The socio-pragmatic analysis of Amharic Euphemisms of women

Abstract

This study investigated the socio-pragmatic analysis of Amharic euphemisms of women within the frameworks of politeness and relevance theories. The investigation was carried out using a descriptive-qualitative methodology. To accomplish the objective, data were gathered from Amharic native speakers using semi-structured interviews, focus group discussion, and introspection. Hence, using snowball and purposive sampling techniques, informants of elders and youths, males and females, educated and uneducated, urban and rural residences were chosen. The data were analyzed based on the research objectives. Results show that native Amharic speakers believed that it was improper to discuss women’s issues in public, including virginity, pregnancy, menstruation, delivery, abortion, menopause, wife, concubine, and prostitute, at the research areas’ churches, mosques, homes, schools, and hospital realms. Instead, they employed different euphemistic construction mechanisms. In addition, people in the study settings used various euphemistic construction techniques including metaphor, metonymy, idiom, borrowing, circumlocution, overstatement, and understatement. The results also show that research participants in the study locations used a variety of euphemistic formation strategies to avoid taboo utterances, to maintain face, and to demonstrate respect.

Keywords:

• socio-pragmatics
• taboos
• euphemisms
• figure of speech
• women’s issues
• euphemistic construction strategies and face

Public interest statement

The Socio-Pragmatic Study of Amharic Euphemisms of Women is discussed in this paper, which is appropriate for non-specialist readers for a number of reasons. First of all, since women’s issues are amenable to discussion in every setting, the subject is sensitive to everyone. The title, Socio-Pragmatic Study of Amharic Euphemisms of Women, replaces the crude, direct, unpleasant, unattractive, and improper terms. People from all backgrounds are therefore curious to hear desirable, charming, and pleasant expressions. Also, because the researchers employed IPA (International Phonetic Alphabets) to translate the Amharic phrases so that they would be accessible to all non-specialist readers, everyone may comprehend the euphemistic statements of women. The researchers also translated the euphemistic terms literally and used their conventional or contextual meaning. In conclusion, because the researchers used the International Phonetic Alphabet for larger communications, even readers who are not experts can grasp the text.

Introduction

Euphemisms are conventional figures of speech that people in different cultures use to mitigate fear, shame, disgust, disagreements, and quarrelsome behavior. Euphemism is the use of an indirect way of speaking. It exists in all societies and is widely used by speakers. Roundabout expressions are given through euphemism to express undesirable matters. So, the main motivation behind euphemism is to avoid expressing linguistic taboos (Allan & Burridge, 2006).

People in many parts of the world often avoid using words and expressions, which are unpleasant, in appropriate, or embarrassing for themselves or for the people to whom they are speaking. People use euphemistic expressions to avoid taboos unconsciously. This explains that the use of euphemisms to maintain social relationship is inevitable. Euphemisms refer to means of sweet talking. The three principal factors that are motivating the use of euphemisms are “fear, shame, and disgust” (Bakhtiar, 2012).

Euphemisms are used in sensitive issues where direct speaking is uncomfortable, like death, defecation, diseases, sexual organs, sexual acts, and women’s issues, which include menstruation, menopause, virginity, pregnancy, delivery, abortion, concubine, wife, and prostitute. Euphemisms are words used to mitigate the potentially negative impact of unpleasant expressions. During communication, speakers try to minimize the potentially offensive effect of expressions that are used. Thus, euphemism is used to avoid mentioning any expression that might disturb the harmony of the conversation (Arif, 2015).

Many researchers have conducted extensive research on the phonology, morphology, and syntax of the Amharic micro-linguistics. On the semantics and pragmatics of Amharic, there are few works. For instance, Yimam (1997) studied “the pragmatics of greetings, felicitation, and condolence expressions in four Ethiopian languages,” Arutie (2020) investigated “the semantics and pragmatics of spatial expressions in Amharic,” Arutie (2021) also conducted a study on “Amharic Conceptions of Life and Death: A Perspective from Cognitive Semantics”, Gebriel (2020) researched “the semantics and pragmatics of Amharic bəgəna lyrics,” Ado (2016) conducted “metaphors of time in Amharic,” and Hussen (2017) investigated “the socio-linguistic study of Amharic. Hence, Hussen’s research did not reveal any taboos in Amhara regarding women’s issues, such as virginity, delivery, menstruation, abortion, menopause, pregnancy, prostitute, concubine, and wife. Nonetheless, the results of this study show that women’s issues were stigmatized. As a result, people in the study areas employed various euphemistic construction techniques to steer clear of these offensive words. The socio-pragmatic analysis of Amharic euphemisms of women, on the other hand, is the main subject of the current study. The socio-pragmatic analysis of Amharic euphemisms of women has therefore not been done. The researcher was therefore inspired to do research to fill the gap.

