabha. The Shuddhi movement promoted the re-conversion of Hindus, which imposed obligatory remarks on widows who converted to other religions; however, Sanghathan was persuading the concept of unity among Hindus to save their identity and culture, primarily the unity of protecting their women from religious conversion. Firstly, they (fundamentalists) constructed an idea of a Hindu masculine male conflicted with the emasculated Hindus. Secondly, they evoked Muslims as “potential rapists” (Gupta, 2005).²⁷ Sangthan’s aims were to unite the Hindus against the others to save the Hindu identity. They claimed that Muslims were engendering the belief of conversion into our women by converting them into their religion. Thirdly, it allowed the space for a passion for cultural safeguard for the purity of Hindu women, and they should be protected for the Hindu identity. Hindu widows were the foremost survivors of this conspiracy. Moreover, they were projected as the saviors of Hindu identity and linked with the serving the nation as true patriots.

The news section of “Chand” had a separate column entitled “Samachar Sangrah”. A “Musalman Ke Sath Nikah” story was published on a widow’s religious conversion. ‘In an Arya Samajist temple of Lahore, a widow came with a girl and requested for re-conversion. She narrates her story as the wife of a Hindu (Thanedar, “Superintendent Inspector”) who married two women, the Thanedar was aged, and she married him. After the death of her husband, his second wife and son accused her of encroachment on the property registered under her. No lawyer was ready to take her case, and she lost the case. Later, she married a Muslim man for her financial support and converted to Islam. But the atrocious activity of this person forced her to run away from his home and apologize in the temple for her conversion also requested to return to Hinduism to be pure.²⁸ Such stories of conversion published in Chand. However, this story mentions the condition of widows and how they struggle with the financial burden. Besides that, they were not allowed to get married in their religion, and no Hindu men were not ready to marry a widow because of societal pressure; hence they embraced another religion to survive, and even there they could not make their condition better.

A similar story of a Brahmin widow of Ashrafpur of “Jalalpur”, district Faizabad. She narrates the story of Sardar Khan, who was from Gujarat’s “Bhallu” District. He was a clothes peddler and abducted Brahmin Widows. She stayed with him for ten years. Also, she gave birth to a girl child; of her miserable health condition, the man kicked her out and took all the ornaments. Later she gets shelter in a shelter home with her daughter. As a Brahmin widow, no one was ready to accept her because she was considered impure after staying with a Muslim man. Hence, in every side of life, widows were suffering.

Adding to this series, a Brahmin woman named Mohini, a resident of the Barabanki district of U.P. (then United Provinces.), and Sardar Khan did the same with her; he abducted her and trafficked her in Sialkot for 200 rs. She disclosed his conduct and said that he abducted many women and trafficked them. Mayadevi narrated these stories, as she was illiterate and the evidence of her thumb impression was printed in the journal.²⁹ Such stories of conversion started being published due to the widows’ most terrible conditions; their miserable life; even after conversion, their conditions remained the same publicly or personally.

A 12-year-old boy narrates the story of his widowed mother and father. Hakim Singh, who belongs to “Santpur”, a district of Gujarat, was his father. After his father’s death, his mother married Sardar Singh, a resident of village Bhallu in the district of Gujarat in Punjab. Sardar Singh throws him out with her sick mother from the house. He also stated the same story that this peddler is abducting the women and handing them to Muslims.

In the same way, Hundreds of Kshatriya³⁰ women converted to Islam.³¹ This story was narrated by an illiterate person named Ramlal Jhelum and published by the editor. In the same way, the journal identified the person by the thumb impression of Ramlal.³²

An Article by Pt. Ramshankar Awasthi, editor of “Vratman” entitled “Widhwaon Ke Do Anshu” (Tears of widows), explains the social condition of Hindu widows. He gives reasons for the tears of Hindu widows. He said about the funeral pyre that “lacs of Hindu widows are crying because of the dreadful deeds of the Hindu’s deeds. However, unkind Hindu men do not have any mercy on widows. This immorality over widows will put the country and society in danger. He was requesting to reform the fierce mistakes that Hindu revivalists made against widows. He argued that if the situation remains the same, Hindus will lose their existence. The number of widows are increasing every day. Inside every house, Hindu widows experience awful torture”.³³ So, the fear of Hindu men appears that restrictions made for widows to convert to other religions were a significant loss for the Hindu community.