The main objective of this study is to investigate the socio-pragmatic analysis of Amharic euphemisms of women. Specifically, the study has the following objectives:

1. To identify euphemisms related to women’s issues.

2. To uncover the different euphemistic construction strategies

3. To identify why people in the study areas use euphemisms instead of taboo expressions.

Theoretical frameworks

Relevance theory

Relevance theory depends on cognitive and communicative principles. The cognitive principle states that human cognition is conveyed towards the maximization of relevance. The maximization of relevance means that cognitive mechanisms, which constitute the cognitive system, behave towards cost-benefit optimization, or towards reaching the highest benefit at the lowest possible cost. The communicative principle, on the other hand, states that utterances create an expectation of favorable relevance. This theory is used to show how metaphors function in a context to bring about the meaning the speaker wants to convey (Sperber & Wilson, 1986).

This theory is a cognition-centered pragmatic approach to human communication that is based on the hypothesis that human beings have a single advanced mental capacity to look for the most relevant information from received stimuli. The main assumption of the theory is that human beings are endowed with a biologically rooted ability to maximize the relevance of incoming stimuli (linguistic utterances or nonverbal behavior). Relevance is not only a typical property of external stimuli but also of internal representations and thoughts, all of which may become inputs for cognitive processing (Sperber & Wilson, 1986).

The relevant theory views ostensive utterances as achieving relevance through the transfer of information, which produces contextual effects in the cognitive systems of their addresses. The ostensive stimulus is relevant enough for it to be worth the hearer’s effort to process it. The ostensive stimulus is the most relevant one compatible with the speaker’s abilities and preferences. The speaker has preferences regarding the choice of utterances for conveying thoughts; as regards concealing euphemisms, this means that, in utterances, the speaker chooses euphemistic words and expressions. Besides, the notion of context is central to relevance theory, since what is relevant is that which produces tangible contextual effects or penetrates the contextual discourse. The basic idea of relevance theory is neither entirely psychological nor epistemic, though it admits a modicum of both. It aims at providing a theory that is psychologically and psycho-linguistically realistic but not overly so (Sperber & Wilson, 1986).

The expressions virginity, menstruation, pregnancy, delivery, abortion, menopause, prostitution, concubine, and wife directly are all considered to be dreadful, horrible, and repulsive in Amhara culture. So, it was frowned upon to use those words in public. Thus, the inhabitants of Debre Markos, Lummamie, and Gindewoyin woredas, avoided using the banned expressions. Instead, they used acceptable, relevance, and courteous expressions. In order to avoid taboo expressions, maintain face, and demonstrate politeness, society should employ appropriate and relevant euphemistic expressions.

Politeness theory

This study employed politeness theory, which was introduced by Brown and Levinson (1987), about the notion of ‘face,” to illustrate “politeness” in the broad sense. That is, all “interlocutors” have an interest in maintaining two types of “face” during interaction, which include “positive face” and “negative face”. Their work on politeness theory is considered to be the most important and comprehensive work on pragmatic politeness. The reason people decide which form of politeness to use in a particular context depends on factors such as distance between participants, their relative status, and the formality of the context (Brown & Levinson, 1987).

Politeness is an international notion. Every language and culture has its own way of showing respect, avoiding taboo expressions, saving face, and reducing the negative effect of unpleasant expressions (Brown & Levinson, 1987). Therefore, the Amhara society in the research areas uses various euphemistic construction strategies such as understatement, overstatement, metaphor, idiom, and borrowing for showing respect, mitigating the shameful and disgusting power of women’s issues, and showing politeness because the main motivation for using euphemistic expression is to show politeness.

In a nutshell, politeness theory and relevance theory are related in their pragmatic approach to euphemisms. In other words, courtesy is the primary driving force behind indirect speech acts. Euphemisms are used to express courtesy and preserve the listener’s good impression. Similar to this, people can keep the listener’s face by using appropriate and relevant expressions, which is a sign of politeness. Hence, politeness theory searches for the most relevant information from incoming stimuli. That is said to be relevance theory. Euphemisms, relevance theory, and politeness theory are all related. For instance, listeners and audiences experience less dread, embarrassment, and disgust when speakers use appropriate euphemistic terms to discuss women’s issues. In other words, the more appropriate and relevant euphemistic expressions people employ, the more they appear courteous and save the listeners’ faces.

Research methodology

The study used the descriptive-qualitative method. Qualitative research aims to explain complicated events by means of verbal descriptions (Patton, 2002). Likewise, euphemisms are complicated cultural phenomena that need verbal description to convey relevant meaning. Hence, this study employed a descriptive qualitative research design.

The first-hand data were collected from native speakers of Amharic who are found in Debre Markos, Lumammie, and Gindewoyin woredas. The researchers used purposive and snowball sampling techniques to select informants and purposive sampling to select the research locations. According to Llamas et al. (2007), when people use probability sampling like simple random sampling, they cannot distinguish between native speakers and non-native speakers, and between volunteer and non-volunteer participants. On the other hand, when people use purposive and snowball sampling techniques, the researchers know the type of speakers required for the study and seek out speakers who fulfill specific criteria to fill in certain quotas. So, the researcher employed these sampling techniques. Furthermore, to gather data from informants, the researchers used focus group discussions, semi-structured interviews, and introspection as data-collecting instruments. Furthermore, the data were analyzed based on the research objectives.

Euphemisms related to women

People identified taboo topics to safeguard women. The people categorized three major taboo topics related to sex in the Arab world, which include virginity, menstruation, and menopause (Sadiqi, 2003). Furthermore, virginity is a symbol of respect for both girls and their families. Just as motherhood is respected after marriage, virginity is respected before marriage. The great value attributed to virginity is attested to by the fact that girls are more watched than boys before marriage. On the other hand, menstruation has for many years been considered something dirty and shameful. In some societies, for example, women are treated as untouchable during their menstrual period (Sadiqi, 2003).

Menstruation is usually considered a face-threatening act since it comprises various degrees of shame based on the people who express it. Like menstruation, menopause is an important issue for women since they fear it and tend to hide its beginning. Indeed, some women even try not to discuss the problem. This psychological step leads into a moral crisis including sadness and anger (Brown & Levinson, 1978).

Euphemisms related to Virginity

Virginity, in the opinion of Sadiqi (2003), demonstrates respect for both girls and their parents. Likewise, discussing women’s issues openly is frowned upon in the Amhara culture of the study locations. As a result, individuals substitute euphemistic terms. Below are some euphemistic terms used in the research areas in relation to virginity. For instance, it is considered shameful taboo in the study areas to use the words dɨngɨl nat “she is virgin” and hɨgg allat ‘she is virgin. Thus, language users adopt the euphemistic expressions listed below to replace those prohibited words and phrases:

(1) a.          kɨbɨrǝ nɨs’ɨhnaw -an     jǝ-  t’ǝbǝk’ -ǝʧʧ        honor  clear  -3FSG    REL-  secured-3FSG         Lit: ‘one who secured her virginity’         ‘She is virgin’

b.         jǝ-  al-       tǝnǝkk  -ǝʧʧ   REL- NEG-  touch  -3FSG   Lit: ‘one who is untouched’   ‘She is virgin’.

c.         iras -u-an                jǝ-    t’ǝbǝk’ -ǝʧʧ   self-3FSG: DEF-3FSG REL-  keep  -3FSGLit: ‘one who kept herself’   ‘She is virgin’.

d.         wǝnɨd  -jǝ  -ma  tawɨk’   Male -REL -NEG knowLit: ‘one who doesn’t know male’.   ‘She is virgin’.

The phrase in (1a) is called circumlocution, and it is utilized in contexts including churches, homes, mosques, and schools. Elder males and females in urban and rural locations, both literate and illiterate, preferred to use the word in (1a). This expression’s denotative meaning depicts a person who maintains her safety. Yet, the conventional connotation in this case refers to a virgin. This phrase is used to express admiration for a woman when someone wants to propose marriage to her. The circumlocutions in (1b), (1c), and (1d) are also utilized in the contexts of the church and the home. The literal definitions show three different people: one who maintains her dignity and safety, one who is not familiar with men, and one who is not touched by anyone respectively. However, language users in the research locations utilize the terms in (1b), (1c), and (1d) to refer to virgins in both contextual and conventional usage. Both males and females use these expressions to describe the actions of girls who have never engaged in sexual activity with a man. According to respondents, people do not consider dɨngɨl nat ‘she is virgin as forbidden in hospital settings. Consequently, people can use the phrase dɨngɨl nat “she is virgin” without being upset. As a result, the Amhara communities in the studied areas use a variety of euphemistic construction tactics to lessen guilt, uphold social norms and cultural traditions stay fearless, and live in peace.