8. Child Marriage and Intellectuals Response

Child marriage and an unsuitable partnership lead to child widows or early widowhood. This specified situation discloses the reality of Indian child widows with an old aged person—the aged people who were in dying condition feel very proud to marry. This leads to the unsuitable partnership of women and forced them to adopt unwanted professions such as prostitution and sometimes they (young women) start liking the man of their age, and they become pregnant but cannot accept their relationship and child in public, such kind of incidents leads to child infanticide. Furthermore, they adopt the profession of prostitution. Hence the condition of widows was inadequate for social survival.

In the pre-Independence period, women were considered as representatives of cultural purity.³⁴ Thus, it was the prime responsibility of women to secure the cultural sentiments of the country. To encourage women, fundamentalists leaned on the Hindu goddess as the foremost character that persuades the religious sentiment of Hindu women. Hence, women become the signs of religious sentiments, ideological figures, and honor of cultural purity.³⁵ And the burden of safeguarding cultural purity lies over women. In this context, stories of forcible conversions, rape, and abduction stories of Hindu women floated in the literary sphere of the United Provinces. Moreover, the feeling of religious destruction materialized the sentiment of cultural norms. The story related to widows’ life, such as conversion and remarriage in other religions, became part of it.

9. The cultivated debate of anxiety and distress on widow remarriage

In the late 19th century, a conflict emerged between Arya Samaj and Sanatan Dharma on the question of widow remarriage. The religious fundamentalists had vigorously opposed the projected concern of widows’ remarriage. It (widow’s remarriage) had tended to argue that widows could not control their natural sexual desires; hence it led to an abortion.³⁶

According to Gupta, the widow remarriage debate shifted into a matter of saving religious purity. Furthermore, the saving of Aryan blood by aborting Aryan blood from Hindu wombs, particularly widows. At the beginning of the twentieth century, Chand (April 1923) was confronted by critics of religious fundamentalists.

Charu Gupta argued, according to fundamentalists, Hindu women could produce any kind and form; thus, their reproductive capacities should be channeled to produce a Hindu child.³⁷ ‘Hindu ideologues wanted to break the chain of producing Aryan blood from other communities by controlling widows. Therefore, Hindu male limits women’s public life and impose strict control on widows. The narrative to save the pure Hindu Aryan race roaming in society to control the womb of widows. The politics of saving Hindu identity came out as anxiety in public space through their writings and speeches. The series of incidents created a picture of communal identity through the critics.

An article titled “Chand ki Niti Par Apeksha” (critics of Chand policies) was written by Ramrakh Singh Sahgal.³⁸ The article followed the criticism of widow remarriage. The article discusses the criticism that the editor faced to advocate widow remarriage by the readers. The author-cum-editor of the journal Ramrakh Singh Sahgal tried to justify himself by foremost aims and objectives on widow remarriage in this essay. In this entire article, he justifies Chand’s stance on widow remarriage. Fear and anxiety of the fundamentalists group have been seen in the justification of the editor.

The intellectuals who opposed remarriage alleged that Chand had diverted from the actual path. They condemned that Chand was no longer a women’s magazine; it should be called a widow’s marriage magazine’.³⁹ These gentlemen criticized the editor and intellectuals of the Chand, who favored widows’ remarriage. Providing the intellectuals and cultural lineage of Hindi literature, the journal changed its approach towards widow remarriage. And Sahgal contends that they (people who opposed remarriage) suggested that changing Chand’s name from a women’s journal to a widow’s centric journal would be appropriate. The author (editor) tried to prove his gentility in this essay on widows’ remarriage. Sahgal justified himself to favoring the widow’s remarriage, and he raised the widows’ concern to make readers aware of their societal condition not favoring widow remarriage.