Euphemisms related to taking of virginity

When a female gave away her virginity on different times, the Amhara people in the study areas utilized a variety of euphemistic expressions. It is improper to use the terms k’əddədə “he holed” and bət’t’sə “he snapped” in public. They replaced these with the following euphemistic phrases.

(2) a.         dingilinnawa -n wəssəd -əvirginity -ACC take -PRF:3MSGLit:“he took her virginity”.“He took her virginity”.

b.      kɨbɨrǝnɨs’ɨhɨnna -wa tǝgǝssǝs -ǝSecured clear −3FSG crumble -PRF-3MSGLit: “Her virginity has been crumbled”.“He took her virginity”.

c.      bɨrrambar sǝbbǝr   -ǝbracelet break      -PRF: 3MSGLit: “he broke bracelet”.“He took her virginity”.

d.      hɨg adǝrǝs   -ǝ.law achieve −3MSGLit: “he achieved law”.“He took her virginity”.

The phrases in (2a) and (2b) are also circumlocutions that are commonly used in mosques, homes, churches, and school settings. Elder males and females, both educated and illiterate, used those expressions whenever someone took a female’s virginity. (2a) exactly refers to a person who took her virginity. While (2b) directly refers to a female whose virginity has been lost. However, these expressions’ indirect meanings focus on giving up virginity. The Amhara society used the expressions like in (2a) and (2b) to avoid the taboo language and to be courteous because mentioning k’əddədə “he holed” and bət’t’sə “he snapped” in public cause pain to the audiences.

The idiomatic expressions in (2c) and (2d) are used by people in a variety of settings, including homes, churches, and schools. When a female lost her virginity during the marriage, people would use those terms. Although the statement in (2c) literally refers to breaking a bracelet, its idiomatic connotation refers to a bride who lost her virginity during the wedding. Additionally, the phrase in (2d) refers to a person who has attained law in its literal sense. Yet, the expression’s idiomatic meaning in this case denotes that the person who took the women’s virginity at the moment of marriage. So, Amharic native speakers employed those euphemistic construction techniques to hide the taboo expression and prevent face injury. The terms k’əddədə “he holed” and bət’t’sə “he snapped”, which are not used by those who worked in hospitals. They substituted these with circumlocution, like in (2a). As a result, language users in the study areas employed a variety of euphemistic construction techniques to lessen the vexing, revolting, and shocking impact of the taboo words.

Euphemisms related to a birth giver women’s sexual intercourse

Stating “fucked” in Amharic is considered to be a horrible taboo if a woman gave birth and had sexual contact with her husband for the first time. Instead, the people in the study areas use the following euphemistic terms.

(3)         mɨt’ad sǝbbǝr-ǝgriddle break-PRF: 3MSGLit: “he broke griddle”.“He made relationship with her”.

The Amhara community in the study locations outright forbids using the word “fucked” in Amharic when referring to a birth giver lady in public. They substituted this phrase with a metaphorical statement like in (3). This expression’s actual meaning indicates that a griddle was broken. Yet, in this context, the metaphorical meaning indicates that someone had their first sexual encounter with a lady who had just given birth. Language users in the research areas substituted this expression for terms like having sex, sexing, performing sex, and so forth while speaking with their peers and in public. Thus, the people used this tactic to hide their embarrassment and to promote communication.

Euphemisms related to pregnancy

Pregnancy is another topic that is prohibited in the study areas for women. Pregnancy is associated with sickness and death in the minds of many, and its effects on the fetus are seen as potentially painful. Many individuals thought that becoming pregnant and giving birth were traumatic and terrible experiences (Lepp, 2010). As a result, many substitute other euphemistic words for the term pregnant. In polite conversation, the term pregnancy is typically avoided (Alego & Pyles, 2009). In Amhara culture, a pregnant woman is held in high regard. Whenever she goes, a lot of people show respect. If they don’t do this, it will be seen as disrespecting the social norm. Several topics relating to pregnant women were frowned upon in the Amhara culture. As a result, it is improper to use the word iriguz “pregnant” in public. They substitute the following euphemisms in its place:

(4) a.         nǝfisǝ t’ur     natsoul support COP: 3SGFLit: “She is the supporter of soul”“She is pregnant”.

b.        k’ɨrrit    natremain COP: 3SGFLit: “she is remained”.“She is pregnant”.

c.        jǝ- s’ǝnǝs       -ǝʧʧ   -natREL- conceive-3FSG -COP: 3SGFLit: “one who is conceived”“She is pregnant”.

d.         wǝrǝ gǝb natmonth approaching COP: 3SGFLit: “one who is a month approaching”“She is pregnant”.

c.         dǝkkama    natWeak        COP: 3SGFLit: “she is weak”.“She is pregnant”.

d.         jɨzall-ǝʧʧCatch -PRF: 3FSGLit: “she has caught”.“she is pregnant”

e.         bǝ-hodwa     k’ǝrraby- stomach remainLit: remains in her stomach.“She is pregnant”.

The taboo term ɨrɨguz “pregnant” is not used by native speakers of the language in the research locations. Instead, when pregnancy is widely recognized, people across all social settings instead employ metaphorical term such as in (4a). Though the metaphoric meaning describe one who is pregnant, its exact meaning indicates one who supports the soul. Whereas, when the woman’s pregnancy is not clearly known, language users in the contexts of churches, mosques, and homes realms use idiomatic expression as in (4b). Explicitly, it indicates one who is remaining. However, conventionally, the idiomatic meaning of this expression describes a pregnant woman. But for expressing the early-pregnant woman, language users across all social domains used circumlocution, as in (4c). The exact meaning indicates one who is conceived. On the other hand, the conventional meaning of the expression as in (4c) means pregnant.

Amharic native speakers employ idiomatic expression as in (4d), when a lady is about to give birth in the study locations such as churches, mosques, homes, and schools use this expression. Its actual meaning refers to one who has a month approaching. However, the contextual and idiomatic meaning of this expression is pregnant. It is rude to refer to women who are not yet ready to have children by the phrase in (4d). Hence, instead of stating ɨriguz “pregnant” people in the research areas use euphemism like in (4d) to demonstrate courtesy.

Elders who are illiterate and can be found in rural areas, such as in the church and homes realms, avoid using the word ɨriguz “pregnant” in public. They instead rely on metaphor, as in (4e). This expression’s literal meaning implies that someone is frail due to advancing age. However, the contextual interpretation of this expression refers to a pregnant woman. When the woman’s pregnancy is obvious, language users, particularly in rural areas, use this expression. Therefore, there is a connection between being weak and being pregnant because a pregnant woman exhibits weakness in all of her activities. Similar to how a senior citizen will be feeble in every circumstance. Similar to this, the Amhara people in home settings, in rural areas use metaphor in their everyday speech, such as in (4f). This expression’s literal meaning denotes someone who has caught something. This expression’s contextual meaning denotes a pregnant woman. The term used in (4 g) is a circumlocution. This expression is also employed in the home settings. Literally, it means that something has continued to exist in her stomach. On the other hand, the expression’s contextual use in this context indicates that someone is pregnant. To be courteous and avoid using a banned expression, language users use those expressions.

Euphemisms related to menstruation

Menstruation was viewed as disgusting and filthy. Females must therefore defend themselves, and menstruation may have originated from a thirst for blood (Goldschmidt, 1934). Menstruation was referred to as “courses,” “habit of women,” “flowers,” “gift” or “benefit of nature,” “months,” and “times common to woman” (Read, 2013, p. 8).

Menstruation is classified by “indisposition, aversion, color, periodicity, visitor, and references to sanitary protection,” (Allan & Burridge, 0000, p. 81). Menstruation is also frowned upon in the study places. The following euphemisms are used by native Amharic speakers in the study areas in place of the word adǝf “menstruation”.