By that time, the scenario of widow remarriage was not considered ideal for society. For Hindus, marriage is a lifetime and sacred bond which can never be split up. Cultural moderates believed that widows would save the ancient traditions by not marrying and devoting their lives to God. Hence it was the only way to save ancient customs. Widows are considered goddesses with the purity of hearts; it cannot be a question of guilt for their decent behavior, and society should not force them to remarry. The remarriage was a question of their dignity. With this attitude, a community that believes in ancient customary laws objected to widow remarriage.

On the criticism of widow remarriage, Ramrakh Singh Sahagal explains that Some gentlemen complained that we are not publishing anything in Chand against the widow remarriage; here we have it is visible in writings and poetry of Shri Ram Krishna Mukund, Pursottam Das Ji Tandon, Smt. Padmabai Saji Rao’s and Krishna Kumari Baghel Ji. This committee discussed their ideas against widow marriage.⁴⁰ So, these prominent figures of Hindi literature opposed widow remarriage.

The editor justified to the gentlemen that he was against widow remarriage. He further said, No sane person can take widow marriage as an ideal act, and no one will dare to say that widow marriage must be done.⁴¹ By explaining such kind of example, the editor tried to defend himself. The fear of discussion about widow remarriage was shaped in society by such narratives. Speaking in favour of the widows’ remarriage was frightful.

Later, Editor Ramrakh Singh Sahgal discussed about child widows who had never seen their husbands even though they did not remember the person with who they married. Here the fear and anxiety of Hindu fundamentalists controlled the body of adult widows, especially those widows who reached adolescence; they considered uncontrolled sexual entities. According to them, widows weakened and polluted the Hindu society, except those who kept it under control and secluded upheld their purity. They were feeling indebted of those widows who were under the control of the customary laws. On another side by condemning ancient customs, Sahgal said that the ‘widow ensures that there is no other way for her to fulfill her wish within Hinduism, so without hesitation, widows go with Muslim men of their own will. Widows perceive that there is no way to satisfy their desire in Hinduism, so they embrace Muslim men passionately.⁴² Sahgal believes that it was the strict religious laws that made widows embrace other communities.

By embracing other communities, Hindu widows are considered harmful substances to Hindu society.⁴³ According to the editor, every community has men and women who do not care about society. Therefore, control over society and widows’ emancipation is not possible. Similarly, various instances appeared where girls approached their families to marry their relatives; but of their (families) religious beliefs, they (widows) were denied such a step. These restrictions over the life of widows resulted in leaving their houses. They were running away from their houses—also, they married with their choices and converted to other communities. Hence, the freedom that women demanded they found by resisting society.

Accordingly, prostitution, choosing an unsuitable partner, child marriage, and widow’s conversion to other religions lead Indian widows to suffer more. A mistake of the family distorted the widow’s life. After seeing this serious decline in Hindu society, widow remarriage was permitted in Hindu society. The anxiety of religious groups appears in the form of widow remarriage. Hindu widows who lost their purity by engaging themselves with other communities were required to marry because they were endangering Hindu society, increasing other religious communities.⁴⁴ “Hindu Widow Remarriage Act XV” was enacted on 26 July 1856; besides, that question of widow remarriage remains the same. The fear and anxiety discussed in society interrupted the Hindu widow’s remarriage in society.

The essay concluded with a necessary discussion on the reason behind widowhood and prevented remarriage. Therefore, prime control over child marriage, polygamy, and widows’ marriages take place. These are the underpinnings of the issue of widowhood to control widow remarriage. It was the utmost responsibility of widows to save the purity and dignity of Hindu culture. Without upholding the other sins related to women, the widow’s disgrace cannot be controlled until then; they encourage the widow’s remarriage. Chand justified its proclamation to the people arguing about widows’ remarriage that hurt others’ sentiments and views. Widow’s remarriage was entertained to compensate to save the purity of widows from Muslim men.