(5) a.         jǝ- wǝr        abǝbaREL- month flowerLit: “one which is the flower of a month”.“Menstruation”

b.         jǝ- wǝrɨn      ɨgɨdaREL- month guestLit: “one which is the guest of a month”“Menstruation”

c.         jǝ- set          -oʧʧ gudajREL- woman -PL affairLit: “women’s affair”“Menstruation”

d.         jǝ- set          -oʧʧ gɨdetaREL- women -PL dutyLit: “one which is the duty of a woman”“Menstruation”

e.         periodMenstruation“Menstruation”

According to the respondents’ responses, it is forbidden to use the word adǝf “menstruation” in public settings such as mosque, hospital, home, and school. Instead, they use overstatement like (5a). This expression’s literal meaning states that anything is a month’s blossom. Yet, the conventional meaning of this phrase in this context is menstruation. The phrase in (5b) is a metaphor that is employed in the context of homes, mosques, and churches. Although the phrase’s literal meaning refers to a month’s guest, its context-sensitive interpretation denotes menstruation. Menstruation occurs only once a month, so it is comparable to someone visiting the house once a month. Metaphor is the term for this type of thought replacement. On the other hand, individuals inside the realm of schools forbid uttering the word adǝf “menstruation” in public. They substitute circumlocution, as shown in (5c) and (5d). These terms refer to women’s affairs and women’s duties, respectively, in their literal sense. While its usual connotation describes menstruation in this case. Yet, in order to avoid taboo, persons in the hospital and school realms borrow as in (5e) as opposed to using the word adǝf “menstruation” in public. As a result, language users employ a variety of euphemistic construction techniques to avoid the offensive phrase and be polite.

Euphemisms related to delivery

Many people, according to Lepp (2010), thought that because women experience such significant suffering during pregnancy and childbirth, cultures are afraid to talk about it. Similar to this, no one in the research locations directly referred to wǝllǝdǝʧʧ’ “delivered” in public. Instead, they employ the following euphemisms:

(6) a.         tǝgǝlaggǝl -ǝʧʧdisentangle −3FSGLit: “she disentangled”.“She delivered”.

b.         ajn^wa-n bajn^wa ajjǝ -ʧʧeye-Acc by eye see −3FSGLit: “she saw her eyes”.“She gave birth”.

c.         hulǝt honǝ -ʧʧtwo become −3FSGLit; “she became two”.“She delivered”.

The expression in (6a) is circumlocution. The literal meaning refers to someone has disentangled. Yet, its contextual meaning indicates someone gave birth. Elders from various social strata and geographical locations use the expression as shown in (6a) above to lessen the stigma attached to the word wǝllǝdǝʧʧ’ “delivered.” However, in the hospital realms, individuals use both wǝllǝdǝʧʧ’ “delivered” and the expression from (6a) because, according to the informants, they do not view them as improper. Furthermore, research participants in the domains of homes, schools, churches, and mosques use idiomatic speech, as described in (6b). Although the precise meaning in this context shows that someone gave birth, the literal meaning expresses that someone beheld her eyes with their eyes. So, elder men and women in both rural and urban settings employ this tactic to mask the anguish of the new mother.

Native Amharic speakers in the research locations substitute the metaphor offered in (6c) for the word wǝllǝdǝʧʧ’ “delivered” in all social realms outside of the hospital domains. This expression’s literal meaning is that someone became two. On the other hand, in this context, the expression’s contextual meaning denotes childbirth because a woman becomes two when she gives birth. They utilize metaphors in this instance to both escape the dread that she was experiencing and to be polite.

Euphemisms related to abortion

Language users in the research locations also thought that discussing abortion was taboo. Many believed that abortion was a sinful act that shouldn’t be practiced in public. Furthermore, they said that abortion results in the death of the fetus. In other words, it is a method of murdering creatures. Thus, it should be prohibited since it is sinful. Thus, the phrase aswǝrǝdǝʧʧ “she aborted” is not used by people. In contrast, people in the study region instead use a variety of euphemisms, such as:

(7) a.         s’ɨns aswǝt’t’ -aʧʧembryo evict -PRF: 3FSGLit: “she evicted embryo”.“She aborted”.

b.         s’ɨns ak’^warrǝt’ -ǝʧʧembryo cancel -PRF: 3FSGLit: “she cancelled embryo”.“She aborted”.

In all social spheres, elder men and women in many locales view the phrase aswǝrǝdǝʧʧ “she aborted” as taboo. Instead, they employ circumlocution, as in (7a) and (7b). Although the formal meanings of these terms indicate that an embryo is expunged and cancelled, respectively, the contextual senses of these idioms in these settings describe abortion. Hence, native Amharic speakers in the research locations and in the different social domains employ these techniques to sidestep the taboo subject of abortion and to maintain their dignity.