“Vidhava Vivah Mimansa” (Widows remarriage epistemology), a book published by Chand Press. It highlights in Chand by stating that “the journal does not support the widow’s remarriage. This book was the finest example of reducing the burden of widows” remarriage among its readers. By notifying its column, the book editor said that “we oppose widow marriage, but there are the people mistaken about widow remarriage and our Chand stand, we curse widow marriage with all the strength of our heart.”⁴⁵ Hence, the editor refuses to support widows’ remarriage due to the fear of questioning by moderates. The editor substantiates his disagreement with widow remarriage. Hence, it evidenced that Chand reacted to widow remarriage but was not in favor of it. It was concerned about widows’ remarriage only to benefit from saving the religious community’s self-centeredness.⁴⁶ Chand authorship rejected the idea of widows’ remarriage.

The editor showed his concern about the decline of Hindu society, according to him, which was only under the grip of widows. If the widows control their sexual desire, they will save Hindu culture. He requested social reformers not to hate widows; their (widows) prime concern should be to save the Hindu community. The editor says that the sorrow of a child widow left their home at a young age and put them into prostitution, leading to conversion into other religious communities, such as Christianity and Islam; conversion was most painful for an ideal Hindu society.⁴⁷

To control widows’ sexuality, the rituals shaped for them never led them to be free and created social pressure. The instance focused on widows’ remarriage, rituals such as “Sati” and the removal of all belongings of married women was performed. They cannot think about remarriage and from a very young age, child widows are forced to live their life in sorrow. The lives of child widows become worse than other widows because adult widows can live their lives by diverting them to a religious path, but a child widow who enters adulthood was restricted from enjoying the happiness of their childhood. All restrictions were imposed on widows to control their intimate desire because they were not allowed to remarry.

10. Conclusion

Mass movements in modern India during the freedom struggle put forward the issues of political change that would lead to freedom by overthrowing British rule and social emancipation of all the marginalized on the top of the agenda. They took up issues such as re-conversion ceremonies and employed cultural symbols that were easily adapted the Hindu tradition of nationalization. Re-conversion and integration was a national concern that was the order of many dominant interest groups. The champions of the social movements and the guardians of Hindu culture formed their associations to provide education and vocational training to women, though the reform for the widow community was motionless and remained the worst. Widows were fighting for their existence and survival in society and the national movement bypassed them. As widows, they were treated as a dependent category and the weakest women in society. Being a widow, she was not allowed to marry the person she preferred, and because of the imposition of the laws based on an imagined ideal Hindu society that influenced culture also, many men were afraid to marry widows. These widows became the worst sufferers of Hindu male anxiety, discussed about in society and articulated in journals. This is one of prime reasons that the intellectuals’ groups of women who questioned always remained unsatisfied on concerns regarding the matter of widowhood. A Hindu widows’ suffering became worse than that of the women of other communities.

Women fought to sculpt their space among the Hindu and Muslim communities as discussed in the journals. It worsened the widows’ life by keeping them underneath the fundamentalism of national pride. Hence, the biases against women remained unchanged in both public and private places. Shuddhi and Sangathan movements protected the Hindu cultural identity; to keep away these widows from other groups. The cultural and religious practices of widows were the prime concern of action. However, widows and other women were advised to be careful of Muslim men as they considered them as potential rapists and wicked abductors. According to the fundamentalists saviors of Hindu widows, they played a crucial role in re-conversion, and the narrative appears that Hindus were losing their innocence and purity through their playful deeds, which was not a genuine tale for widows. However, the circumstances appeared only because of the widows’ financial crises. Somehow, this crisis led them to participate in the re-conversion movement. Thinking of hatred for a particular community determines only the anxious attitude. It was a result of the majoritarian community instilling the feeling of communal consciousness. As a result, widow remarriage was advocated only for saving the Hindu community and culture from the threat of conversion into other religious communities. Fundamentalists encouraged widow remarriage to control the increasing population of different communities that were responsible for the plight of widows. Some steps were taken to support widow remarriage which the fundamentalists realized the need for widow remarriage was somehow part of the movement; to stop the religious conversion, they allowed widows to get married. Considering this article, we cannot be sure that the changes brought about in the lives of widows by the social reformer are genuine. They (social reformers) were more concerned with rescuing Hindu sentiments, that was not the widow’s real emancipation. To some extent, widows were silently facing discrimination by societal norms, and still, widows are living their lives in misery. The paper concludes by arguing that while the social reform movement was a larger part of the national movement and therefore gave space to many issues and concerns because of the mass participation, the conservatives paid lip service and also took up the issue of widows to a different trajectory that was conservative in nature and shorn of the emancipatory potential. Thereby the national movement could largely be co-opted and accommodated within the Hindu world views.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.