Euphemisms related to menopause

Menopause is the other women’s concern that people in the research locations are not allowed to discuss ɨrrɨt’at “menopause” in public. In two ways, menopause is described as a loss of control. The first is that the women believe they have no control over the physiological and psychological changes they associate with menopause. The women also believe that menopause is the primary cause of their deteriorating health and attractiveness as they age and that they have no control over these changes (Christofour, 2014). As a result, research participants believed it was improper to refer to arrǝt’ǝʧʧ “she is going through menopause” in public. They used the following euphemisms instead:

(8) a.         mǝwlǝd jǝ- ak’omǝ  -ʧʧGiving REL- stop     −3FSGLit: “one who stopped giving birth”“One who is menopause”

b.         jǝ- wǝr abǝba majǝt jǝ- ak’omǝ -ʧʧREL—month flower see REL- stop −3FSGLit: “one who stopped seeing menstruation”“One who is menopause”

Because it is a degrading expression, elder males and females, in all social realms avoid uttering arrǝt’ǝʧʧ “she is going through menopause” in public. Instead, they use circumlocutions like those in (8a) and (8b). The phrase in (8a) literally refers to a woman who has stopped delivering babies. Nevertheless, its contextual usage denotes a menopausal woman. In addition, the phrase’s literal meaning in (8b) refers to a person who doesn’t observe menstruation. Nonetheless, the context of this term suggests that this person is going through menopause. So, language users employ these processes to uphold civility and avoid shame-based taboos.

Euphemisms related to wife

In Amhara culture, especially in the research regions, it is forbidden to use the word miste “my wife” in public. Instead, they employ the following euphemisms:

(9) a.         wuha at’t’aʧ’e water drinkLit: “one who drinks water with me”“My wife”

b.         balǝ    beteowner houseLit: “one who is the owner of my house”“My wife”

c.         jǝ- tid     araggareREL- live shareLit: “one who shares my living”“My wife”

d.         jǝ- liʤ      innateREL- child motherLit: “the mother of my child”“My wife”

Elderly men who are present in both urban and rural settings in the contexts of the church and the home are embarrassed to use the word miste “my wife” in public. Instead, they employ circumlocution, as in (9a), which literally translates to one who makes me drink water. On the other hand, this word can also be used to refer to my wife contextually. Similar to this, people do not use the word miste “my wife”, in public settings such as churches, homes, mosques, schools, and hospitals. They substitute understatement, as in (9b). This expression’s literal meaning denotes the person who owns my home. Yet, depending on the context, the expression’s usual meaning indicates the person who is my wife. In addition, the word used in (9c) is a circumlocution that literally means one who shares my living. It is used in home, church, hospital, mosque and school realms. However, it refers to my wife in the context. The word used in (9d) is another example of a circumlocution that means, literally, the mother of my child. It is employed in church, home, school and mosque settings. On the other hand, this word can also be used to refer to my wife in this context. To avoid the taboo term, to be courteous, and to save face, language users in the study locations use those euphemistic terms instead of stating miste “my wife” in public.

Euphemisms related to concubine

The Amhara society in the study areas likewise believed that it was improper to use the word wɨʃɨmma “concubine” in public. Instead, they employ the following euphemisms:

(10) a.         ɨk’ubatmistress“Mistress”

b.         kɨmmɨt’mistress“Mistress”

c.         wǝdaʤ  belovedLit:        “beloved”“mistress”

d.         jə-    ʧ’ʧ’in gərədREL- thigh servantLit: “one who is the servant of thigh”“Mistress”

Regarding the respondents’ reaction, elders in every domain of the churches forbid using the term wɨʃɨmma “concubine” in public. Instead of this, they use the metaphor described in (10a), which literally describes someone as a mistress. But, the context-specific meaning of this term denotes a concubine. On the other hand, people who speak the language in their homes do not also speak the word wɨʃɨmma “concubine” in public. They instead rely on metaphor, like in (10 b). Elders in both urban and rural communities who belong to mosques refrain from using the term wɨʃɨmma “concubine” in public. Instead, they employ understatement as described in (10c). This expression’s literal meaning refers to someone who is cherished. On the other hand, the expression’s usual meaning in this context denotes someone who is a mistress for someone.