Additional information

Notes on contributors

Suman Yadav

Suman Yadav is an emerging author and historian specializing in gender history and literature. She is a Doctoral fellow of history from the Department of History at the University of Hyderabad. Currently, working as a Visiting Faculty in Symbiosis International University, Hyderabad. She completed her Master of Philosophy from Gujarat Central University, Gandhinagar, where her research focused on the intersectionality of class, gender, and communalism in Indian society. Her research and writing explore the ways in which gender and power intersect, particularly in the context of Indian culture. Her work deals with a feminist perspective that challenges traditional gender norms and seeks to highlight the experiences of marginalized communities. She is also passionate about gender equality and has participated in various social justice initiatives. As an emerging scholar in gender history and literature, Suman's work promises to contribute to the area. Her research and writing are a testament to her commitment to creating a more equitable and just world for all.

Notes

1. Hindi women’s journal Chand published from 1922–1949. For a decade, the journal was edited by Ramrakh Singh Sahgal and his wife, Vidyavati Sahgal. Chand addresses social issues of the Hindi belt. It was a women-centric magazine that investigated women’s issues. In the early phase of its publication, Chand communicated on widow’s issues by launching a special issue in April 1923.

2. Arthur, L. B. (1998). Deviance, Agency, and the Social Control of Women’s Bodies in a Mennonite Community. NWSA Journal, 10(2), 75–99. http://www.jstor.org/stable/4316579.

3. Uma Nehru, a well-recognized woman of the Nehru family, was born in 1884 in a Kashmiri Brahmin family in Agra. Since her childhood, she has been known by her pet name Hukku. At the age of 17, she married Shyam Lal Nehru (Cousin brother of Jawaharlal Lal Nehru). See Pathak, P. (2020). Uma Nehru Aur Striyon Ke Adhikar . New Delhi: Rajkamal Publication.

4. Smt. Rameshwari Nehru was a “zenana-educated” Kashmiri Brahmin from Lahore. She married Brijlal Nehru in 1902; later, she moved to Allahabad with her husband to a politically prosperous family. Rameshwari Nehru stepped towards revolutionary decisions with the encouragement and support of her female family members and started her career as a chief editor of the magazine (Stree Darpan).

5. GUPTA, C. (2015). “Innocent” Victims/’Guilty’ Migrants: Hindi public sphere, caste and indentured women in colonial North India. Modern Asian Studies, 49(5), 1345–1674. http://www.jstor.org/stable/24495433.

6. “The Women’s Indian Association formed in Madras by Annie Besant, Margret Cousins and Jeena Raja Dasa to liberate women from their awful situation”. Venkatraman, V. (2020). “Liberation of Women: Activities of Women’s Indian Association in Colonial Tamilnadu, 1917–1945.” p.12.

7. The National Council of Women in India was established by Lady Mehrabai Tata in the year of 1923. She was the wife of Sir Dorab Tata. She also chaired the executive committee of the Bombay council.

8. The All India Women Conference was formed in 1927 by Margret cousins in Pune. This organization was especially focused on women’s education. Basu, A, and Bharati, R. (1990). “Women’s Struggle a History of the All India Women’s Conference, 1927–1990.”.

9. Pande, R. (2018). “The History of Feminism and Doing Gender in India”. Revista Estudos Feministas 26.

10. Nijhawan, S. (2011). “Women and Girls in the Hindi Public Sphere: Periodical literature in colonial north India”, Oxford University Press.

11. Orsini, F. (2009). ‘The Hindi public sphere 1920–1940: Language and literature in the age of nationalism. Oxford University Press.

12. Mukul, A. (2019). Gita Press and the Making of Hindu India-Foot soldier of the Sangh parivar.

13. Talwar, V. Bharat. (1989). “Feminist consciousness in women’s journals in Hindi, 1910–1920.” Recasting women: Essays in colonial history: pp.204–232.

14. Chand published its most popular and controversial issue in November 1928. Acharya Chatrusen Shashtri edited this special issue of Chand. The British government banned it because of fear of rebellious voices. Such kind of revolutionary literature leads to prohibition. The information of this special issue of Chand pierced the veil of British atrocities perpetrated on the nationalists imprisoned under capital punishment. (Chand November, 1928).

15. Bharat Dharma Mahamandala’ was an eminent Hindu society initiated by Pt. Dindayalu Sharma. It was formed in Haridwar in 1887. The main objective of the organization was to defend Hindu orthodoxy. Whether they lay outside or within Hinduism, for details, see. Jones, W. Kenneth (1989). “Socio-religious reform movements in British India”. Vol. 1. Cambridge University Press.

16. Sahgal, Ramrakh Singh, (April 1923), “Vidhwaon Ki Durdasha”, Chand, 497–498, for this reference, p.497.

17. Kumari Sukhlata Devi. (April 1923), “Bhartiya Vidhwaon Ka Jeevan” (“Life of Indian Widows”), Chand, pp.436–437.

18. Ibid, p.436.

19. Kya samaj ne vidhwaon ko sati-chita se mukt isliye kiya hai ki unhe us se adhik yatrna poorn chita par umra bhar jalaya kare? ‘Kumari Sukhlata,(April 1923), Chand, p., 436.).

20. Ibid, p.437.

21. Ibid, p.437.

22. It is the death of Hindu society, and there are evil practices that follow, due to which the widow’s life is like after half dead, for this reference, Ibid, p.436.

23. Ibid, p.437.

24. Ibid.p.437.

25. Smt. Padmabai Sanjeevrai. (April, 1923),“Vidhwaon ke Karya” “Work of widows”, Chand, p.439.

26. Ibid, p.439.

27. Gupta. C. (2001), “Sexuality, obscenity, community: Women, Muslims, and the Hindu public in Colonial India”, Orient Black Swan.

28. Chand. (April 1923) pp.504–05.

29. Chand. (April 1923) pp.506–507.

30. Kshatriya is a part of the Varna system; they fall under the second position and protect society from external attacks. They are counted in the great Hindu military caste.

31. Ramlal Jhelam narrated the story of his mother in Chand, April 1923 Issue.

32. Chand, April 1923, p.486.

33. Ibid, p.486.

34. Ganneri, R. Namrta. (2013). “Perspectives on Women and Communal Politics in South Asia.” Women’s Links 19, no.3 pp.1–11.

35. Mehta, B. & Shah, T. (1992). “Gender and Communal Riots.” Economic and Political Weekly 27, no.47. pp.2522–2524.

36. Gupta, C. (1998). “Articulating Hindu Masculinity and Femininity: ‘Shuddhi’ and ‘Sangathan Movements’ in United Provinces in the 1920s.” Economic and Political Weekly 33, no.13. pp. 727–735.

37. Ibid, p.732.

38. Ramrakh Singh Sahgal. (November, 1923), “Chand Ki Niti Par Apeksha” (Obligation on Chand policy). Chand, pp.10–13.

39. Chand, November 1923. p.12.

40. Ibid, p.12.

41. Ibid, p.12.

42. Ibid, p.12.

43. Ibid, p.12.

44. Gupta. C. (2001). Sexuality, obscenity, community: Women, Muslims, and the Hindu public in Colonial India, Orient Black Swan.pp.198–199.

45. Chand, November 1923. p.12.

46. “The situation in which our society is entangled today or the misfortunes that are present in the society by widows, we can hardly see them with these eyes as a social reformer”, Chand, November 1923 p.12.

47. Out of the house for young widows leads to adopting a prostitution move towards Islam or Christianity, pushing our country and society into social collapse, see reference on p.12.