Elderly people who are illiterate and live in rural locations, particularly in churches and home settings, employ the circumlocution depicted in (10d) instead of pronouncing the word wɨʃɨmma “concubine” in public. This expression’s literal definition is a person who serves a thigh. Yet, the expression’s context-specific meaning refers to someone who is a concubine. Thus, native Amharic speakers in the studied areas employ a variety of euphemistic construction techniques to avoid embarrassment, appear polite, and maintain face.

Euphemisms related to prostitution

The subject of other women’s affairs that is taboo to discuss in public is prostitution. Prostitution is viewed as a guarantor and stabilizer of morality and matrimony in the rest of society (Ringdal, 2004). In addition, “prostitution is when a man uses a woman’s body for sex. It is the mouth, vagina, and anus that have been pierced by a penis, occasionally hands, occasionally objects, and by one guy, then another, then another, and so on” (Dworkin, 1993, p. 2). Prostitutes can represent both men and women, but in the studied locations, people primarily employ them to express women. As a result, it is improper to use the term ʃǝrɨmut’a “prostitute” in public. Instead, language users prefer the following words and phrases:

(11) a.         setǝɲɲ  aadariFemale spend nightLit: “females who spend the night”“One who is a prostitute”

b.         mǝlǝkoprostitute“Prostitute”

c.         zǝmmawiAdulteressLit: “adulteress”“Prostitute”

Elder males and females forbid using ʃǝrɨmut’a “prostitute” in public in many settings and in all social spheres. Instead, they employ circumlocution described in (11a). This expression refers to someone who stays the night in its literal sense. But, in this instance, the contextual definition denotes a prostitute. However, language users located in rural areas in the home realms substitute understatement, as seen in (11b), for the word ʃǝrɨmut’a “prostitute”. This word’s contextual meaning refers to a prostitute. Moreover, research participants in the church realm forbid using ʃǝrɨmut’a “prostitute” in public. Instead, they use idiomatic expression like in (11c). Its literal meaning refers to adulteress. But, the expression’s context-and conventional-based meanings both refer to prostitutes. Hence, language users in many social contexts and fields employ various euphemistic construction tactics to reduce fear, avoid humiliation, hide distaste, and convey respect.

Conclusion

This study examined the socio-pragmatic analysis of Amharic euphemisms of women within politeness and relevance theories. Euphemisms are common figurative speeches that people substitute for taboo terms to avoid using rude or unsuitable terms. Native Amharic speakers were therefore forbidden from directly referring to virginity, pregnancy, menstruation, delivery, abortion, menopause, wives, concubines, and prostitutes in public in the research locations. Instead, they employed a variety of euphemisms. The research participants also used other euphemistic construction tactics, such as metaphors, idioms, circumlocutions, understatements, overstatements, and borrowings, in the realms of churches, mosques, homes, schools, and hospitals. The Amhara society also used these varied euphemistic creation techniques in the many social domains, particularly in the Debre Markos, Lumammie, and Gundewoyin woredas, to avoid taboo utterances, to lessen fear, embarrassment, and disgust, to show politeness, to show respect, and to save face. In conclusion, calling women’s issues directly into public was considered a shameful taboo in Amhara culture. Therefore, as alternatives, elders and youths, men and women, literate and illiterate, urban and rural people used a variety of euphemistic expressions to show their civilizations and to advance the language development.

Abbreviations

Table

3	person	M	masculine
ACC	accusative	PER	perfect
AUX	auxiliary	PL	plural
COP	copula	REL	relative
DEF	definite	SG	singular
F	feminine

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.

Additional information

Notes on contributors

Bamlaku Endegena Zegeye

Bamlaku Endegena Zegeye. I earned BA in English from Debre Markos University, Ethiopia and an MA in linguistics, from Bahir Dar University, Ethiopia. I am the manuscript’s primary author or its corresponding author. I am a PhD student at Addis Ababa University, Ethiopia studying applied linguistics. Socio-pragmatics is the main topic of my research endeavors. I gave presentations on Amharic euphemisms at numerous national and international research conferences. I have received certificates for taking part in several research conferences. Upon the publication of two of my articles derived from my dissertations, I will have earned my doctorate.

Endalew Assefa Temesegen

Endalew Assefa is the second writer. He earned his PhD in descriptive linguistics. He is an associate professor of linguistics. He is my advisor. His primary area of study is descriptive linguistics, especially morphology.

Samuel Handamo Godisso

Samuel Handamo is the third author. He earned his PhD in sociolinguistics. He is an assistant professor of linguistics. He is also my advisor. Sociolinguistics is the main area of his studies.